Chapter III

THE LAST TWENTY MONTHS IN THE FOREIGN OFFICE—DOCUMENTS RECEIVED AND DESPATCHED

July 28th.—Count W. recently sent papers marked “Contracts,” adding, “these have been fetched on the instructions of Herr von Düring, and are intended for Herr von Meding in Thun.” I suspected immediately that the gentleman referred to was the ex-Government Councillor Meding, formerly in charge of press affairs under the Guelphs at Hanover, the patron of the Situation in Paris, who had now given up the cause of George V. in consideration of a respectable douceur, or a pension from the Guelph Fund. I thought to myself that it is doubtless to him and to his comrades that v. R. referred when he inquired the other day whether he should pay their money to the Hanoverians in Thun.

In this supposition I was on the right track. I see to-day among the latest correspondence received a letter from Government Councillor O. Meding to the Imperial Chancellor, dated from Thun, on the 22nd of July, in which he reports that non-commissioned officers and men of the Hanoverian Legion in Africa, which has now been disbanded by the French Government, have arrived at Geneva in charge of the former Hanoverian Lieutenant Kreiss. According to Meding they wish to go to Austria, in order to take service there, as they were told in France that Austria was preparing for war. Meding further reports that they were employed last year by MM. Malortie and Adelebsen for the formation of a volunteer corps, but were first interned in Rouen by the French Government, and afterwards shipped on board a vessel for Algeria under an escort of gendarmes.

I here add some extracts from other documents dealing with the same matter. On the 27th of July the same true friend of King George reports that those people are in Zurich, and manifest great bitterness against the King, who—as may well be the case—had not kept his promise to provide for them. Kreiss had received from Hietzing an assurance of a pension of five hundred thalers and an appointment as groom of the stud of the Archduke William, but desires, nevertheless, to remain at Romanshorn for the present. Commissary Ebers has gone to Zurich to collect any documents in the hands of these people respecting their entry into the French service. The communication concludes as follows: “I have given the address of the Hanoverians in Paris, which has been previously mentioned, to Beckmann, the writer, in order that he should hand it over to the Councillor of Embassy von Keudell. The other papers formerly in Paris have been brought here by Commissary Ebers, and I will shortly report on the historic material contained in them, and request your Serene Highness’s orders on the subject.” Later, on the 16th of September, von R. telegraphed from Berne, asking whether the next quarterly instalment should be paid to the “Hanoverian pensioners in Switzerland.” On the 28th of the same month an affirmative answer was sent, signed by Thile, who added, however, that those gentlemen should return to their homes, and assist there in influencing the population in favour of the Government. The Parisian papers have been received. The first contract with them was signed as early as the 24th of September, 1870, v. R. should report whether Count Mengerssen was to be included among the pensioners.

Wollmann told me this morning that the widow of the painter Bouterweck, a Prussian lady, has written from Paris to the Foreign Office, stating that several pictures owned by her late husband, which she had had in her house at Bougival, and which did not even belong to her, had been taken away by the Prussian troops. They were paintings by old masters, among them a Hobbema. She had ascertained that a Captain K., of the 47th (doubtless the 46th) Regiment, had packed them up and sent them away, and she now requested that they should be returned to her. They are certainly not in the possession of Captain K., but it may be that First Lieutenant —— has them, as the story goes that he has been sent packing on account of a consignment of flotsam and jetsam in the way of furniture, which he forwarded to his mistress....

August 23rd.—The following suggestions for the semi-official press were sent by the Chief to Thile, who handed them over to me: “The domestic complications in the cis-Leithan half of Austria-Hungary give rise to frequent misconceptions abroad, too much importance being given to the national aspect. The issue turns upon governmental and constitutional questions, and the relations of the various parties, rather than upon the struggle between the Germans and the Slavs. It is mainly a fight between the Conservative and Liberal elements. The German landed proprietors support the Slavs because they themselves are conservative or reactionary; and among the leaders of the Slav party and those who are promoting the compromise there are a great number of prominent aristocrats who do not understand a word of Bohemian or any other Slav language. Men like Thun and Hohenwart are in the first place conservative, and are only Bohemian in so far as they regard the Slavs as useful tools for advancing the views of the aristocracy and of the Church. That they further the Slav national movement at the same time, and even apparently adopt its principles, is due to the fact that the Slav peoples prove themselves to be more capable and willing instruments of aristocratic, absolutist and clerical tendencies than the German element. The latter, owing to its entire education and to the circumstance that it includes the real bourgeoisie and prosperous middle classes of Austria, gravitates unmistakably towards Liberalism. It is in this way that the struggle assumes a national character. This condition of affairs will be more readily understood by comparing it with similar occurrences in Germany and elsewhere, where the reactionary as well as the democratic and revolutionary groups, irrespective of nationality, have thrown in their lot with kindred parties in other countries (Poles and Frenchmen) for the purpose of forwarding their party schemes against their opponents at home.”

“The Federalist-Conservative party in Austria has selected two other elements as allies and—as it hopes—tools. Both of these are in themselves equally hostile to Liberalism and Conservatism, and desire for their part to use the Conservatives as instruments, hoping ultimately to out-general them. These elements are Ultramontanism on the one hand, and Socialism on the other. The latter, in the person of the Minister Schaeffle, has been able to extend its ramifications even into the present cis-Leithan Cabinet, and from that point of vantage democrats like May, Frese and others, who are opposed to every form of national as well as State organisation, will be utilised for momentary party purposes. From its nature Ultramontanism is equally hostile to every national element, and particularly to the German. The attitude of their organs in Germany and abroad shows clearly that the German nation cannot conclude any honourable peace with them. On the contrary, both elements, the Ultramontane and the Socialist, are the born foes of Germany.”

August 30th.—Abeken, under instructions from the Chancellor, has sent Thile a résumé, dated the 20th inst., of the conversation that took place between the Emperor William and the Emperor Francis Joseph on their journey between Welk and Ischl, from the particulars furnished by the former. The abstract runs as follows:—

“When their Majesties had taken their seats in the carriage the Emperor of Austria began immediately by expressing the satisfaction with which he followed the great and successful achievements of his Majesty the Emperor and King and of his armies. The conversation then turned on the distracted internal condition of France, and from that to the danger with which all Governments were threatened by the International and by the communistic and socialistic movements with which it was associated. His Majesty mentioned the last communication on this subject from the French Government, dated the 16th day of July, with which the Emperor of Austria also seemed to be acquainted. When his Majesty remarked that in addition to a number of fine phrases it also contained one practical suggestion, namely, that the Powers should if possible meet in conference to consider the causes of, and come to an understanding as to the means for averting, the threatening danger, the Emperor of Austria replied that this was a good idea, which must be carried into effect. The Emperor Francis Joseph referred to the domestic difficulties with which he was confronted, but expressed the hope that he would be able to overcome them. He hoped shortly to be able to bring about a compromise with the Czechs. Everything was ready, and the proclamation was to be made on his birthday, the 18th of August, which it was hoped would satisfy Bohemia. He did not give any further particulars of the measure.

