Chapter V

ARNIM’S HAND—VISIT TO THE PRINCE IN BERLIN—I RECEIVE MY INSTRUCTIONS FOR A PRESS CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE EMPRESS AUGUSTA—THE “FRICTION ARTICLES” IN THE “GRENZBOTEN”—VISITS AT VARZIN, SCHOENHAUSEN AND FRIEDRICHSRUH

During the years 1873 to 1875 I edited the Hannoverscher Courier. I then returned to Leipzig, where I was chiefly engaged on the Grenzboten, which was published there. At first my connection with the Foreign Office was not very close, and I only occasionally applied to it for information, which always reached me through Bucher, as arranged. At the end of May or the beginning of June, 1873, the latter wrote me that MacMahon was causing a great deal of work, so that he had been engaged until late at night on the three holidays. A few weeks later it seemed to me that there were signs of an approaching crisis, and I accordingly begged him to let me know how I could best serve the Chief in my paper. On the 27th of June I received the following answer:—

“Honoured Friend,—I have succeeded, during the last half hour before the departure for Varzin, in smuggling your letter of the 25th into the Chief’s hands. Here is his answer:—

“‘The most timely topic is the friction to which I am subjected, and which has undermined my health. We have the traditions of absolutism existing side by side with the constitutional machine, and, since 1866, in duplicate. The absolute King has the will, or at least imagines that he has, to decide everything for himself. He was formerly, and still is, however, practically restricted by the lack of indispensable knowledge, and the consequent independence of the departments which sometimes takes the shape of passive resistance (to the Chancellor). The State and Imperial Diets also want to determine what is to be done. And then there are Court influences. The members of the Reichstag are utterly exhausted, and yet they call upon the Ministers, who are no less exhausted than themselves, to immediately set about preparing Bills for the next Session. In the last resort, all the friction arising from this complicated machinery falls upon the main wheel, the Prime Minister, the Chancellor.’

“So far the Chief. I venture to add a few ideas which I imagine will be in accordance with his views. In order to avoid irritating the King, it would be wise to speak of the ‘absolute monarchy,’ and to add a few words in recognition of his former services, suggesting that the old gentleman, who from the traditions of his whole life and from his military training is thoroughly devoted to his duty and very strict in the transaction of business, will not give his approval until he has thoroughly mastered the subject under consideration. As to Parliament you might say that it contains no stable majority upon which a Government could rely or which could furnish a Ministry. The reasons are: the immaturity of our Parliamentary life; the after effects of a merely theoretical knowledge of politics; conflicting elements produced by the course of events—the Guelphs, Particularism, Ultramontanism; the influence of the University Students’ Associations; consequently a crumbling into fractions—a Holy Roman Empire split up into three hundred territories. Perhaps a reference to England. There are some points in my pamphlet on Parliamentarism which deal with Ireland. Conclusion, perhaps: That we have to make up in a few years the leeway lost by our forefathers during centuries.

“If you like, I will look through the manuscript. Please in that case to send it to the Wilhelmstrasse.

“With friendly greetings,

“Bucher.”

“P.S.—I have thought of another conclusion, and would suggest the following: What is to be done? The public calls for Imperial Ministers. They will doubtless come in time, but it is very questionable whether, cæteris paribus, the friction will be less when the Chairman and the Directors of the Imperial Chancellerie are more independent of each other. Two or three people are under the impression that everything would go on better if they were to succeed the Prince. It is true that nobody believes it except themselves. Therefore, long live the Chief! The Pretenders are Keudell and Arnim. The first bides his time; the second is engaged in active intrigues.”

In 1874, when the differences broke out between the Prince and Arnim, I immediately applied to Bucher, and asked for directions as to the way in which I could make myself most useful. I received an answer without delay, and during the month of May various communications reached me. On the 3rd of May, for instance, I received the following sketch of an article for the Courier:—

“The opposition of Count Arnim, whom many newspapers puff by heading their articles, ‘Arnim and Bismarck,’ recalls the condition of things which prevailed under Frederick William III. and Frederick William IV., and which was believed to have entirely passed away to the great benefit of the country. Although it is a popular error to think that the title of Minister Plenipotentiary, which is borne by our Ambassadors, puts them on an equality with the Minister of State, yet, as a matter of fact, Prussian diplomatists have in the past not infrequently behaved as if they were the colleagues of their Chief, and carried on discussions with him such as take place between two Councillors of a Government or members of the bench of Judges. Prussian diplomacy was noted for its lack of discipline. Cases are known in which an envoy returned to Berlin without asking leave, in order to advocate his own views at Court, and to secure support for them in the newspapers. It was not his love of power which led the Imperial Chancellor to set aside a number of Excellencies of that old school, but rather the recognition that such a method of doing business might have suited a time when Prussia was a fifth wheel to the coach of European politics, but was entirely incompatible with the execution of the programme which Herr von Bismarck brought with him in 1862, and has already carried out in a way that will immortalise him long after the names of the malcontent Excellencies may have ceased to figure even in an encyclopædia. It is said that Herr von Blankenburg, a military writer, descended from a Pomeranian family with which Count Arnim is related on the mother’s side, makes insinuations in the Schlesische Zeitung against Bismarck’s character as a colleague. Our representatives abroad are not the colleagues of the Minister, but rather his agents. In their reports they have sufficient opportunity for expressing their views, but when a decision has been arrived at they have to carry out their instructions in a willing spirit. In a Cabinet (Collegium) any differences can be easily settled without damage to the interests of the country by putting the question to the vote. But when a difference arises between a Minister in authority and a subordinate who does not follow the instructions of his departmental chief it is difficult to find any other solution in a well-ordered State than the retirement of one or other of them from the service. This may possibly now be the case, and in the interests of the service it may be regretted that it did not occur before.”

Shortly afterwards followed a translation of the final passage of an article in the Hour, which it may be taken for granted was either written by Bucher or at least inspired by him. It ran:—

“The fact that the Imperial Chancellor has so long tolerated such a censorious and contumacious attitude on the part of a subordinate shows with what serious internal difficulties this statesman has had to contend during his whole career, difficulties which in their full extent will never become known to the public. These were the consequences of a transition from an absolute to a constitutional system of government. Even after the Constitution had been proclaimed under Frederick William IV. many diplomatists continued to follow the traditions of the former absolute régime, opposing the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and endeavouring to obtain the approval of the King for their own policy. Such a condition of affairs, which brought Prussian diplomacy into disrepute, so far as its discipline and success were concerned, could not possibly be tolerated by a Minister who entered office with such far-reaching plans as those of Prince Bismarck. Behaviour of this description is also little calculated to succeed with a man of such a straightforward and resolute character as the Emperor William. The efforts made by Count Goltz, and others whom we will not here specify, as they are still living, to play the part of Ministers, met with no success. There is every reason to hope that Count Arnim’s endeavours will be equally unsuccessful, even if they be favoured by certain influences at Court, as thus only can the Minister’s policy overcome the machinations of ambitious and self-seeking intriguers. It is in the interest not only of Germany, but of all Europe, that this consummation should be achieved, and we have good reason to hope that it will be.”

On the 29th of May I received from Bucher the following short letter of the previous day’s date:—

“Honoured Friend,—A little piece of news that will give you pleasure. I said to the Chief to-day, ‘Busch has reported himself, and wishes to join in the fray. I have gladly taken advantage of this offer, and here are two extracts from his newspaper.’ Answer: ‘Ah, our little Saxon! Leave the extracts here.’

“When I find any more material I will send it to you, of course, salva redactione.

“I am not going to Varzin this time, and with such abominable weather as we are having now, I am not at all sorry. Besides, it will do no harm if some of the young bloods who have an ambition to go there, try it for once.

“Yours ever.”

A few months later I received the following from Bucher: “Harry (Count Arnim) has taken away with him from Paris a number of Foreign Office despatches, and asserts that they are private letters. In the spring the Berlin semi-official journals hinted that he had become a rich man.”

On the 28th of August Bucher wrote me from Varzin: “The Chief has received diplomas of honorary membership from two Italian lodges, and instructed me to ascertain from some trustworthy person acquainted with the subject what sort of connection he would enter into by a tacit acceptance (he will not send an answer), and what future obligations he might be considered to have assumed. I mentioned you, and received his permission to ask you. Please, therefore, to inform us. The Chief is better than he has been for ten years.”

I gave the desired information, and on the 16th of September received the following answer:—

“The Chief desires me to thank you for your prompt reply, which has induced him to pigeon-hole the hocus-pocus” (from Livorno and some little place the name of which I have forgotten). “The news about my eyes was something more than mere newspaper gossip. It was part of the press campaign which Delponte (Delbrück), the statesman with the youthful knee-breeches, organised and set in motion in the spring. In 1873 I underwent treatment for the purpose of relieving the pressure of blood to the eyes. There is nothing the matter with me now, thank goodness! but last year’s cure is worked up again, as they would like to get rid of me. I do not hold with the Manchester principles that have made England so wonderfully prosperous. I do not sniff the Court atmosphere, have no aspirations, and will not join the Camorra of Ministers and Privy Councillors who are constantly engaged in conspiracy against the Chief, but am on the contrary content to serve him. But it is exactly because I have no aspirations that I can say, ‘Je m’en fiche.’ Auf Wiedersehen in Berlin in October.

