Volume 9 — PROTEST AGAINST FOREIGN INTERVENTION, AND DECLARATION OF NATIONAL PURPOSE.

Concurrent Resolutions of Congress, reported in the Senate February 28, 1863.

From the beginning of the Rebellion there had been constant anxiety lest foreign powers, especially England and France, should intervene in some way, by diplomacy, if not by arms. As early as July, 1861, Russia made an offer of its good offices between the contending parties, with warm expressions for the integrity of the Union; but these were promptly declined.[148] In October, 1862, the French Emperor instructed his ambassadors at London and St. Petersburg to propose the coöperation of the three Cabinets in obtaining a suspension of arms for six months, and, if required, to be prolonged further, during which every act of war, direct or indirect, should provisionally cease, on sea and land. The Cabinets of England and St. Petersburg both declined the proposition.[149] The French Emperor then proceeded alone. By a despatch of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to M. Mercier, the Minister at Washington, dated January 9, 1863, his good offices were tendered to the United States, in the view of facilitating negotiations between the contending parties; but these were declined by Mr. Seward, in a despatch to Mr. Dayton at Paris, February 6, 1863.[150]

Meanwhile there were suggestions in the English press, and also in Parliament, of intervention in some form. Sometimes it was proposed that the independence of the Rebels should be acknowledged.

The proposition from the French Emperor and the reply of Mr. Seward, being communicated to the Senate, were, on motion of Mr. Sumner, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and February 28th he reported the following resolutions.

Concurrent Resolutions of Congress concerning Foreign Intervention in the existing Rebellion.

Whereas it appears from the diplomatic correspondence submitted to Congress, that a proposition, friendly in form, looking to pacification through foreign mediation, has been made to the United States by the Emperor of the French, and promptly declined by the President; and whereas the idea of mediation or intervention in some shape may be regarded by foreign governments as practicable, and such governments, through this misunderstanding, may be led to proceedings tending to embarrass the friendly relations which now exist between them and the United States; and whereas, in order to remove for the future all chance of misunderstanding on this subject, and to secure for the United States the full enjoyment of that freedom from foreign interference which is one of the highest rights of independent states, it seems fit that Congress should manifest its convictions thereon: Therefore—

Resolved (the House of Representatives concurring), That, while in times past the United States have sought and accepted the friendly mediation or arbitration of foreign powers for the pacific adjustment of international questions, where the United States were party of the one part and some other sovereign power party of the other part; and while they are not disposed to misconstrue the natural and humane desire of foreign powers to aid in arresting domestic troubles, which, widening in influence, have afflicted other countries, especially in view of the circumstance, deeply regretted by the American people, that the Rebel blow aimed at the national life has fallen heavily upon the laboring population of Europe; yet, notwithstanding these things, Congress cannot hesitate to regard every proposition of foreign interference so far unreasonable and inadmissible, that its only explanation can be found in a misunderstanding of the true state of the question, and of the real character of the war in which the Republic is engaged.

Resolved, That the United States are grappling with an unprovoked and wicked Rebellion, which is seeking the destruction of the Republic, that it may build a new power, whose corner-stone, according to the confession of its chiefs, shall be Slavery; that for the suppression of this Rebellion, thus saving the Republic and preventing the establishment of such a power, the National Government is employing armies and fleets, in full faith that the purposes of conspirators and rebels will be crushed; that, while engaged in this struggle, on which so much depends, any proposition from a foreign power, whatever form it take, having for object the arrest of these efforts, is, just in proportion to its influence, an encouragement to the Rebellion, and to its declared pretensions, and on this account is calculated to prolong and embitter the conflict, to cause increased expenditure of blood and treasure, and to postpone the much desired day of peace; that, with these convictions, and not doubting that every such proposition, although made with good intent, is injurious to the national interests, Congress will be obliged to look upon any further attempt in the same direction as an unfriendly act, which it earnestly deprecates, to the end that nothing may occur abroad to strengthen the Rebellion, or to weaken those relations of good-will with foreign powers which the United States are happy to cultivate.

Resolved, That the Rebellion, from its beginning, and far back even in the conspiracy which preceded its outbreak, was encouraged by hope of support from foreign powers; that its chiefs constantly represented the people of Europe as so far dependent upon regular supplies of the great Southern staple, that, sooner or later, their governments would be constrained to take side with the Rebellion in some effective form, even to the extent of forcible intervention, if the milder form did not prevail; that the Rebellion is now sustained by this hope, which every proposition of foreign interference quickens anew, and that without this life-giving support it must soon yield to the just and paternal authority of the National Government; that, considering these things, which are aggravated by the motive of the resistance thus encouraged, the United States regret that foreign powers have not frankly told the chiefs of the Rebellion that the work in which they are engaged is hateful, and that a new government, such as they seek to found, with Slavery as its acknowledged corner-stone, and with no other declared object of separate existence, is so far shocking to civilization and the moral sense of mankind that it must not expect welcome or recognition in the Commonwealth of Nations.

Resolved, That the United States, confident in the justice of their cause, which is the cause of good government and of human rights everywhere among men, anxious for the speedy restoration of peace, which shall establish tranquillity at home and remove all occasion of complaint abroad, and awaiting with well-assured trust the final suppression of the Rebellion, through which all these things, rescued from present peril, will be secured forever, and the Republic, one and indivisible, triumphant over its enemies, will continue an example to mankind, hereby announce, as their unalterable purpose, that the war will be vigorously prosecuted, according to the humane principles of Christian nations, until the Rebellion is overcome; and they reverently invoke upon their cause the blessing of Almighty God.

Resolved, That the President be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions, through the Secretary of State, to the ministers of the United States in foreign countries, that the protest and declaration herein set forth may be communicated by them to the governments near which they reside.

March 3d, on motion of Mr. Sumner, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolutions. In reply to Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, he remarked: “The resolutions speak for themselves, and I content myself by simply asking for a vote.” Then, in reply to Mr. Carlile, of West Virginia, he said: “These resolutions proceed from the spontaneous deliberations of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, without a suggestion or hint from the Secretary of State or from any member of the Administration; but I am able to state, that, since the resolutions have been reported, they have the entire and cordial approval of the Secretary of State, who has authorized me to say that he takes a special interest in their adoption by Congress.”

The resolutions passed the Senate by a vote of 31 yeas to 5 nays. On the same day they passed the House of Representatives,—Yeas 103, Nays 28.

Being concurrent resolutions of the two Houses, and not a joint resolution, they were never submitted to the President for approval; but, according to the request in the last resolution, they were communicated by the Secretary of State in an official note to our ministers abroad.

The reception of these resolutions at the time will appear by an extract from the Evening Post of New York.

“Mr. Sumner’s resolutions, which have so triumphantly passed the National Legislature, and which receive at the same time the cordial approval of the President and the Cabinet, will deepen and justify the feeling in our favor. They define our position with a distinctness that has not always been attained in our official acts. They describe boldly and vividly the nature of the Rebellion which has destroyed our peace, tracing it wholly to the ambition and selfishness of the Slaveholders, and warning foreign nations of the awful crime they commit in lending their aid to such an infamous assault upon all the principles of orderly government, all the rights of humanity, and all the best interests of Christian civilization. Every reflective mind in Europe will know, after reading them, that whatever encourages the Rebellion will encourage the most odious tyranny that human cupidity ever devised.”

The speech on Foreign Relations, at New York, September 10, 1863,[151] was a vindication of these resolutions.