“The Emperor Francis Joseph observed that the excessive demands of the Germans in his Empire gave him a great deal of trouble. Towards the close of the conversation the Emperor William took an opportunity of telling him that if he succeeded in meeting the legitimate demands of his German subjects, their thoughts would certainly not turn away from Austria towards Germany. He had made a similar remark to the Emperor of Russia with respect to the Baltic Provinces. The Emperor of Austria considered that his Majesty had every cause to be satisfied with the attitude of the Imperial and State Diets in recent times, to which his Majesty assented in general, although some few differences had arisen. His Majesty then recalled the circumstance that the Emperor Francis Joseph had once said to him at Teplitz that in twenty years’ time Constitutions would be things of the past. Ten years had now passed by, and it did not look as if his prophecy would be realised within the next decade.

“The question of the Roman Church was also incidentally referred to. The Emperor Francis Joseph said it was to be regretted that the Pope had brought the question of infallibility before the Council, whereupon his Majesty replied that if a Catholic Sovereign expressed himself in that sense it was all the easier for himself, from his own standpoint, to agree with him. The Austrian Emperor did not say what his Government proposed to do in the matter.”

His Majesty was highly pleased with the cordiality of his reception by the Emperor Francis Joseph. The Archduchess Sophia had previously left Ischl, as had also the Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, who, as his Majesty remarked, had just completed her cure.

August 31st.—At noon to-day, Aegidi handed me the following, as coming direct from the Chief, who urgently desired its publication in the Kölnische Zeitung. “In the vehement attacks to which General von Manteuffel was formerly subjected, and even in the articles first published by the Frankfurter Zeitung, it was possible to credit the writers, although partisan and hostile, with honest conviction. It is obvious, however, that in the latest attack (Frankfurter Zeitung, No. 214) we have to deal with an absolutely unprincipled calumniator, who knows nothing whatever either of General von Manteuffel, or of any of the facts at issue. Nor can it be any longer supposed to have emanated from some malcontent officer with an official or personal grudge against General von Manteuffel, after the writer has made himself ridiculous by the puerile insinuation that the attraction of oysters or women induced the general to undertake his expedition to Dieppe. Every one who has even a slight knowledge of the general knows that he is, we might almost say, lamentably ignorant of the pleasures of the table, and that so far as the fair sex is concerned, even before marriage his conduct was always of such an ascetic character as to render suspicion ridiculous. From the latest article in the Frankfurter Zeitung it would seem probable that the writer belongs to a class which does little credit to the press, namely, the broken-down officers who had to be cashiered during the 1848 period. His judgment in military affairs is no better than his knowledge of oysters; for, with regard to the latter, he is not even aware that among gourmets the Dieppe oyster is known as the poorest of European crustaceans—big, leathery, and bitter, like the brazen audacity of his own calumnies.”

September 8th.—According to a report from London —— are very much annoyed that the visit of the Crown Prince has taken place in London, and during the London season, and especially that his reception was marked by such unmistakable signs of good will on the part of the population. Even society and the press recognised the importance of the Prince. The Crown Princess also made a pre-eminently favourable impression.... The Prince of Wales and his Danish consort were themselves more civil this time, and even put in an appearance at the German Legation.... The Royal Family is once more beginning to be afraid of France, and inclines toward Napoleon, who has always been “England’s friend,” whereas the House of Orleans for some unknown reason is looked upon as hostile.

September 21st.—Aegidi said to-day he understood that Waldersee had been “blundering,” having accepted from the French bills of exchange as of equal value to ready money in the payment of the war indemnity. He added: “We have lost in this way more than a hundred thousand thalers. That comes of entrusting such high posts to military men.” This piece of wisdom probably comes from Keudell. A short time ago, under instructions from the Chief, I announced that Waldersee’s recall was not due to any dissatisfaction with his management of affairs, but only to the more peaceful relations between Germany and France, which no longer required the services of a military representative.

September 22nd.—This afternoon Bucher told me that Arnim had shown great want of skill in negotiating the arrangement with regard to the Customs of Alsace-Lorraine. He went to work as if he were empowered to act on his own account, without reference to Berlin. It was a piece of good luck that the French took it upon themselves to insert an extra paragraph, or we might have fallen into the trap. Arnim is incapable, as are also his attachés, Holstein, and the Lieutenants of Hussars, Dönhoff and Stumm. Holstein is otherwise quite a capable man, but he has no real knowledge of State affairs. Bucher concluded: “I have had to give Arnim clearly to understand his position.”

September 25th.—Eichmann, our Minister in Dresden (who, by the way, is, according to Bucher, a vain, self-satisfied and rather insignificant gentleman), reported the day before yesterday that Friesen had told him that Beust, in speaking to Von Bose, the Saxon Minister in Vienna, about his interview with Bismarck at Gastein, said that the political views of our Chief fitted in with his own as did the key to the keyhole, and that the Emperor Francis Joseph had observed to Count Bray that his views had met those of the Emperor William half way, and that a complete understanding had been arrived at between them.

A despatch given in Benedetti’s book, Ma Mission en Prusse, forms a companion piece to Rasch’s mission to Garibaldi. From this despatch, which was sent to Paris on the 10th of November, 1867, therefore not long after the battle of Mentana, we obtain the following information. When Garibaldi was about to invade the States of the Church, he wrote a letter to Bismarck, in which he begged for substantial assistance for his enterprise both in the way of money and arms. For safety’s sake he had sent the letter by a confidential messenger, who handed it over to the Chief. The latter appeared to entertain some mistrust, as Garibaldi’s handwriting was easily imitated. Anyhow, he informed the messenger that he had at his disposal no money for which he was not bound to render an account to the Diet, and made several other remarks to the effect that of course France could not permit an incursion into the States of the Church, and that he regarded the enterprise as hopeless. Benedetti’s disclosure was immediately followed by one emanating from the Chief. As soon as France set about its preparations for an armed intervention in Italy, the Cabinet in Florence telegraphed to its representative in Berlin, instructing him to ask Count Bismarck if, and to what extent, Italy might reckon upon the support of Prussia. This was done; and the answer was, that in coming to the assistance of the Pope France had a just cause for intervention, and that Prussia could not be expected to lend its support to an incursion into the territory of a sovereign with whom she entertained friendly relations.