“With best greetings, &c.”

The visit here referred to was postponed till the 3rd of November, when I called upon Bucher at his lodgings, No. 39 Lutzowstrasse. I made the following notes at the time of what I considered the interesting parts of our conversation. (...) Bucher further remarked ... that the Imperial Chancellor now appears to have also seen through Delbrück. He now takes into his own hands much that was formerly left to him. In the same way the Chief has for some time past taken Keudell’s measure. In his departmental connection with press affairs, Keudell had left a deficit not of 18,000 thalers as he had formerly told me, but of 80,000,[12] through the payment of remuneration and pensions to writers of all sorts, in some cases without the knowledge, and in one instance (Bucher mentioned an Englishman named ——, as the person in question), against the express instructions of the Prince. This deficit is now being made good by the suspension of similar subsidies for a period of two years. He was not much of a success in Rome either. He had together with Lonyay, the Austro-Hungarian envoy in Rome, started the project of a visit to be paid by the Emperor William to the Italian Court, by announcing that Francis Joseph intended to visit Victor Emmanuel. Bucher added: “Both gentlemen hoped in this way to obtain the rank of Ambassador. But when inquiries were made into the matter in Vienna it was ascertained that Francis Joseph did not dream of such a thing, and so the plan was dropped in Berlin.” I also now obtained a further explanation of Thile’s retirement. This was due to an intrigue of Keudell’s. According to Bucher the facts were as follows. On the occasion of the meeting of the three Emperors in 1872, Gortschakoff and Andrassy gave Keudell to understand that they would like to receive the Order of the Black Eagle. The Chief however was opposed to this, partly on the ground that he did not wish to diminish the value of this high Order by conferring it too frequently, and partly because he wanted to save it up as a reward for future services on the part of those statesmen. Notwithstanding this Keudell used his influence in favour of its immediate bestowal; and when the Emperor had issued the patent or decree to that effect he induced Thile to countersign it. When Keudell afterwards reported this to the Chief, the latter fell into a fearful rage and indulged in violent language against the unsuspecting Secretary of State. Keudell then let Thile know what had been said, with the remark that it was quite impossible for him to repeat some of the worst expressions. Thile thereupon immediately tendered his resignation to the Emperor. Bucher added: “When it was now suggested that Thile should be summoned as an expert in the Arnim trial, I pointed out that he bore the Prince a grudge.” The Chief replied: “He has no reason to be angry with me, although he may well be with Keudell. In spite of this and other instances, however, Keudell will still be maintained by the ladies.”

On my removal from Hanover to Leipzig in October, 1875, the correspondence between Bucher and myself gradually increased in frequency. In reply to a request of mine for particulars respecting the Prince’s family, which I required for an article that the editors of the Illustrirte Zeitung wished me to supply, Bucher wrote as follows from Varzin on the 31st of October:—

“It is very possible that your pen can do welcome service. Further particulars when you are in Berlin. Even now it would be very useful and agreeable to Gamaliel (this was the name under which, as a measure of precaution, we referred in our correspondence to the Chief, at whose feet we had studied politics), if you were to show up the manœuvre of representing Camphausen as the leader and the chief sinner, and Delbrück as following or being influenced by him, while the contrary is, and must be, the case, in view of the character of the two men. D. is cunning, C. blunt. Delbrück allows his bosom friend to be sacrificed as a scapegoat, in order to propitiate the raging waters.” And in a letter of the 7th of November also dated from Varzin, Bucher suggested the following: “A newspaper chorus is trying to make Herr Camphausen responsible for the financial policy of the German Empire. We fancy, however, that Herr Delbrück is both Minister of Finance and Minister of Commerce for the German Empire, and that in these departments he has been given a free hand by the Imperial Chancellor. He too has invariably had all the laurels so long as there were any to be plucked. Herr Camphausen has enough to bear in his responsibility for the financial policy of Prussia.”

Shortly after I had fulfilled these instructions, the publication of Arnim’s pamphlet, “Pro Nihilo,” afforded an opportunity for unmasking its author in the Grenzboten.

My relations with the Prince assumed a still more satisfactory form in 1877. Keil of the Gartenlaube wished to publish a large portrait of the Chancellor, and I was to supply the text. I therefore applied direct to the Prince in a letter, in the course of which I said: “It is not to be a biography, but only one side of your Serene Highness’s life and character, treated in a bright sketchy style. I have asked for time to consider the proposal, and was at first indisposed to undertake the work. But then the following considerations occurred to me. The Gartenlaube has at present 300,000 subscribers, and therefore at least a million and a half of readers; and if your Serene Highness should have any idea which you might think it desirable to launch into the world, or anything in the past which you might wish to recall to memory, this periodical would serve as a capital hoarding for purposes of advertisement, particularly as it is not a daily paper, but remains for permanent reference. And then there was another point which seemed to me worthy of consideration, namely, that if I declined the proposal, Herr Keil would probably instruct some one else to prepare the article who might be less devoted to your Serene Highness. Finally, to meet the wishes of the publisher of the Gartenlaube in this respect would confirm the good sentiments which he now entertains, and enable me to gain influence with him for future contingencies.

“If these considerations meet with your Serene Highness’s approval, I may, perhaps, hope that you will have a hint conveyed to me as to the treatment of the subject, and at the same time assist me with some materials for my work.

“I did not wish to apply to your Serene Highness before, as I took it for granted that it would be only in Varzin, if anywhere, that you would have leisure to give any serious attention to such matters. If your Serene Highness has no purpose in view which might be promoted by such an undertaking, I shall let it drop, as my only desire in the matter is to meet your wishes, and advance your interests.”

I then went on to say that Keil would probably be prepared to accept a series of sketches of the houses and estates occupied by the Prince in the course of the year, and one might combine various political matters with the descriptive part.

Nothing came of the article to accompany the portrait. On the other hand, the series last mentioned was carried out, although in a different form to that which was at first intended. In the meantime, however, I had something more important to occupy me.

On the 4th of April Bucher wrote: “Your request was received in a very friendly way by the Chief, who will give the necessary instructions and see you when you are here. He is going. It is not a question of leave of absence, but a peremptory demand to be allowed to retire. The reason: Augusta, who influences her ageing consort, and conspires with Victoria (the Crown Princess), works up the priests through the Radziwills and others, travels incognito from Baden-Baden to Switzerland in order to have tête-à-têtes with Mermillod and other rabid Ultramontanes—an incident which is discussed in every tap-room in Switzerland, and which we know from other sources to be a fact. The successor who seems to have the best prospect, because Augusta desires his appointment, is Schleinitz, the Minister of the Household. You can make use of this, but with that prudence which is imposed by the Press Laws.”

Of course I wrote to Bucher by return of post, that in these circumstances I held myself at the Prince’s disposal to do everything and anything which lay in my power, and that I would proceed to Berlin within the next few days. At the same time I wrote the first of the so-called “Friction Articles” of the Grenzboten. Advance copies were sent to the principal Berlin papers, and were reproduced by them. They caused a general sensation, and excited much discussion and comment, favourable and otherwise, even in the foreign press. This first article ran:—

“The Resignation of the Imperial Chancellor.

“Berlin, April 7th.

“The following sets forth the present position of affairs in the Wilhelmstrasse. It is not possible to say whether it will be the same when your next issue leaves the press a week hence, as it lies solely with the highest authority in the land to modify it.

“The only point that is quite certain is that it is not a question of a longer or shorter leave of absence of our Imperial Chancellor, but rather of his actual retirement from the chief control both of Imperial and Prussian affairs, of a resignation of all his offices which has long been under consideration by the Prince, and has finally been tendered in unmistakable terms. All other accounts of the affair are mere myths and baseless conjectures. The Imperial Chancellor leaves, not, as people say, for a longer holiday than usual, not for a year, but for ever. The only hope, therefore, is that the cause of this decision may yet be removed.

“That cause is not the Prince’s condition of health, which might certainly be better than it is, but cannot at least be regarded as worse than it has generally been during recent years. Furthermore, it was not in consequence of the Stosch affair that he tendered his resignation, though it can hardly have been a matter of particular satisfaction to him. Finally—and this ought to be understood as a matter of course—Prince Bismarck does not surrender the helm in order to retire from politics and to devote himself to the occupations and pleasures of a country life, although he thoroughly appreciates them, and has during recent years sought to enjoy them as frequently as State affairs permitted. A man of his character and his past knows that he cannot follow his own inclinations, but belongs to his country and his people as long as he has the strength and the untrammelled opportunity to serve them.