September 29th.—On the 26th instant the Bavarian Minister, H., told W. that the time had arrived to think about introducing obligatory civil marriage. According to the Council of Trent the sacramental element in marriage consisted in the declaration of the bride and bridegroom, before the priest and witnesses, that they desired henceforth to live together as man and wife. How would it be, however, if the Pope, who has now become infallible, were induced to declare that the sacramental element consists in the performance of the marriage rites by the priest? In reply to the inquiry whether he was aware that something of the kind had been proposed at Bonn, he said no, but that the idea was in the air. According to W., Professor Schulte, who has been fully initiated into the former Austrian Concordat negotiations, stated that the Emperor Francis Joseph could easily be induced to agree to the dissolution of any religious order in Austria, with the single exception of the Jesuits, to which he would certainly not consent.

October 7th.—Aegidi brought instructions from the Chief that in future Austrian affairs were to be treated differently in the press. In the official newspapers, as also in those that are regarded as having a remote connection with us, the greatest consideration must be shown towards the Hohenwart Ministry, while in the others all the concrete measures taken by it against the German element must be criticised and condemned in the sharpest possible terms.

October 15th.—A report from Stuttgart of the 12th instant states that the Baden Legation there has been abolished, and that Herr von Dusch, who is very popular at the Court of King Charles on account of his conciliatory character, has already presented his letters of recall. Von Bauer, the Würtemberg attaché at Karlsruhe, has also been recalled, and the Würtemberg Legations in Paris and Berne will likewise be done away with. Probably the Italian envoy to the Court at Stuttgart will also be withdrawn, and henceforth England will only be represented there by a Chargé d’Affaires. “What Frenchman will come?” asks the report in conclusion; and answers, “Certainly not St. Vallier. Grammont’s communications in l’Ordre have made a very painful impression at Friedrichshafen.”

October 22nd.—Stieber sends the Chief a report, dated the 20th instant, which begins:—“In accordance with your Serene Highness’s verbal permission I beg to submit the following particulars respecting the Vienna Vaterland, Obermüller, and the party connected with that paper. It was founded by Count Leo Thun, and was taken over from him in 1870 by Dr. Puffka of Posen and Heinrich von Huster. Thun now subscribes and writes very little for the paper. It has, on the other hand, many contributors in Westphalia. The present editor, Obermüller, (a Hessian, who formerly edited the fanatically particularist Saechsische Zeitung, in Leipzig, and at the same time gained for himself a not very enviable reputation as the author of some extraordinary works on the Celts,) has stated in letters (which Stieber appears to have seen and made extracts from): ‘The Saxon Federalist nobility has, up to the present, been far less generous towards the newspaper than the Bohemians, notwithstanding the fact that the sole salvation of the former lies exclusively in a rapprochement with the Czechish-Polish-French party, which is in process of formation. A meeting of the Saxon Federalist nobles has therefore been convened at Bautzen for the 16th of October, in order to raise the annual subvention from 800 thalers to at least 1,200.’ Obermüller writes further: ‘It is quite clear to every one, friend as well as foe, that Beust is now entirely on the Prussian side.... Beust has lost all credit with the Emperor, and is now trying to maintain his position with the assistance of Prussia, which will be of little use to him in the long run. Here they desire first of all to remain on tolerably good terms with Prussia, and for that reason Beust is retained, in order to mask the situation.’” Stieber thinks the writer is not badly informed, as Clam-Martinitz and Co., who used his office as their rendezvous, have doubtless given him the necessary information.

According to a report from Stieber of yesterday’s date the “meeting of nobles” at Bautzen has taken place. The only persons who put in an appearance were Stolle, the (Catholic) Councillor of Consistory, as the representative of the Dresden Patriotic Society, and the lawyer Fischer, as the delegate of the Leipzig Patriotic Association, which sent the Vaterland a contribution of 300 thalers for the current quarter, in support of its efforts in favour of a Federal policy in Germany.

In the evening saw an announcement from Munich, dated the 13th of October, and the draft of a reply, which I noted for future use. Lutz expressed his anxiety that “the Government may after all be unable to hold its own against the Ultramontane party.” The Minister’s opinion and desire is therefore that the ecclesiastical questions should be brought up for discussion in the Imperial Diet also, and that in existing circumstances the Imperial Government should adopt an attitude which would support and strengthen the Bavarian Ministry in its struggle with the Ultramontanes. The Chief replied that he approved the cautious tone maintained by the writer of the report, and instructed him, in case the Bavarian Ministers should again reopen the subject in the same sense as Herr von Lutz, to point out that the Federal Council was the proper place for the discussion of that question, and that we should be most willing to consider any proposals which the Bavarian Government might have to submit there.

It would appear from a draft which I have read that Beust has sent in a memorial on the International and the measures to be taken in connection therewith, and that this has been submitted by the Chief to the Minister of the Interior.

October 30th.—G. writes on the 25th instant from Lisbon that he is assured by one of the foreign Ministers accredited there, that Count Silvas, the diplomatic representative of Portugal in Berlin, in the spring of 1870 telegraphed to Lisbon the news of the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern, and that it was in this way the French Government first became acquainted with the affair. According to reports of the 21st and 22nd instant, Andrassy has set forth to the Emperor Francis Joseph in the course of a long audience the dangers to which he would expose himself if he were to take the anti-German side, “as was done in the unfortunate rescript.” “The genuine loyalty of which the German Government now gives such clear proof, would,” said the Count, “be then unable to stay the course of events. The Austrian Germans would turn to the German democrats, and these would tear the national banner out of the hands of Prince Bismarck, and carry it forward until the whole German race was united.” Furthermore, the Austrian Envoy at the Court of Baden reported that Prince Gortschakoff had not concealed at Baden-Baden his satisfaction at the concessions promised to the Czechs, and had in general expressed sympathy with the demands of the Austrian Slavs.

To-day on my pointing to the article in the Frankfurter Zeitung in which the Radical journal calls attention to the services of Count Solms, who was formerly attached to the German Embassy in Paris, and complains of the neglect to which he is now subjected, Bucher said that certainly before the outbreak of the war Solms had formed a much sounder opinion of the situation and sent better reports than Werther, but that the Chief was indisposed to believe him, being of opinion that he was a man of no judgment. He afterwards fell into complete disgrace for having accepted, during the campaign, a position in the Crown Prince’s suite, instead of acting upon the suggestion of the Minister that he should work with us.

November 2nd.—Count Bismarck-Bohlen came into the Bureau to-day to take leave of us. He is going to Venice, and then probably further on into Italy, where he will remain until July. He told me that he had tendered his resignation, but had only received—six months’ leave. He will therefore continue to draw his salary in return for laborious idleness. Bucher says he wanted to retire because his request for a higher official title had been refused.

November 8th.—This morning Wollmann showed me a letter of the 6th instant from W., stating that in pursuance of a rescript of the 2nd instant the Süddeutsche Presse was henceforth not to receive any subvention. Fröbel, the editor of the paper, is however to get further sums of 2,000 and 7,000 florins for the year 1872, in all 9,000 florins, as compensation.

Aegidi told me to-day that the article “From German Austria” in the Preussische Jahrbücher was written by him, and was “almost entirely from notes dictated upstairs.” What constant cackling over every egg! The little man with the swelled head then called my attention to a report by the Consul in Rio Janeiro on the slave law, which is printed in the Reichsanzeiger, to which he had sent it. He then observed that he would continue to supply them with such matter, and thus develop the journal into a “great political organ.” I said to him in that case he would perform a miracle, as it was like calling upon the lame to rise and walk. I did not believe however that miracles took place in our day. He replied: “Oh, yes, I know it will be a hard job, and indeed I have already had trouble enough with an article which I dated from Constantinople. But I shall manage it.” I said nothing, but thought to myself. “Much good may it do you, little coxcomb!” I heard afterwards that he complained to Abeken that in the Provinzial-Correspondenz Hahn had expressed satisfaction at the decline of anti-German feeling in Paris. “He should leave foreign politics alone,” he said. He evidently did not know that Abeken himself had inspired the article. An hour later, when he brought me his Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung article against the Provinzial-Correspondenz he insisted that Abeken had intentionally brought the matter up. Vanitas vanitatum, vanitas! But ludicrous at the same time, most ludicrous!

November 9th.—In reply to my inquiry, Aegidi admitted that he had sent the Sternsche Correspondenz the contents of a report by Balan on the Brussels Ministry and the “Roi Jésuite,” asserting at the same time that the Chief had said it should appear in a paper which was not regarded as semi-official. But the clever little man had carefully selected a news agency which is universally regarded here as of an exceptionally official character, and which competes with the Literary Bureau, to Doerr’s serious discomfort.

November 13th.—A report from St. Petersburg, addressed to the Emperor William and dated the 8th instant, which reached here yesterday, through safe hands, states: “His Majesty the Emperor graciously communicated to me the letter which your Imperial Majesty sent through Prince Frederick Charles. The passage respecting the meeting at Salzburg was specially emphasised by the Emperor, who remarked that what your Majesty had said as to the efforts of the press to represent the good understanding between the two Powers as being at an end was unfortunately too true; but that this, as I knew, could exercise no influence upon his sentiments. The Emperor also gave me the memoir of the Grand Duchess Marie on the negotiations with Count Fleury to read. This document, which is probably the work of M. Duvernois, and was handed to the Grand Duchess by Fleury for her use, the Tsar considers to have been skilfully drawn up. The advocate of the dethroned Emperor pleads his case cleverly in trying to convince the German Emperor that the indemnity is in danger so long as the present state of things continues in France; and that Germany should, therefore, strongly urge a plebiscite as the sole remedy. He then went on to say that Fleury constantly spoke of a strong Government, which was only to be had under the Empire. But who would guarantee that, with the return of the Empire, it would be possible once more to find the strong hand to which Europe certainly had reason to be grateful at the beginning of the fifties? If the French wished to hold another general election in order to decide upon a definitive form of government, by all means let them do so. That was their affair, and not that of foreign Powers, which had nothing to do in the matter.

“It was in this sense that the Emperor spoke with regard to Fleury’s proposals. In my opinion his Majesty will pay very little heed to proposals for a Bonapartist restoration. The trouble taken by his illustrious sister to interest him in this, her favourite scheme, is likely to be wasted.”

November 16th.—We hear from a well-informed source at Lemberg that the society “Opielka Narodowa” (National Protection), which has undertaken to establish and maintain the connection between the numerous emigrants from Poland and their old homes, under the control of Valerian Podlewski, is constantly increasing in numbers and influence. A branch society for Eastern Galicia has been founded in Cracow under the leadership of Byglewski, the president of the so-called Siberian Committee, which provides for the Poles who return from Siberia, and which is now to be affiliated to the Opielka. The society has already established branches in twenty-six districts. The Opielka Narodowa exercises strict supervision over the emigrants resident in Galicia, and is in direct communication with all the emigrant committees in England, France, Belgium, and Switzerland, thus forming a connecting link between them.

November 19th.—It is reported from Munich that Prince Otto’s health is going from bad to worse; that it is, therefore, doubtful whether he will be fit to succeed, and that consequently the King has again made approaches to the family of Prince Luitpold, having twice paid them a visit in the evening, an unusual thing for him to do. Abeken’s draft of a report respecting the dismissal of Beust, which was despatched to P. on the 13th instant, says that the Chief had not expected it from the impression he had derived during the interviews at Salzburg. “For the present he can only attribute the turn affairs have now taken—the resignation of the Austrian Chancellor following upon the real victory which he had just won—to that ‘Father Confessor’ policy (Beichtvater Politik) which has always been powerful in Austria, and he must take it that the influence of the confessional upon the Catholic monarch, rather than considerations of a political nature, led him to sacrifice his Protestant Minister to the Clerical party, as a compensation for the defeat which they suffered through the dismissal of the Hohenwart Ministry.” A communication forwarded to R. yesterday speaks in the same sense, and then adds: “Probably Councillor von Braun has also been active in this direction. I have previously mentioned to you that he was well known to me at Frankfurt as an accommodating and active instrument of the Clerical party.”

November 30th.—Arnim was instructed in a despatch of the 27th instant to secure redress in Paris for the impertinence of which the French representative in Rome was guilty towards the Bavarian envoy there. This despatch runs: “According to a report from Count Tauffkirchen the French Ambassador in Rome and his wife have been so impolite to him and his attachés that Tauffkirchen has asked to be allowed to call Harcourt personally to account. Before I grant him permission to do so I would ask you to secure the despatch of the enclosed instructions to Harcourt. Failing that, we will revenge ourselves upon the innocent Gabriac, and let Tauffkirchen loose on Harcourt.” A telegram from Rome of yesterday’s date reported that the Frenchman (doubtless under pressure from Versailles) had apologised for his rudeness to Tauffkirchen.

December 7th.—Von R., writing from Berne on the 4th instant, sent in the autograph answers of the “Hanoverian pensioners” to a circular of the 10th of October, in which they were called upon to make a declaration respecting the place of residence which they would select for the future.