“These last words give a clue to the true and only cause which induced the Chancellor to ask for his release from office. It consists in the ‘friction’—emphasised by him on several occasions, both in public and in private—which has arisen out of the efforts of certain Court circles to use their influence in supporting the Ultramontanes and others, to the grave embarrassment of the Chancellor’s policy and action. This friction, exhausting as it is, could and would have been borne, were it not that it threatens from year to year to become a greater hindrance, and that it has already on several occasions prevented the Chancellor from using, as he considers essential, the authority vested in him for the welfare of the country, and in particular for the necessary measures of defence against the pretensions and intrigues of Rome. If the Prince retires, it is the Ultramontanes who will triumph most. Their success will be for us a national misfortune. I shall certainly be in agreement with all true and enlightened patriots in describing as I have the resignation of the statesman who has called New Germany into existence, and who alone appears fitted to complete the edifice he has founded. It will also be due in the main to the influence of a certain exalted lady and of certain circles with which she has so willingly allied herself for years past.

“The Press Law stays my pen. Perhaps you would at some future time accept an article on Petticoat Politics, a subject which, I am sorry to say, is no laughing matter, but deals, on the contrary, with influences more or less successfully active in every Court. Before 1870 people spoke of certain Rhenish influences; during the war there were rumours of communications with a French Monsignor; and meetings with a Prince of the Roman Church, who is one of the leaders of the Ultramontanes in West Switzerland, are discussed by people who must have received their information on the subject from sources other than Swiss tap-rooms. Finally, every one knows the influence exercised, even in the highest circles in the capital, by a distinguished Polish family in Berlin, whose palace is the rallying point for all the aspirations of the Church Militant.

“But enough for the present. Perhaps even too much. God grant that there may be an improvement! Prince Bismarck goes, if, during this week, things do not take a turn for the better,—a change that does not lie in his hands, and which is hardly to be expected. Prince Bismarck retires to Varzin because he cannot prevent, and does not wish to witness, the preparations that are being slowly made for a pilgrimage to Canossa. What has public opinion, what have the parliamentary representatives of the nation, to say on this subject?”

On Wednesday, the 11th April, I left Leipzig for Berlin by the first train in the morning. I put up at Toepfer’s Hotel in the Karl Strasse, and proceeded to Bucher’s at 9.30 A.M. At the corner of Dorotheen Strasse, while on my way thither, some one tapped me on the shoulder. Turning round I saw it was Wollmann, who was greatly surprised at meeting me there.... I ascertained from him that the crisis on the first floor of No. 76 Wilhelmstrasse was at an end, and that the Chief would remain and only take a long holiday.

We then took a glance in passing at the now-completed Column of Victory, whereupon I took leave of Wollmann, saying that I had to visit a friend, and went on to Bucher’s. He was as usual friendly and communicative. His view of the situation differed from that of Wollmann, however. According to him the crisis was only postponed. The Prince had for the present yielded to the desire of the Emperor that he should continue to hold the offices of Chancellor and Minister, and had only requested leave of absence for an indefinite period. He had been quite serious in wishing to resign all his offices, and it was doubtful whether he would return. Count Stolberg had been selected by him as his successor, as he is a distinguished and independent man, who enjoys a certain authority at Court. Bülow, the Mecklenburger, and Hoffmann have been selected as the representatives of the Chief during his absence.

Bucher further related that the condition of affairs at the Baden Court was also “rotten.” The Grand Duke, well-meaning, but of somewhat limited intelligence, had, during his Italian journey, “fallen under the influence of some of the shrewdest of the Cardinals, and had allowed himself almost to be persuaded into perpetrating a huge blunder by visiting Pio Nono.” The Grand Duchess held with the priests in Alsace, and with orthodox place-hunters like Geffcken and Max Müller, and was disposed to conclude peace with the Ultramontanes. This was one of the causes of Jolly’s retirement. Bucher went on to say: “The Grand Duchess has also written a letter to papa (the Emperor William), in which she begged that the alleged oppression of the Catholics in Alsace should be stopped. This suggestion was, however, declined.”

He confirmed what he had said in this letter respecting the Empress, and added: “In the spring of 1871 our troops should have returned much sooner, but Augusta wished to be present at their entry and yet to complete her course of baths before she came back. So there was a postponement of four or five weeks, which cost the Treasury nine millions in hard cash. The losses suffered by agriculture in consequence of this delay are incalculable. The promotion of Gruner as Wirklicher Geheimrath (‘Real’ Privy Councillor), which was given by the old Emperor in a note written in his own hand, without counter-signature, was also her work. Gruner is quite incapable, but is a member of the Bonbonnière Fronde.[13] It is just the same with Schleinitz, who is also quite devoid of talent and smartness, and of whom she was thinking as successor to the Chief.”

According to Bucher, the Prince’s health was again anything but satisfactory. When Bucher told the Chief that if he retired he himself would not remain, the Prince replied that that was a matter he should first consider well, but if he nevertheless decided to resign he should come to him at Varzin. With regard to my visit to the Chief, he feared nothing would come of it at present, as to-day was his wife’s birthday, and he would perhaps leave to-morrow evening. At the same time he wanted to report my arrival, even if he were not summoned to the Chief.

I returned to my hotel at 3 o’clock. Leverstroem and his black horse were standing at the door. He handed me a card from Bucher, with the words: “The Prince expects you at 4 o’clock.” I hastily donned evening dress and white gloves, and, jumping into a cab, drove to 76 Wilhelmstrasse. Then upstairs and through the old familiar rooms. I had to wait about five minutes in the billiard-room, where the billiard table was quite covered with huge bouquets of flowers. Then into his chamber. He came forward a few paces to meet me with a most friendly smile, shook hands, and said he was glad to see his “old war comrade” once more. I had then to take a seat opposite him, while he sat with his back to the first window. Our conversation lasted till 5.30, that is to say, nearly an hour and a half.

He first thanked me for the Grenzboten article, and then said: “It would be well, however, if such communications were repeated, and the origin of the crisis discussed at length.”

I replied: “That is my chief reason for coming here—to get materials and information for such articles. The more I get the better. The Grenzboten is absolutely and unconditionally at the disposal of your Serene Highness.”

He then gave me various particulars concerning the Court clique and its aristocratic followers in the Kreuzzeitung, and among the high officials who had been shelved as well as others who were still in office, and their manifold machinations, intrigues and cabals against him, at the same time giving me an account of his own measures. He drew a detailed picture of the Empress, who opposed him not only in his struggle with the Clericals, but also in purely political questions. “She has always desired to play a part,” he said, “first with the Liberals and the friends of enlightenment, now with the Ultramontanes and the orthodox Court preachers. She has become pious now that she is growing old, and has in consequence taken up with the Clerical circles on the Rhine. If she is not already a Catholic, she will be so very soon. We know that she has negotiated with Mermillod in person, and formerly—during the war—with Dupanloup by letter. She has written to Catholic associations that she disapproves of the ecclesiastical laws, and these letters have been published. And then the defence of the Ursulines. Like Eugen, i.e., in 1870, she has, as I subsequently ascertained, issued direct instructions to officials. The Emperor is old, and allows himself to be influenced by her more and more. He has never had that strength of character with which many people credit him. I remember in the period of conflict when things were at the worst that he returned once from a summer resort, where his wife had been frightening him about the Opposition. I went to meet him at Jueterbogk, joining him there in his carriage. He was very depressed, was thinking of the scaffold, and wanted to abdicate. I told him I did not believe things were so bad. Prussians were not Frenchmen, and instead of thinking of Louis XVI. he should remember Charles I., who died for his honour and his rights. If he were to be beheaded, he would also die for his honour and his rights. So far as I was concerned I too would willingly suffer death in case it were necessary. There I had caught him by the sword-knot and appealed to him as to a King and an officer. He became more cheerful, and by the time we reached Berlin he was again quite reasonable. In the evening he joined a large company, and was in excellent spirits. This time when I asked to resign he did not wish me to do so But in acting in this way he only pities himself—what should he do then?—and has no pity for me. I have yielded—for the present—but before I come back I will put my conditions.”

I said: “And they must agree to them. They cannot get on without you. That would only lead to follies and blunders and misfortunes, and they would have to crawl to you on their knees to beg you to return.”