December 9th.—Among the documents received is an exceptionally interesting communication from Vienna respecting an interview with Andrassy. The following is an extract: “The Count called upon me yesterday shortly after his return from Pesth. He is highly pleased. Up to the present, he said, as Hungarian Premier, he had only the support of the Deák party. Now that he is Minister for Foreign Affairs the whole country is on his side. I observed that certainly he was supported by the whole power of Hungary, but that on the other hand he would be influenced by the wishes of Hungary. Count Andrassy replied that even the Left, with the exception of a few followers of Kossuth, were in agreement with his policy of peace. I reminded him of the traditional friendship of Hungary for the Poles, but he strongly contested the existence of any dangerous tendencies in this direction. Returning to the subject of previous conversations, I acknowledged that the Polish idea, as expounded by Count Andrassy, seemed to me legitimate, namely, severance from France and the abandonment of the agitation against Russia, in order to stay the process of extirpation—in short, a conservation of the Polish nationality as a means of counterbalancing future pan-Slavist tendencies. At the same time, however, I again expressed my doubts as to whether the Poles would be sensible enough to accept these views, and asked whether it was not a fact that they were only entertained by a few Polish emigrants. He replied in the affirmative, and then informed me that although Prince S. Czartoryski had been betrothed to a Princess of the House of Orleans (the twenty-six-year-old daughter of the Duc de Nemours), he had received concurrently with this news an assurance that the projected union would not affect his policy. Passing to the Danubian Principalities the Minister said he had received trustworthy reports from Bucharest and elsewhere to the effect that Cousa, Bratiano, Ghika and Cogalniceano had combined to bring about the fall of Prince Charles. The Prince étranger was to be deposed, and Cousa reinstated, and with him French influence. The railway affair, and the pressure exercised at our instance from Constantinople, increased the difficulties of Prince Charles, whom he, Count Andrassy, desired to support. I repeated that we did not ask Austria to exercise any pressure on the Prince, but only to use its influence with the Ministry and the Chamber.”

A report addressed to the Chief from Paris on the 7th of December contains the following particulars respecting Beust’s visit and the French revanche idea:—“Count Beust called upon me on his way to London, having first had an interview with M. Thiers. His impression of the Government here was that, even in foreign affairs, it was not so judicious as was generally believed. I did not conceal from the Count the view which I have already expressed to your Serene Highness, namely, that the President of the Republic wishes, above everything else, to avoid all foreign complications. Count Beust, with whom M. Thiers seems to have talked a great deal of hypothetical politics, maintains his opinion that at Versailles there was too much disposition to seek out all sorts of complications. I refrain for the moment from commenting upon this statement, which was obviously made with a purpose. I have to-day received a communication of a similar kind from a French source, that is to say, from the Vicomte de Calonne, who formerly served our interests, though with little success. He is doubtless in possession of a great deal of information with which I am not yet acquainted. Possibly his present move is intended to reopen the old relations. The Vicomte asserts that Thiers has one idea which governs his whole policy, namely, that of la revanche. Although he may not show it, it is firmly rooted in his mind. M. Thiers has inaugurated—not unskilfully—a press campaign which is to keep the revanche idea alive. I do not deny that, from my own observations made some days before I had seen M. Calonne, a distinction should be drawn between the utterances of the President and the language of his journals. While M. Thiers and M. Casimir Perier expressed themselves grateful for the recognition of their loyalty contained in Herr Delbrück’s speech, the official papers assumed an offended air, and journals apparently of a more independent character, but also possibly influenced from Versailles, represented the Minister’s speech as a proof that Germany had not ceased her provocations to war. To this extent M. de Calonne’s communication is in harmony with other indications. He, however, somewhat diminished the value of his information by disclosing himself as a voluntary agent of the Legitimists. He expressed a wish that we should give the latter our moral support, as without a restoration neither peace nor order could be reckoned upon in France. I was able to point out to M. de Calonne that, next to the Bonapartist journals, the Legitimist press was the most violent in its crusade against Germany, and that the restoration of internal order was France’s own affair. Our interest in the matter was purely selfish, the only consideration for us being how best to tirer notre épingle du jeu. He could, therefore, see for himself what was our attitude towards internal questions, which, moreover, were still very unripe. M. de Calonne was not very pleased with these remarks, and expressed himself to the effect that we were on the eve of great crises, that France would fall to pieces, and that Thiers would by his policy prepare for a revolutionary war, if a definitive government, the traditional monarchy, were not speedily re-established.

“I have not considered myself justified in withholding the statements of Count Beust and the overtures of M. de Calonne, whom I had hitherto hesitated to receive. It is not impossible that M. Thiers may have spoken to Count Beust in a sense different to his remarks to me. M. de Calonne, whatever his personal significance may be, is in any case confidant of the monarchist circles, and an organ of their public opinion. The views of both gentlemen are confirmed by the circumstance that M. Thiers is raising a larger army than that maintained by the Empire. Casimir Perier, indeed, assures me that the Government cannot dispense with this strong force if it is to maintain public order. But even if that be so, who can guarantee that a gendarmerie of over 500,000 men may not suddenly become a field force, when circumstances permit?

“All these considerations might lead me to apprehend that I have reposed too much confidence in the intentions of the President of the Republic. Nevertheless, I do not consider myself to have any reason for in any way altering my previous view of the situation. Even if M. Thiers should permit himself to entertain vindictive combinations, and even if he thought of ultimately employing this great army to some other purpose than the war against the International, none of these dreams could take a definite shape before the year 1874. We, as well as M. Thiers, are for the moment only concerned with the next six months; and for these six months, and indeed for his whole lifetime, M. Thiers cannot desire warlike complications, because in spite of all his frivolity he cannot doubt that the first cannon shot fired would put an end to his own Government. What would happen afterwards is another question, the decision of which would probably no longer lie in the hands of the present President.

“It has become quite clear why Count Beust took Paris on his way, while every political consideration should have induced him to avoid this city. M. de Remusat, speaking of his interview with Count Beust, said to me: ‘Il a commencé par dire le plus grand bien du Comte Andrassy; il a fini par en dire tout le mal possible.’ Herr von Beust spoke of his own experiences as if he himself did not rightly know why he had been dismissed. The first consequence of his dismissal and of the idle talk to which it had given rise was that it became necessary to lean much more towards the Left than would have been the case had he remained. It appears to me that the fallen Austrian statesman has in general not made a very good impression here. He is thought to have affected too much unconcern with regard to all those questions with which he was officially connected. I first learnt from Herr von Beust that Prince Metternich, after all delicate hints had proved fruitless, was recalled at the express desire of M. Thiers. Nothing has yet been decided as to his successor; and Count Beust is of opinion that the appointment will be postponed for some time, as a means of marking the dissatisfaction felt at the course adopted towards Prince Metternich. The departure of Prince Metternich (whose sole merit consisted in the possession of a singular sort of wife, for whom Paris no longer offers a sphere of activity) is not regretted here.”

December 16th.—With reference to the foregoing the Chief considers Beust’s visit to Paris “a further characteristic symptom, affording fresh grounds for a grateful appreciation of the value of the official changes that have in the meantime taken place in Vienna. In the present circumstances it should have been evident to him and to every other statesman who regarded the matter from an impartial standpoint, that the right course was to take the shortest and straightest route to his new post, and rather to avoid such meetings as Count Beust had sought. Only the desire to get himself talked of and to pose before the world even in the smallest personal concerns could have misled an otherwise intelligent man to attract so much attention, and secure so much publicity to his movements. It is impossible to foresee into what courses an influential Minister may not be betrayed by such weaknesses, which destroy all confidence in his trustworthiness. Count Beust has once more proved what good reason we have to be satisfied with the change that has taken place in the control of political affairs in Vienna, a change which gives promise of a more business-like and less personal, and therefore steadier and more serious, policy.”

December 25th.—To-day sent an article to the Kölnische Zeitung, which was based on a despatch of Arnim’s of the 17th instant. Arnim wrote:—“According to private accounts, which have reached here from Stuttgart, the Würtemberg Court intends to appoint a Chargé d’Affaires in the person of Herr von Maucler. Improbable as this news appears to me, I cannot but point out how very regrettable such a decision on the part of King Charles would be. Of course at a decisive moment the presence of a Würtemberg Chargé d’Affaires would make no difference, but it would unquestionably increase the disposition of the French towards a new war by at least two per cent. Then there is the further consideration that a Würtemberg Chargé d’Affaires would lead to the appointment of a French envoy at Stuttgart, who would find it easy to discover people who are dissatisfied with the new order of things in Germany. Estimating the total loss of the German army in the last war at 100,000, and supposing that a new war were to cost only 50,000 men, the Würtemberg Government would thus be making itself responsible for the loss of 1,000, if it unwittingly contributed to encourage a French renewal of hostilities. Similar reflections should be made in Munich. Rudhard, the Chargé d’Affaires accredited here, whose attitude is perfectly modest and correct, gives no ground for complaint. The fact, however, that he and I meet in M. de Remusat’s antechamber is sufficient to give rise to false notions. The attention with which the French follow the symptoms of Particularism in the South German Chambers shows what great hopes they repose in the possibility of dissensions in the German Empire. The French cannot be judged by the same standard as other nations. They have no sense of proportion, and attach importance to matters that in reality have no significance. In a madhouse the merest trifles may lead to a revolt, and even if it be suppressed it may first cost the lives of many honest people. The small German Courts should think of this, before they, for vanity’s sake, send agents to Paris.”

Evening.—Read a report of the 14th instant from Berne respecting the impressions gathered by Colonel Ruestow (the well-known writer and Red Democrat) during his recent stay in Paris, as communicated by him to an intimate friend. He declares that he also conferred with the French Minister of War and with several officers of high rank. According to him, the revanche, and—however absurd that may sound—a speedy one, has been firmly resolved upon. Not only the army but all classes and sections of the population are filled with this idea and imbued with this spirit. Their reckoning is made for the year 1873 or 1874. The condition of the army, of which Ruestow closely inspected five corps, he declares to be worse than he had ever known it. Drunkenness and indiscipline, as well as socialistic tendencies, were universal, while, on the other hand, Bonapartist sympathies were far more widespread than was to be reasonably expected. The army and the people agreed in a common and equal dissatisfaction with Thiers and the present Government. R. thinks Ruestow’s views are not without interest, as “that renegade” is well-known in Paris, and familiar with circles which give some insight, both political and military, into the real condition of French affairs. R. himself, who is a vain visionary, cannot be regarded as a good observer.

December 26th.—To-day read two St. Petersburg reports of the second week of the present month, and partially utilised them for the press. It is stated in one of these, that on the occasion of a gala dinner at the Festival of St. George on the 8th inst., when the Emperor Alexander strongly emphasised his friendship for Prussia, and expressed a hope that later generations would also entertain that feeling, the heir to the throne observed to his neighbour at table, “Dieu veuille que celà se fasse!” A second passage runs: “I was anxious to hear what Gortschakoff would say to me respecting the speech made by the Emperor on the 8th inst. It confirmed what I knew already, namely, that the Emperor had not taken any one into his confidence beforehand. He asked Gortschakoff if he was satisfied, and the Imperial Chancellor replied that he was pleased to observe the words ‘ordre légal’ in the speech. If the Emperor had previously asked his advice on the matter, he would have urged the insertion of these words, as it would be of advantage that Europe should know that both Powers were at one respecting the maintenance of law and order.” The report then continues: “The Chancellor never likes the Emperor to deal with politics in an extempore fashion, and without consulting him. In the present instance, this feeling was again perceptible; but he had no option in speaking to me but to express his great satisfaction at the Imperial utterances. He added that the Russian press already commented upon his Majesty’s words with approval, and hoped they would be well received in Berlin, which has been the case. At the same time, so far as I can ascertain, opinion here in St. Petersburg is very much divided on the subject. Our friends applaud. Others, who, since the war, have been oppressed with the foolish apprehension that victorious Germany would soon fall upon Russia, now breathe more freely. Yet another section pull wry faces at this formal proclamation of Russo-German friendship. A serious blow has been dealt at all the attempts of this party to disturb the friendship by exciting mutual suspicion. After such words as those we heard on the 8th of December, the reading public will no longer credit what they say, as such a frank statement by the Sovereign cannot be without influence in Russia. They now seek to indemnify themselves by turning the Tsar’s friendship for Prussia into ridicule. The visit of the Prussians is referred to as the German ‘butter week’; exception is taken to the presentation to Count Moltke of the general staff’s map of Poland on the occasion of his visit to the general staff; the Field Marshal and the officers who accompanied him, although they were very careful in what they said, are accused of having betrayed their contempt for the Russian military organisation, and further rubbish of the same kind. These malicious stories may doubtless, here and there, fall upon fruitful soil; but, in my opinion, they will not succeed in effacing the good impression made by the Prussian visitors.”

What is here said of the Russian press was confirmed by a series of cuttings, probably emanating from Julius Eckart, of Hamburg. These were handed to me by Bucher on the 15th of December, under instructions from the Chief, and an abstract was sent by me to the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung.

In the meantime I had begun to prepare my article on the International. Bucher called my attention to the volumes of documents in the Central Bureau which contained useful material for this purpose, and instructed the Secretary to place them at my disposal. Here I also came across Beust’s memorandum which is mentioned in my diary under the date of the 22nd of October, and extracted the most important passages. From the style it would appear to be written by Beust himself, or, at least, to have been revised by him. Notwithstanding its somewhat florid phraseology, it is a document of unusual interest, particularly in view of the Constitutionalism which it affects. I was unable to discover in it any great ideas or new methods.