He then came back to the subject of the Empress, and said: “She also interferes in foreign politics, having taken it into her head that it is her vocation to plead everywhere in favour of peace—to be an Angel of Peace. She therefore writes letters to foreign Sovereigns, to the Queen of England for instance, which she afterwards mentions to her consort, who, however, says nothing about them to me. Part of this correspondence is carried on through one of the minor officials of the household. Schleinitz, the Minister of the Household, after having proved his utter incapacity in foreign affairs, has obtained his present post through her Majesty’s favour. But there, also, his success leaves much to be desired. As he knows nothing of the administration of property he only manages to secure very insignificant revenues from the Royal estates. But as he has always been a member of the Court opposition, of the Bonbonnière, he is in high favour with Augusta. In 1866 his salon was the gathering place of the Austrians, and in 1870 the French were constantly at his house, and made it their rendezvous. Whenever an intrigue against me was on foot he was certain to be in it. Gruner is another member of the clique, a man who is not only incapable but passionate. She obtained his promotion on the Emperor’s birthday by a mere written note without the counter-signature of a Minister as a reward for his hostility to me. Then we have Stillfried, Count Goltz and Nesselrode, who all belong to the Bonbonnière, and intrigue with Augusta against me and my policy, and seek to turn our Most Gracious against me. Goltz, a general of cavalry, is a brother of the former Prussian Minister in Paris, whose legacy of hatred he has entered upon without any beneficium inventarii. Nesselrode, the Master of the Household, is a well-known Ultramontane, whose relations with Gehlsen’s Reichsglocke came to light on the prosecution of the latter, and who had a seat and a vote at the editorial conferences held at Olbrich’s.[14] Immediately after that miserable scandal he received one of the highest Orders, thus confirming the fact that that disreputable sheet was favoured by the palace. Stillfried, the great authority on heraldic and ceremonial matters, also a Catholic, was at first moderate, but later—probably in consequence of the Empress’s lectures—went over to the fanatics. And finally, you should not forget the two Radziwills, the former secretary to Ledochowski, and the chaplain. Both belong to the Centre party, and both are welcome guests at the Bonbonnière. The newspaper in which they now deposit their poison—I mean the Evangelical section of the clique—is the Kreuzzeitung. Nathusius, the editor, who for a long time past has tried to turn his readers against the Government and the Emperor, has at length been condemned for libel against Ministers.[15] He has been pardoned by his Majesty on the intervention of the offended parties—certainly in consequence of the Empress’s intercession. You can say that in view of these facts it may be taken for granted that I actually made the statement attributed to me, namely, that my greatest difficulties have arisen from having to undertake a diplomatic mission to our own Court. And you may add that Prince Charles is not well disposed towards me, and exercises an unfavourable influence upon his brother. When you speak of the Evangelical section of the Bonbonnière you may use the expression: ‘The dregs of the Kreuzzeitung faction and of the irreconcilable Opposition in the Upper House.’” We went on to discuss his opponents, and in particular the Privy Councillors and diplomatists who had been retired. In the course of conversation he dealt fully with Arnim, his opinion of him being very similar to that expressed by Bucher.

At this moment his wife entered the room, and handed him some medicine in a cup which she held in her hand. He introduced me as a “fellow campaigner at Versailles.”

When she had gone he continued his explanation: “Then in addition to the Court there are other causes, of friction that hamper and worry me. The Ministers will not modify their views in harmony with my plans—in matters affecting customs and taxation, and in the railway question—particularly Camphausen and Delbrück. They will not take up my ideas, but twist and turn and procrastinate. I must, forsooth, draw up Bills for them and the Reichstag to criticise. Let them do it; in the first place it is their business, and they have the necessary technical knowledge, so they should show what they are capable of. There is in this respect a great deal to be altered, which has been postponed up to now, as other matters took precedence.”

Finally he mentioned the Reichstag as a source of friction. The National Liberals, he said, meant well, and in this connection he mentioned Wehrenpfenig, but they could never forego criticism.

I said everything he had told me would be carefully stored in my retentive memory, and gradually made public in an explicit, vigorous and prudent way. I then put forward my plan for a sketch of his houses and estates for the Gartenlaube, begging permission to inspect Varzin, Schoenhausen and Friedrichsruh, and requesting introductions to the Prince’s officials at those places. He consented to everything, and said, “You must come to Varzin when I am there myself. I will there give you letters for Schoenhausen, and Friedrichsruh, and also for Kniephof, to my cousin who now owns the place, as you should see it too.”

I remarked that he looked in better health than I had expected. “Yes,” he replied, “others think so, too. People misjudge me in three respects: they consider me healthier, wealthier, and more powerful than I really am,—particularly more powerful; but you know how much truth, or rather how little truth, there is in that.” He seemed to have exhausted all the necessary topics, so I rose to take leave, when he accompanied me through the two salons to the room occupied by the attendants, who must have been surprised at seeing this. At least that was the effect made upon good old Theiss, who was on duty there, and who whispered as he helped me on with my overcoat: “Good Heavens, Doctor, an hour and a half with his Serene Highness, who then sees you as far as the door of the antechamber!”

Next morning I paid a visit to the Central Bureau, where my acquaintances were exceptionally friendly—of course I again enjoyed the Prince’s favour. Holstein begged me to come to him, and had a long conversation with me. He said I had been quite different to Aegidi; every one had read about me; and yet I had never pushed myself forward. Little influence was exercised over the press now. In the long run, however, that would not do, and it had already occurred to him whether I might not return. But Bucher was of opinion that I should not be willing to do so. I replied that, as a matter of fact, I did not wish to; but if the Prince desired it I would regard that as a command. Finally, he was good enough to give me a “partout” card of admission to the Reichstag. I went there, heard Hänel and Bennigsen speak on the crisis, and then strolled off to Ritter Schulze’s, where I took lunch. On returning to my hotel the porter handed me a note from the Prince, inviting me to dine with him at 6 P.M. Went there in a frock coat, as requested in the note but wearing a smart white tie and white gloves, while etiquette prescribed a black tie and coloured gloves with a frock coat. I was soon to be reminded of this breach of propriety.

The table was laid in the first of the two back rooms. When I entered only the Princess, Countess Marie, Count Bill, and a lady with a Polish name were present. The Russian General Erkert came afterwards. The Princess, noticing my white necktie, exclaimed, “Herr Doctor, how smart you have made yourself!” I do not remember what I said in reply, as I suddenly became conscious of my sin and felt somewhat out of countenance. Luckily the Prince soon appeared, and we went to table, the general taking in the lady of the house, while I had the honour to give my arm to the daughter. A beautiful silver vase set with old and new silver coins stood in the centre of the round table. I sat between the Princess and the Countess, the Russian being on the other side of the Princess, while the Prince sat opposite me. Then came the dainty little Polish lady and Count Bill, next his sister. We drank Bordeaux, Burgundy, Rhine wine, champagne, beer, and finally chartreuse, which the Prince praised as being very wholesome. The conversation was lively and unconstrained. The general related some pretty stories of the simplicity of the Russian soldiers. The subject of the last war then came up, and I reminded the Chancellor of Herny, where he was quartered in the garret of a farmhouse; of Clermont, where in the absence of a bedstead he was obliged to sleep on the floor; of Madame Jesse’s house, the goblin clock and the historical table. He related a number of anecdotes on the same subject, among other things his interview with madame, and the way in which Hatzfeldt had “rescued” the table, replacing it by one exactly similar.

The Prince then turned the conversation upon Kings and Princes, and the way in which they regarded the world.

“They live above the clouds,” I said.

“How do you mean?” he asked.

“Above the cloud of courtiers and other menials,” I replied, “separated by them from the ideas and feelings of other mortals, whose wishes and opinions only reach them in a mutilated or adapted form, and sometimes not at all.”

“The comparison is a good one,” said the Prince. “Gods, and yet very human. They ought to be better educated, so that they should know how things look here below, how they really are. Not appearances, but truth. The great Kings have always clung to truth, and yet have suffered no loss of dignity.”

Education in general was then discussed, and the Prince observed, inter alia: “I was not properly educated. My mother was fond of society, and did not trouble much about me. Afterwards I was sent to an educational establishment, where too severe a system prevailed, insufficient and poor food, plenty of hardening, thin jackets in the winter, too much compulsion and routine, and unnatural training.” I said that too much severity in schools was not good, as after the restraint was removed young people were apt to abuse their liberty, and even while the restraint lasted nature sought relief in underhand ways. The Saxon Fuerstenschulen were an example of this, their pupils turning out the wildest of all University students. He replied that was so; it had been the case with him too, when he went to the University at the age of seventeen. “It was different,” he continued, “with my sons. They, on the contrary, have had too good a time. They were too well fed, as is customary in the houses of diplomatists, Herbert also afterwards, as he spent his apprenticeship in such houses.” Herbert had, in the meantime, joined the party, when his father introduced me to him; he remembered very well having met me at Pont-à-Mousson and Versailles.

Between 8 and 9 o’clock the Princess, the Countess and Count Herbert retired, returning after a while, the ladies in evening toilette and the Count in a dragoon uniform, as they were going to a Court soirée. The Polish lady disappeared with them. At the desire of the Prince the rest of us remained and continued the conversation, smoking the while, the Chancellor using a long pipe, while another waited ready filled alongside his chair.