The Austrian memorandum was followed by a Prussian one (see diary under 14th of April, 1872); and, to my knowledge, preparations were made for a commission, composed of the representatives of both Governments, which was to discuss the question. I am not aware what further steps were taken in the matter.

January 2nd.—According to a report from London, Beust had an audience of Napoleon at Chislehurst on the 23rd of last month (December), and afterwards said to Bernstorff that the Emperor had not by any means given up the hope of returning to France. In reply to Beust’s question whether he entertained this hope for himself personally or only for his dynasty, the answer was that he himself expected to ascend the throne again.

January 5th.—Werther reports from Munich that Howard, the strongly anti-Prussian English Minister at the Bavarian Court, has been recalled, and on taking leave had an interview of three-quarters of an hour with King Lewis, the length of which was all the more striking as the Italian representative, Greppi, had remained with his Majesty only a quarter of an hour. That the Minister for Foreign Affairs only heard of this audience after it had taken place is significant of the condition of affairs in Munich. Howard is succeeded by Morier, former Chargé d’Affaires at the Darmstadt Court, with whom our Werther is on a friendly footing. I may add that a short time ago Bucher brought me some ideas from the Chief for a Munich letter, which was to be inserted in a “non-official newspaper,” and which, if I am not mistaken, appeared in the Kölnische Zeitung. It ran as follows: “Sir Henry Howard, the English Envoy here, who, if I am rightly informed, usually devotes his leisure to diplomatic chatter of an anti-Prussian description, is now charged with the doubtless very welcome duty of representing French subjects in Bavaria. His first act in this new capacity was to invest M. Hory, the former Chancelier of the French Legation, who had remained behind for the purpose of spying, with the character of Chancelier of the English Legation. This conduct on the part of the representative of generous Albion has aroused great indignation here. Sir Henry, the representative of the Queen of England, who bears the title of Defender of the Faith, is moreover strongly Catholic.”

January 8th.—A report addressed to the Chief from Berne, dated the 6th instant, states that Rohrschütz, the Würtemberg Consul in that town, under instructions from his Government, asked Welti, the President of the Confederation, whether Switzerland would be disposed to enter into a convention with Würtemberg for the mutual care of the sick. Welti replied that it would be more in accordance with the general interest to avoid Particularist treaties, and that Switzerland would therefore prefer to conclude such an arrangement with the German Empire. It would be more advisable for the Consul to submit his suggestion in the first place to the German Minister. The report concludes as follows: “The official communication made to me by the President of the Confederation characterises sufficiently the petty efforts of certain circles in Stuttgart, and tends to show the expediency of defining my relations here, so far as Würtemberg is concerned, with unmistakable precision.”

A characteristic article written by me on the instructions of the Chancellor and based upon his suggestions, which was sent to the Kölnische Zeitung, appears to belong to this or the following week. It was based upon an official communication from the Chief, intended—after certain excesses of anti-German feeling—to call the attention of the French to the real significance of the situation. It says, inter alia: “Two peoples dwell in France, the French and the Parisians. The former loves peace. The latter writes the newspapers, and seeks to pick a quarrel, which the other then has to fight out. Both, however, should clearly remember how near the German army is at Château-Thierry.

“If the Parisian moral code culminates in the categorical imperative of revenge, the nation cannot be too strongly reminded how speedily the Germans could reach Paris from Reims, now that Metz, Strassburg, Verdun, and Toul no longer stand in their way. It would also be well if the various French Pretenders would bear in mind the position and treaty rights of Germany. The Government in office will in the circumstances save itself from disappointment by not counting upon any special consideration at the hands of Germany. It is entirely in the interest of peace that countries and peoples should know exactly how they stand with each other. The occupation of the French departments, conceded to us by treaty, is for us a defensive position from which we can only retire, in so far as we are obliged to do so by treaty, when we are perfectly satisfied respecting the sentiments and intentions of France. The policy and disposition of France since the conclusion of peace does not inspire that confidence which would justify us in renouncing any advantage of our present strong defensive position. In France a war of revenge is being incessantly preached from the house-tops, and a Government which has added to the military budget eighty to a hundred millions more than it reached under the Emperor Napoleon can lay no claim to a reputation for peacefulness. If France maintains that the war indemnity is excessive, and at the same displays lavish extravagance in preparing for another war, it may be fairly said that the despatch of the 7th instant, with its expression of regret that the German hopes for the re-establishment of more peaceful relations should have proved premature, was a moderately worded intimation, and that its publication was a well meant measure of precaution.”

January 17th.—Wrote the following article for the Kölnische Zeitung, from the Chief’s instructions as transmitted to me by Bucher: “Professor Friederich, writing on the 2nd of May, 1870, in the much talked-of diary which he kept during the Vatican Council, that is to say, a considerable time before the outbreak of the war, and while not a soul here (in Berlin) thought of an approaching disturbance of the peace, says: ‘I have it from one who is in a position to know that there will be a war between Prussia and France in 1871. There are whispers of an understanding between the Curia, the Jesuits, and the Tuileries.’ Permit me to add a few observations that are taken from a trustworthy source. There was no ‘whispering’ about that understanding here, because people were perfectly certain of it. It was no secret, but a notorious fact, that Eugénie, the bigoted Spaniard, was quite in the hands of the Jesuits and in active correspondence with the Curia, and that in contradistinction to the apathetic Emperor she promoted this war (which she repeatedly described as ma guerre) with so much zeal because it bore the character of a crusade; and because she and her clerical advisers, who may be absolutely regarded as an agency of the governing party in Rome, hoped to promote the objects which were pursued by that party in the Vatican Council and the Syllabus that preceded it. The father confessor played the part of intermediary between the Empress, who was made Regent with full powers on the departure of the Emperor for the army, and the directors of the Papal policy. The assistance of other father confessors was also counted upon in this connection, Vienna, for example, and even Italy being influenced in the same way. If the victories of Weissenburg, Wörth, and Spicheren had not followed in such rapid succession, it is probable that the event would have borne out the calculations of the Vatican and the Tuileries in regard to a coalition of the Catholic Powers against Germany, which was equally hated in both quarters. There is, therefore, no doubt that the Empress worked hand in hand with the Roman Ultramontanes in promoting the war. On the contrary she prided herself on it. It was her heart’s desire. In judging political situations and events people frequently fall into the error of forgetting that the course of affairs is often abnormal, and that one very frequent cause of such departures from the regular order is the influence of women upon rulers. Where women have a free hand, however, there Jesuitism and its aims will speedily flourish.”