At 10 o’clock the general rose, and I followed his example. When we had reached the door, however, the Chief said: “Please wait for a minute, doctor, there is something more I would like to tell you.” He then added a few particulars to what he had said on the previous afternoon respecting the Empress and her Bonbonnière. I asked, “How has Thile acted in this affair? I have always considered him a decent sort of man.” He replied: “That is not quite the case. He did not behave very well in the Diest-Daber matter;” which he then proceeded to explain. I again promised to make diligent use of what he had communicated to me on the previous day. It would be necessary to keep on constantly repeating it, and not to let it drop too soon—it should have young ones, as he had said formerly to me respecting one of my articles. “I shall be very grateful to you for doing so,” he added. I then thanked him once more for his confidence, and said I would let myself be cut to pieces for his sake, as for me he was like one of God’s prophets upon earth. He pressed my hand, and dismissed me with the words, “Auf Wiedersehen in Varzin!” Blessings on his head!

Immediately on my return to Leipzig I wrote the second “friction article,” based on the information I had received in Berlin.

“The Imperial Chancellor on Leave.

“Berlin, April 19th.

“The Imperial Chancellor has taken leave of absence. His resignation has not been accepted, and he has not insisted upon it. The crisis is, therefore, at an end. The Prince will return, although probably somewhat later than usual. Restored by his course of baths, country air, and release from current affairs, he will again take the helm, and all will be as it was before. Let us be thankful that it is so!

“The foregoing is roughly the view of the situation which finds expression in the press. Permit me to submit another view. The crisis is not at an end, but only postponed. The question whether Prince Bismarck is to retire from the service of Prussia and the Empire has, to the relief of all who wished well to both, been answered in the negative, but that answer is only for the time being. Those who are acquainted with the situation still regard the future with anxiety. It is by no means certain that the Imperial Chancellor will return in that capacity, and if he does it may be taken as certain that things will not remain as they were before. In other words, the Prince will lay down his conditions before he resumes his official duties, with their aims and burdens, and these conditions must be agreed to if we are to see him again at work as of old.

“Public opinion can render some assistance here. It will do well not to rest content with the present situation, but, on the contrary, to show a clearer perception than it has hitherto done of the grave causes which have mainly produced this lingering and protracted crisis; and to give it unremitting and persistent expression in the press, at the same time urging the removal of those strangely abnormal conditions under which even a Bismarck cannot work effectively; much less any such successor as has been suggested within the past few weeks, however distinguished, independent and tactful he may be. The press may do good service if it will pay attention to the following hints, and give them the widest possible publicity.

“Erroneous views are held of the Chancellor’s position in many respects. Just as he is considered from his appearance to be more healthy, and from his extensive estates to be more wealthy than he is in reality, so there is a widespread misconception as to the influence which he exercises, inasmuch as it is usually thought to be unlimited. That is not at all the case. The Prince has to reckon with the Ministers, over whom he has not the authority which he ought to enjoy as their Chief, and whose opposition has already on several occasions hampered his schemes. It has also happened that high officials in his own department have entertained entirely conflicting views, and have both openly and secretly opposed him, and indeed even tried to undermine his authority. Count Arnim, who, after having shunned his earthly judge, seems to have suddenly fallen under the judgment of God (he was already suffering severely from diabetes, of which he died in 1881), was the worst of this melancholy species of diplomatists, but was by no means the only specimen of his class. A whole series of Excellencies and others who had been shelved owing to incapacity or some other failing, or for reactionary or ultramontane leanings, &c., made opposition, conspired and intrigued, always zealously, often with the foulest weapons, and sometimes in combination with the lowest associates, against the greatness which overshadowed them. They attempted to cross the Chancellor’s plans and to blacken his character, or, at least, to irritate him, and thus to injure his health. A section of the party in the Reichstag upon which the Prince relies to support his measures, made difficulties and curtailed his influence inasmuch as—certainly with the best intentions—they regarded criticism as the pride and first duty of a popular representative. But the main obstacle is that which I pointed out a fortnight ago, and it will perhaps remain the Prince’s chief difficulty, unless public opinion opens its eyes and takes more vigorous and persistent action. That obstacle is the anomalous condition of affairs at Court, where, in a certain exalted quarter, the dregs of the Kreuzzeitung clique, and the irreconcilable opposition in the Upper House have combined with ultramontane poison out of the sewers of Rome. There fresh troubles are constantly being prepared for the Chancellor, fresh difficulties are being placed in his path, now at one point and then at another, and the constant encouragement given to his opponents retards the victory which otherwise would doubtless have been his before now.

“We must forego for the present a more minute description of this Bonbonnière full of Kreuzzeitung comfits and Jesuit sweetmeats. Nevertheless attentive newspaper readers may be reminded by a few instances (which shall be indicated with as much indulgence as possible) of the manner in which the forces, aims, and intrigues of this Court faction have made themselves felt during the last few months. It should be mentioned, by the way, that its mines have been laid for a considerable time past. The chief editor of an important reactionary paper, which has endeavoured for many years to alienate public opinion from the Government and the Emperor, was at length prosecuted and condemned for libel against Ministers. (Incorrect. See last note.) This man has been pardoned on the petition of the offended Ministers, owing to the intercession—well, let us say—of an exalted lady. (According to another version, at least released.) The same exalted lady wrote letters to Catholic associations, which were afterwards published, in disapproval of the ecclesiastical laws. Two members of the distinguished Polish family recently mentioned, both belonging to the Centre fraction, one a former secretary to Ledochowski, and the other a priest who was engaged in the notorious Marping farce, are welcome guests in the circles that gather around this lady. According to all appearances direct instructions were issued by her to the authorities in the affair of the Ursulines. This may perhaps recall to many of your readers Eugénie’s action during the war. A Count and Master of the Household who is known as a zealous Ultramontane, whose relations to the Reichsglocke[16] were disclosed during the prosecution of that paper, and who took part in the conferences of the editorial staff at Olbrich’s, received immediately after that scandal one of the highest Prussian Orders—a recognition which few can explain, and which, of course, no loyal reader can account for, except by supposing that the achievements of the Reichsglocke were regarded with extreme favour in certain circles.

“How does the reader like these incidents, to which many others equally striking might be added? That they were distasteful to the Imperial Chancellor must, of course, be obvious. It is, indeed, quite possible that he may have made use of the expression attributed to him, namely, ‘that his greatest difficulties arise out of his having to undertake a diplomatic mission to our own Court.’”

On the 21st of April Bucher, to whom I had communicated an outline of this article, wrote as follows respecting the former article:—

“In the opinion of the prescribing physician all the ingredients should not be administered in one dose. I fear the elixir may be too potent, and would suggest, if it is still possible, that two doses should be made of it, and that a different medicine should be given in the interval. The latter could be prepared from the article in the Kölnische Zeitung of the 15th (‘Plans of Reform’) which was written by Camphausen, and the answer in the Post, which I wrote from instructions received upstairs. Camphausen, it may be mentioned, is a very many-sided man. He not only belongs to the Manchester School, but has relations with the Castle at Coblenz, and is at the same time in high favour with a Liberal and enlightened circle, (that of the Crown Princess Victoria,) where he is regarded as a corner-stone of Constitutionalism and a sound Protestant. You will shortly receive the flaying (of Schleinitz) and the paragraphs on the branch (of the Berlin Bonbonnière) at Karlsruhe. P.S.—Speaking in the Reichstag two years ago Camphausen said: ‘The word impossible is printed in very small characters in my dictionary.’”

I based the third article of our series upon this and another letter from Bucher of the 26th of April. This article, which appeared in No. 19 of the Grenzboten, ran as follows:—

“Further Friction.

“Berlin, April 26th.

“In the article ‘The Imperial Chancellor on Leave’ attention was called to the fact that besides the opposition of the Court there were other sources of friction that worried and wearied the Prince, exhausting his powers, hampering his work, and thus stimulating his anxiety to be released from office. We select for consideration to-day those that lie in the attitude of certain authorities working immediately under him, or more correctly associated with his work, in respect of various important reforms which the Prince has greatly at heart, but which are making no progress towards fulfilment. In other words the Imperial Chancellor when he sought to resign had been disappointed of the co-operation and support which he had expected from one of his colleagues (Camphausen was meant) in connection with some measures affecting the Customs and commercial policy and taxation—measures which he regards as indispensable, but which have hitherto not been dealt with.

“‘When a sportsman becomes faint and weary,’ said the Prince a few months ago, in conversation with a party of friends, ‘and is about to go home, he will not alter his mind because he is told there is a covey of partridges near at hand. It would perhaps be different if he were told that there was some pig in the next glen. The chance of a boar hunt would revive his strength and courage.’ So goes the story (not quite accurately, by the way), according to an article in the Kölnische Zeitung, written apparently by a member of the Minister’s immediate entourage, and certainly emphasised by the sarcastic tone in which it frequently deals with the difficulties in the way of reform. The simile is so far to the point, that the wild boar referred to represented certain reforms in the Customs, and in the fiscal and railway system. But the correspondent omitted the real moral of the story. When he says, ‘As soon as Prince Bismarck is in a position to submit complete and well-founded schemes calculated to withstand criticism, there will be no longer in our opinion any difficulty in finding in the Reichstag a large and resolute party, in favour of such reforms of our commercial policy;’ and when he makes a similar assertion respecting the taxation laws, and the railway system, he transposes the actual relations of things and circumstances. There is no question of the Imperial Chancellor submitting measures which would have to run the gauntlet, first, of the Minister to whose department they properly belong, and then, of the Reichstag. The Prince has no intention of preparing such measures himself. He is anxious for these reforms, but he has no idea of embodying them himself in Parliamentary measures to be submitted to the Legislature. He expects his colleagues to undertake that work, and has informed them so. That he has failed to induce them to take any such initiative is, as the Post of the 19th assures us—we believe on the best authority—one of the reasons that have led the Chancellor to send in his resignation.

“According to the Post, the true moral of the above story is to be found in the words which the Prince added on that occasion: ‘He could only remain in office if his colleagues took up the reforms in question of their own motion, and independently.’ Otherwise, he wished to retire, as he did not feel strong enough to bear the strain of Ministerial crises, together with a breach with his old colleagues, and the necessity of accustoming himself to new men. It was unfair to ask him to do all the work, and submit it to the criticism of a departmental chief bent on another course. (The ‘other course’ referred to was doubtless that of the Manchester School.) He had laid his own course in the railway question, and had ostensibly received the approval of all his colleagues. When it came, however, to the carrying out of his proposals he met with the customary passive resistance, and the usual refusal—just like the Progressive party, whose invariable reply was, ‘No, not in that way, but in another way’—that is to say, in some way that would never work. On that occasion the Chancellor said: ‘What I have to do is to ascertain whether my present colleagues will, of their own initiative and free conviction, carry out those reforms which I regard as indispensable, in such a manner that they will take the responsibility for me, and not I for them. If they would only do so I would willingly continue my credit and my name to the firm, in order to carry through these reforms.’

“The writer in the Kölnische Zeitung has expressed himself so confident with regard to the reforms desired by the Prince, that one may perhaps inquire why the same success which he promises if the Chancellor submits them to the criticism of Ministers and of the parties in the Reichstag should not attend them if the colleagues, whose business it is, were to draft these measures and recommend them to the acceptance of the Legislature. The particular colleague who, as already observed, had no small share in preparing the article in question, is as self-confident as he is many-sided. He seems to possess power and influence. Two years ago he said in the Reichstag: ‘The word impossible is printed in very small characters in my dictionary.’ He has connections with the Castle at Coblenz, and is at the same time highly appreciated in certain exalted circles in Berlin, where people are most liberal and enlightened, as a corner-stone of Constitutionalism and a pillar of Protestantism. Why does a man of so much importance and ability decline to take the initiative of the reforms which the Chancellor has at heart? Is it, perhaps, that he fears to jeopardise one side of his many-sidedness, or to renounce thereby his past, his principles, and his connections as a member of the Manchester School?

“And now to another point, which requires refutation, viz., the rumour mentioned in a leading Berlin paper of friction with another department. The National Zeitung of yesterday, in an article on Moltke’s speech, says it doubtless referred to a conflict between considerations of military and political necessity. It might be inferred from this insinuation that the Imperial Chancellor was opposed to the strengthening of the German garrisons in the neighbourhood of Metz. Such a supposition would, however, be erroneous. On the contrary the Prince has, in this respect, not only been in complete agreement with the highest military authorities, but has done everything in his power to support and promote their views. For years past they have asked for better railway communications with Lorraine and more troops in that part of the Empire. It was impossible to do anything in the former direction until the Chancellor had exercised sufficient pressure to overcome the obstruction of the Ministry of Commerce, and compelled the Minister to proceed with the construction of the line between St. Ingbert and Saarbrücken, a connection which the spiritus rector of the Prussian railway system had postponed for years out of consideration for petty trading interests. The Prince has also done all he could to secure an increase of the garrison in Lorraine. This increase is, however, understood to have remained in abeyance, as it still does, because in a non-official, but exalted and influential quarter, it is feared that the French might feel hurt or offended—i.e. the gentlemen who speak that language so fluently, who for the most part have beautiful black whiskers and profess the Catholic religion, which, of course, is much more distinguished than the Evangelical!

“P.S.—A member of the Reichstag, who is at the same time an intimate friend of the Imperial Chancellor, has felt constrained to issue a warning in the Magdeburger Zeitung against our articles. He would be surprised if he knew with what composure we have read his communication. Of course, ignoring all further contradictions of this kind, we shall continue to say what we know, and we shall obtain credence for it.”

I may add that the member of the Reichstag and friend of the Prince here referred to was Amtsrath Dietze (Barby), and that he certainly issued his warning against the “friction articles” without previous communication with the Chief. Of course he acted in good faith.

A few days after the publication of the Grenzboten article Bucher wrote me:—

“Exception has been taken in a quarter upon whose approval everything depends to the closing words of the ‘P.S.’ It is thought that they sound as if the Chancellor had spoken through the writer of the article. It would be well to avoid such an authoritative tone. Thus far the message I have to deliver. I fancy such an impression would not have been made if the Magdeburger Zeitung could have been read at the same time, but I could not lay my hands upon it. Of course it would not be desirable to state expressly that such an impression is incorrect. Perhaps it may be possible to efface it indirectly by saying something to the following effect.” He then gave me a recipe, in accordance with which I prepared as follows the fourth article of our series, which appeared in the next number of the Grenzboten.

“In Explanation.

“Berlin, May 6th.

“We observe that the second of our articles on the Chancellor crisis has been judged in very different ways by the press. The Germania has discovered amongst other things that it is directed against the Empress Eugénie. Other papers were astounded at information which they received from us for the first time. Others, again, considered themselves so fully acquainted with the truth, which is generally known to lie at the bottom of a deep well, that they declare the contents of the article to be untrue, or—as some with discourteous indignation chose to express themselves—invented. Finally, another section of the press, including the chief organ of public opinion in a small German capital (this referred to the Weimar Zeitung), found that the bulk of what we had stated was long since known. In spite of its unfriendly tone towards us, we must do that organ the justice of acknowledging that its statement is correct. In other words, we do not enjoy the power of slipping through keyholes, we cannot make ourselves invisible in order to spy out what happens in otherwise inaccessible spheres, and finally we have no devil upon two sticks at our disposal to remove for us the roofs of palaces and clubs. We have nothing more than a tolerably good memory and the habit of collecting material. In dealing with what we have read in the press and heard in conversation, we act pretty much as the botanist does when collecting specimens in upland meadows and lowland marshes—we place carefully side by side the specimens we have found scattered in various directions and examine their affinities, noting how they complement each other. To our great surprise we now find that the result of this surely very simple process has produced here and there the impression that we possess magical powers, and that we had brought profound secrets to light. It is certainly quite true, however, that we have said nothing that attentive readers with a certain capacity for comparative analysis and sound deductions have not been long ago aware of. Why, then, all this excitement?

“In conclusion, if we trusted too much to our memory in some details of minor importance, and misunderstood insult for libel or Ministers for members of a High Consistory, we must in future be more careful to label correctly the various specimens in our collection.”

During this week I received from Bucher nearly a dozen letters with suggestions, warnings, explanations and supplementary matter, but principally with raw material for further articles connected with the three subjects treated above. On the 27th of April he sent me over two sheets of material for the article, “A Branch of the Bonbonnière, or the Causes of the Change at Baden.” He added: “I can only give you the ideas without any indication of the style in which they should be expressed. I feel that it will be difficult to put it into proper shape.” On the 30th I received from him the warning: “Do not on any account take up with the Post. It is intimately connected with R. D. Z. (Radowitz), one of the Bonbonnière circle.” On the 3rd of May he presented me in the person of the widowed Queen of Bavaria with “still another flower to be added to your garland of ladies.” On the 6th he wrote: “I would strongly advise you not to publish the article (‘The Angel of Peace’) in the next number, 1. Gamaliel (the Chief) will be here on the 10th, and will stay for some days, and he would thus find himself right in the heart of the excitement which it is sure to cause, and that would certainly be unpleasant for him. From here he will proceed to his watering place, where he will be quite out of touch with the world. 2. In a few days an incident will become known which seems as if it were specially made to account for the publication of such an article, and which will surprise many who might otherwise feel disposed to criticise it. Perhaps in the meantime as a stopgap you can use the suggestions in my last letter and some older materials. Or it might be better still to have a pause. One should not spoil the public, or it may easily grow too exacting and look for the same spicy fare every week, which you would not be able to provide.” On the 13th he reported: “The patient (he meant the Chief) proposes to go direct to the watering place without touching at B. (Berlin). This I consider to be certain. He thinks of starting on Thursday, but that is uncertain. If I ascertain any change by Tuesday I will telegraph to your wife: ‘Fritz better, is to go out on such and such a day for the first time. Anna’—or, ‘Fritz must remain here during his holidays.’”

The Grenzboten now published the fifth “friction article,” which ran as follows:—

“The Angel of Peace.

“We learn for the first time through an Austrian journal that the Czas (which is known to be the organ of the Polish aristocratic ultramontane party, and which occasionally, through its patrons the Radziwills, the Czartoryskis, &c., receives very good information indeed respecting sentiments, intentions and occurrences in Court circles and in the upper regions of society) has published the following comparatively colourless statement respecting the Chancellor crisis in Berlin. Some time ago Queen Victoria wrote direct to Prince Bismarck, urging upon him to prevent the war between Russia and the Porte. The answer was evasive. Then followed a second letter from her Britannic Majesty to the Imperial Chancellor, repeating her request more urgently. This time the reply was somewhat more positive in form, but was still not to the taste of the Queen, who then turned to the Emperor, and made him and Germany responsible for the outbreak of war.

“We do not know what truth there is in this report, but we do not consider it incredible. Moreover, this remarkable suggestion that it is our duty to compel our faithful neighbour Russia to maintain peace, not because we have any special cause or reason to do so, but solely to oblige the English by relieving them from all anxiety as to their interests on the Bosphorus, and by enabling them to continue their huckstering in all tranquillity of mind, has, we believe, reached the Emperor through another channel (which the readers of these articles will be able to guess), and has received warm support here. It must be borne in mind that his Majesty is thoroughly devoted to peace, and sincerely desires that he himself, the German people, and the whole world, may be saved from fresh wars. These being his sentiments, he is disposed to consider the wishes and counsels which, in the opinion of those who submitted them to him, are calculated to serve the cause of peace. But such counsels, if they do not emanate from a great and far-seeing mind, which takes all the circumstances and possibilities into account, may lead to the exact contrary of what is desired, that is to say to war. In January The Times implored the Imperial Chancellor to give orders for the maintenance of peace. Somewhat later it addressed a similar affecting appeal to the Emperor, and we may take it for certain that Queen Victoria was induced by her cunning Semitic adviser to use her influence in the same direction through the channel indicated above.

“Let us suppose that Germany had allowed herself to be ‘nobbled’—indeed, it is hardly possible to use any other expression—had struck an attitude, and shouted ‘Peace in Europe!’ and that Russia had not halted at the word of command, but let her troops advance—what would have happened then? Why, we should then, for the maintenance of peace, have been obliged to wage war against Russia, which at the best would serve to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for magnanimous Albion, or our word of command would have proved to be impotent, and we should have made ourselves ridiculous—and ridiculous merely in the service of England, a Power that has never honestly wished us well, and has only accepted our position in Europe in the hope that it may some day be utilised for the furtherance of its own mercenary policy.

“The case of the Paris Exhibition is quite similar. This affair also excited warm sympathy in the quarter which we have in view, where it has become a second nature to ‘work for peace.’ When the Government, in spite of all such representations and appeals, declined to take part in the Exhibition, MacMahon sent the Marquis d’Abzac, an amiable gentleman upon whom exalted eyes had rested with special favour on a former occasion, to Berlin in order to make a last attempt. The marquis sung a hymn to peace in the most melting accents. We can hear him whisper with a winning smile that in this invitation France reached out her hand to Germany in reconciliation, that the Exhibition would be at the same time a peace congress. Why rudely reject the proffered hand of a former opponent who had now become a friend? How wonderfully an olive wreath would adorn the brow of a certain august lady! And other graceful speeches calculated to flatter and to touch the feelings. Then another appeal in the highest quarter on behalf of France, so unsuspicious, so well-meaning, so prettily persuasive, warmer and more urgent than before, and, at last, offensively persistent. It was all to no purpose. M. le Marquis did not, after all, succeed in securing anything more than one of the highest Orders for himself.

“But let us again in this instance suppose that the affair had been decided differently, and that, in spite of wiser counsels and a truer insight into the nature of the circumstances, the messenger sent by the President of the French Republic had returned to Paris with the acceptance of the invitation to the would-be festival of peace, what would the probable consequences have been? Germany would have co-operated in the Exhibition, and her exhibitors would have found themselves, to say the least, in an exceedingly uncomfortable position. They would have been exposed to dangers of all kinds—we have had ample experience of what the vindictiveness of French Chauvinism means, even in more harmless circumstances—and incidents might and probably would have occurred, resulting at least in irritation, perhaps in an exchange of hostile notes, and conceivably even in something worse.

“The same idea of a special mission to maintain and promote peace—our readers will, of course, read between the lines—governs similar relations with the Ultramontanes, and has, together with other motives, led to advances which would be otherwise inexplicable. After having opposed the Government during the elections with almost unexampled violence, and indulged in the vilest slanders and the most malignant intrigues against all loyal candidates, these worthy people hide the cloven hoof in patent leather shoes, and join the circles to which we have referred with an air of innocent cheerfulness as if butter would not melt in their mouth, and sun themselves in the radiance of the most exalted graciousness and favour. Indeed it is even said that in the council which is usually held to consider the lists of invitations, the faithful adherents of Rome who condescend to come—this is not done by all of them—are never omitted, but those who are loyal to the King are generally struck out.

“It may be permitted, perhaps, to draw the moral of these communications as follows:—

“In itself a love of peace is always a becoming feature, and particularly in a woman. But in our humble opinion such love of peace should not lead to a desire to play the part of ‘Angel of Peace,’ to take pleasure in hearing one’s self so styled, and to act up to it by thwarting the Chancellor’s plans, opposing wise counsels, and persistently promoting a course calculated to bring on war, and to perpetuate existing feuds, inasmuch as it encourages the enemy to regard the ‘Angel of Peace’ as an ally and to construe her efforts as a fresh stimulus to resistance.

“Heaven is the true home of such angels of peace, and there doubtless their sentimental politics will afford them a plentiful supply of beautiful emotions. We, however, live upon the earth, and the hard necessities of this life can only be properly estimated and dealt with by the understanding.”

On the 21st of May Bucher wrote respecting this article:—“The doctor considers that the medicine prescribed is too strong and has been administered too rapidly. The patient will now require a longer rest. I should like to see the next prescription before it is sent to the apothecary’s.”

In my reply, I asked what the Foreign Office thought of the new Cabinet in Paris, and whether anything should be said on the subject. Bucher answered on the 23rd:—“I have nothing to say with regard to the new French Ministry except what the entire press says: that we view it with mistrust. It might be mentioned in rectification, that though the statement that Jules Simon’s fall has been promoted from Berlin is quite incorrect, this does not exclude the co-operation of G. B. (Gontaut-Biron) in the matter, which is indeed very probable.”

On the 25th of May Bucher sent various supplementary items for the article dealing with Baden which I had forwarded to him for inspection previous to sending it to the press. On the 11th of June he sent me a sketch of another prominent member of the Bonbonnière, in an article in which I found little to alter, and which therefore appeared in the Grenzboten in all important particulars, both of form and substance, as it left his hands. It ran as follows:—

“A Minister in partibus.

“Berlin, June 9th.

“A few weeks ago a Berlin local newspaper (he was thinking of the Tribune) published a statement that Baron von Schleinitz, the Minister of the Royal Household, has felt it his duty to submit the notorious Grenzboten articles—it is not said where or to whom—and to propose that an inquiry should be instituted with the object of ascertaining whether they issued from the Press Bureau—which Press Bureau is not specified. The business of the Minister in question, apart from Court functions with which we are not very well acquainted, consists in the administration of the property of the Royal House. According to Rönne members of the Ministry of the Household are not State officials, and questions affecting the press and the administration of the laws do not in any way fall within their jurisdiction. Perhaps this piece of news is only meant as a humorous reminder to us that one portrait was missing from the little gallery we recently presented of persons whom the achievements of the Chancellor have had the misfortune to displease. We certainly passed over the gentleman in question, but had by no means forgotten him,—any more than many others; but we thought that to each day sufficed the evil thereof. Herr von Schleinitz when he held the seals of the Foreign Office, certainly pursued quite a different policy to that of Prince Bismarck, and, therefore, it is after all small blame to him that he does not approve of the Bismarckian policy. We refrain from an analysis and discussion of the nature and success of the Schleinitz method, which was known in its time as the policy of moral conquests. We leave that task to history, where we are inclined to believe the name of Schleinitz will hardly figure except in a parenthesis descriptive of Court life. We take the liberty, however, of asserting openly that he has had no luck as a diplomatist.

“We hear it said that the property of the Royal House would yield a considerably larger income if it were differently administered. That may be the case, and yet we should not blame Herr von Schleinitz. A diplomat is not called upon to understand the administration of great estates and forests, and if he has no knowledge of the subject he may regard it as a misfortune that he should have been appointed to such duties.

“That is not the only misfortune which has befallen Herr von Schleinitz. Diest-Daber heard, and related at the trial, that the Reichsglocke had been sent to the Emperor by a lady named Schleinitz. Herr von Schleinitz has denied this statement in the Reichsanzeiger, but malicious journalists are now asking whether the evidence of a husband in favour of his wife is conclusive. A contributor to another paper (the Tribune) comes to his rescue with another supposition. The gossip might have originated in the circumstance that a former subordinate of the Minister of the Household, who is still frequently to be seen at his residence, the Geheimer Rechnungsrath Bernhardt (who had been mentioned by the Chief as the channel through which the Empress corresponded with certain foreign Sovereigns) took in ten copies of the Reichsglocke. Certainly Herr von Schleinitz has good reason to exclaim, ‘Heaven defend me from my friends!’

“He has reasons for this prayer in other respects also. When the war between ourselves and Austria was at hand the Austrians selected his residence as their rendezvous, as did the French at a later period, after they had waged against us a war which they have not yet forgotten. And in that quarter—our readers know the place—where every form of hostility to Prince Bismarck centres, Herr von Schleinitz has always been regarded as the future Chancellor or Minister for Foreign Affairs, or, to express it more suitably in a phrase borrowed from the Curia, as Minister in partibus. We credit his Excellency with too much self-knowledge to believe that he personally entertained the hope of being Prince Bismarck’s successor. And now he is understood to have actually received no other than Herr von Gruner as coadjutor designate! Surely the man may bewail his misfortunes!”

The information contained in the seventh and last “friction” article was supplied exclusively by Bucher, who also wrote the greater part of it. It was as follows, published on the 28th of June in No. 27 of the Grenzboten.

“Causes of the Change at Baden.

“Strassburg, June 24th.

“A Baden correspondent of your journal has repeatedly expressed his anxiety at the attitude towards the struggle between the State and the Ultramontanes which the ruling circles at Karlsruhe have for some time past shown a disposition to adopt, and indeed which they have actually begun to adopt, since the change of Ministry last September. This attitude, although for the present it is manifested rather in desire than in deed, means a retreat before Rome and her allies. The last time such indications became evident was some two months ago. I immediately made inquiries as to what truth was in them. It is only now however that I have received trustworthy explanations. It requires a closer knowledge of those circles than can be obtained here to say exactly in what way the change of sentiment referred to has come about, whether through influences that have gradually insinuated themselves there, or in consequence of tendencies which already existed and which those influences divined and afterwards developed. It is regarded as certain, however, by persons who are in a position to know, that the change of weather in the upper regions is associated with certain influences proceeding from Strassburg.

“Frequent visits are paid to Karlsruhe, among others by a gentleman of this city who has lately received an appointment at our University—experts assert less for his scientific attainments than through the recommendations of a coterie whose ramifications extend across the Channel. The following may serve to identify him. M. (I mention no name) formerly had charge of the interests of certain small Republics as Minister Resident in Berlin. There was not much work for him to do there, and as he was of an enterprising turn of mind and felt the necessity of playing a part in the world, he was impelled to dabble in politics more or less openly on his own account. He acted chiefly as letter carrier and newsmonger to the diplomacy of the smaller States (this refers to Professor Geffcken, who was associated with the Coburger, Samwer and Freytag), and endeavoured to promote the ends of the clique which he had joined by means of articles in the newspapers. As a matter of course, he was a zealous free-trader, and equally of course he was strongly in favour of the Augustenburger, at the time when the Schleswig-Holstein question was approaching its final solution. If things had followed the course he desired, Hamburg would have taken the field against Prussia in 1866, and would to-day be a Prussian city. People ought, therefore, to have been thankful to him in Berlin, but were not, and on the contrary refused to have anything to do with him. The Senate then sent him as Minister Resident to London, where many doors were opened for him by his enthusiasm for the House of Augustenburg. (It will be remembered that Queen Victoria is the mother-in-law of a brother of the Hereditary Prince of that day, now Duke of Augustenburg.) He therefore always had news to send, but the Senate ultimately found that it cost them too dear, and abolished the post. M. thereupon took a position in the administration of his native State, but seems to have himself soon realised that his work was not quite up to his pretensions. It was, therefore, necessary to devise ways and means in some other direction, and this was done. His Manchester principles recommended him to the official then at the head of the Imperial Chancellerie (Delbrück), who appointed him his assistant, (miracles, you see, still happen!) and his friends converted the unsuccessful diplomatist into a Professor in Ordinary at the High School of the Reichsland. In 1875 he launched a book entitled ‘State and Church,’ which is almost as thick as the Bible. The bulky proportions so essential to a professorial production were attained by a superficial historical compilation of some six hundred pages. The last chapter contained an unfavourable criticism of the Falk laws, written—to put it politely—in a very popular style, somewhat as if it were intended to be read by ladies. The real significance of the work,—of course not expressed in so many words, but clearly to be read between the lines,—is: ‘I am a model Minister of Public Worship!’ It is said that the author received further recommendations from Baden, which, however, failed to produce the intended effect in official circles, owing to a knowledge of his past, and to the accurate estimate formed of the same. Since then, M. has been delivering public lectures on all sorts of subjects, some with a political flavour, so much to the taste of the Francophil Philistines that they flock to hear the professor.

“Another professor found his way across the Kehl Bridge, and to the district which may be described as the handle of the Karlsruhe Fan.[17] I also forbear to give his name. (Max Müller is the professor here alluded to.) For the moment I will merely mention that he belongs to the Bunsen Club, and that—as far as I know—he is one of those German savants who are most indebted to an energetic and persistent system of advertisement. He is a member of the Berlin Academy of Science, and also of the French Institute, and is understood to be a capable Sanscrit scholar, which I do not question, although I certainly question the good taste of his friends in the Augsburger Zeitung, who seldom mention his name without describing him as ‘our celebrated countryman.’ The publication of Indian texts, which he is bringing out under the patronage of one of the Orleans Princes, has brought him into communication with that interesting family. In addition to his lectures at Oxford he occasionally delivers others in London, where he holds forth before a fashionable and feminine audience upon the growth of language, the origin of religion, and similar subjects. His numerous admirers in Germany announced a few years ago that he had been induced to deliver lectures here in Strassburg also. It is true that his friends in England put a different complexion on the affair. They say that British soil is no longer so congenial to him as it used to be, or, as they express it, England has become too hot for him. Be that as it may, he put in occasional appearances here, and read lectures. It is asserted that he was at the same time occupied with other matters also, great expectations and desires, which I will now merely indicate. Notwithstanding the skill which he displayed in his lectures on the origin of religion, in harmonising the demands of science with the devout respectability which is indispensable in England, he did not consider himself qualified for the post of Prussian Minister of Public Worship. But, after all, it is no new idea that Falk’s inheritance might be divided between two individuals, and he would probably not consider it beneath his dignity to accept the Department of Education (first, perhaps, at Karlsruhe, and then in Berlin). But for this purpose, of course, Falk must first be got rid of. Hereditas viventis non datur.

“A reaction from the East upon the West, from the right bank of the Rhine upon the left, is understood to have taken place since the winter of 1874–75. This is said to be manifested in the lively interest taken in the rights of the French language, which are alleged to be infringed in the teaching of French and in the teaching of religious and theological instruction at the girls’ schools in Alsace-Lorraine. It is related in official circles that in this matter there has been developed a sort of voluntary system reaching up to the most exalted authority in the State, and down again to the lowest. It is true that all these endeavours have, fortunately, been fruitless so far as my information goes.

“Finally, a journey was made to Rome. Between this incident and the commencement of the change at Karlsruhe, there must have been a number of connecting links which I cannot specify. Possibly, although it may not seem quite credible, one may be allowed to associate with this change a certain exalted lady, a widow of ripe years, who allowed herself to be converted to the only True Church by a fascinating priest, and who now, with the customary zeal of converts, considers it her duty to promote the restoration of peace with Rome, ignorant of the fact that Rome will never hear of peace, but only of complete subjection or of a truce. It may be taken as tolerably certain that bodily and mental conditions, a feeling of discontent, and numerous other more interesting visits than those of the two professors, have helped to place a noble nature in the service of schemes the significance of which such a nature is less able to appreciate than others. Those who are acquainted with the circumstances and persons concerned can easily imagine that in this instance Rome has exercised its influence, not as in the case of Luther, but rather as in that of Mortimer, although not with such striking effect, and that its acute Monsignors knew how to take advantage of their opportunity, even had no Vienna newspaper given a hint of a similar occurrence in that capital. It is perhaps fortunate that the peaceful assurances of ‘persons of high position at the Vatican’ were illustrated on the 12th of March by the allocution of the Holy Father in favour of a crusade.

“All this is very sad for men of patriotic sentiment, but it will be all the more welcome in another quarter where similar views have been entertained and a like influence has been exerted for years past, and where such assistance ‘in the cause of peace’ will be utilised to the utmost.”