January 21st.—Werther has addressed the following complaint direct to the Emperor: He had been instructed to hand over the chain of the Order of the Black Eagle to the King of Bavaria. As the King had returned from Hohenschwangau on the 15th instant, he applied on the 16th to Hegnenberg to procure him an audience, but was referred by the latter to the Royal Household. He immediately called upon Eisenhart and explained to him the importance which the Emperor attached to the presentation of the chain on the 18th of January, the anniversary of two important events in the history of his House, and requested to be informed of the decision of the King by 1 o’clock. Not having received it however up to 3 o’clock, he called upon Eisenhart again and ascertained that the latter had not yet been able to lay the matter before the King. He now urgently renewed his request and pointed out “how opposed it would be to the intentions of his Imperial and Royal Majesty if the day passed without his instructions being carried into effect.” Finally, at 8 o’clock in the evening, the dejected and anxious Minister received a letter to the effect that the announcement was a source of surprise and pleasure to the King, who would have been very glad to receive at once the Emperor’s letter and the insignia if he had not been fatigued by night work and detained by visits to the Royal family. He would take an early opportunity of fixing a day for the purpose. Werther ascribes this more to the awkwardness of Eisenhart than to the shyness of the King. Hesse remarked: “Werther will get a sharp reprimand over this. Just look here!” The Chief had underlined the passage referring to the second visit to Eisenhart, and to the “urgency” of Werther’s representations, adding a large note of exclamation on the margin opposite the latter.

Since the great “Orders day” these button-hole decorations and higher felicities form almost the sole subject of conversation in the office. “Second class,” “with the ribbon,” “on the ring,” “with the oak leaves” and similar dainties have been discussed with more or less knowledge and gusto—Abeken, with a play of gesture and a flow of eloquence that are all his own, manifesting the finest discrimination, while Roland and Alvensleben very nearly approached his level.

January 25th.—The Clerical party has tried to refute the article of the 18th, and the Chief wishes to have a reply prepared. For this purpose Bucher brings me a sketch of the Prince’s ideas on the matter. The article written on this information, which was again to be sent to the Kölnische Zeitung, ran as follows: “My letter on the relations of the Tuileries and Rome before the outbreak of the war would seem to have hit the Ultramontanes in a tender place. They reply to-day through their Bonn organ in a tone of great irritation, and somewhat in the temper (here I used the Chief’s own words) of a man at the dentist’s when the forceps closes on his bad tooth. Their anger leads them so far astray that they sometimes lose both memory and judgment. In the article in question we read, inter alia: ‘Ollivier was a declared Gallican, therefore an opponent of the Pope and the Jesuits. His colleagues were almost all liberal Catholics.... Accordingly, one of the first steps taken by Count Daru was to send to Rome a menacing Note with regard to the Council, such as no other Government had ventured to despatch. He did everything in his power to promote a decision in accordance with the views of the minority, threatening even that, in the event of the Papal infallibility being proclaimed, France would be compelled to withdraw the protection which she had hitherto accorded to the Pope.’ The first thing to be said in reply to this is that Ollivier was not a declared Gallican, and indeed nothing whatever except a vain place-hunter who could not resist the influences brought to bear upon him by Eugénie. Furthermore, when the war broke out Daru was no longer one of Ollivier’s colleagues, and his Note to the Curia had been dropped by his successor, a striking proof in support of our contention. The Ultramontane tendencies of the Empress had in the meantime won the upper hand, and no one will be misled by the Bonn newspaper’s attempt to represent the withdrawal of the French troops from the States of the Church as the execution of Daru’s threat. That measure was a military necessity to which Eugénie was forced much against her will. The manner in which the Empress is treated in the ultramontane pseudo-démenti is both interesting and instructive. For the writer Eugénie is now ‘pious’ only within quotation marks, and she is said to have taken her nieces to anti-Christian and decidedly immoral and irreligious lectures, &c. The good lady has really not deserved such treatment, and it would have been much more becoming for the Ultramontanes to place on her head the martyr’s crown, which she has richly earned in their service through her bitter hatred of Prussia. When, on the contrary, they now insult and disavow her, they display not only ingratitude, but stupidity, a circumstance only to be explained by the confusion of ideas to which men are so frequently liable when unpleasant truths are sprung upon them. For after such treatment of their former patroness by the Jesuits, will not others in future think twice before entering into any understanding with them? and besides, can any one say positively that a Napoleonic restoration is out of the question? Furthermore, it is quite irrelevant for the Bonn Jesuit organ to appeal to certain regulations against the Order which it serves, to the difficulty which the Jesuits often had in obtaining permission to preach in Paris, and to the prohibition of new educational establishments controlled by them. In the first place these regulations were for the most part issued by Archbishop Darboy, who energetically opposed the intrigues of the Ultramontanes in the Council. Then again, the Tuileries were obliged to reckon with the unpopularity of the followers of Loyola and with the Voltairian section of the French people. On the other hand, one must bear in mind the way in which the great majority of the French bishoprics have been filled since 1852, to the almost complete exclusion of Gallicanism. But it is chiefly in Alsace, where we now have a clearer insight into affairs, that we find the consequences of these mutual relations between the former French Government and the Ultramontanes. When the advocate of the ultramontane cause wishes to make us believe that the war with Germany was mainly intended by Napoleon and Eugénie to curb the Pope’s temporal and spiritual power one involuntarily rubs his eyes, reads the absurdity over again, and asks: But in the name of common sense, if Napoleon had any such designs against the Holy Father, had he not, in the summer of 1870, more than sufficient power to carry them into effect, and did he require for that purpose a victory over Germany? We have reason to be thankful that the writer has given us an opportunity of saying a good word for him in conclusion. Towards the close of his article he says that the German victory in the last war had been of immense service to the Catholic Church. ‘Immense service!’ Let us note that. Up to the present we have heard these gentlemen almost always maintain the contrary. Nevertheless we thankfully accept the present declaration, and in return beg to offer a piece of good advice. If the victory be of advantage to you, then, gentlemen, cease to declaim against New Germany, which is the fruit of that victory, and show more gratitude towards its founder than you have towards poor Eugénie. It will then no longer be said of your Deutsche Reichszeitung, that—like the old saw, Lucus a non lucendo—its name has been selected because it is neither German nor Imperial.”

January 26th.—A report from Lemberg, dated the 21st instant, on the secret agitation of the Galician Poles, says: “The National Committee here, of which Prince Sapieha is the President, has three political news agencies—one for Hungary, one for Posen and Bohemia, and one for the Kingdom of Poland. Prince Czartoryski is at the head of the Hungarian agency and Dr. Smolka of the agency for Bohemia and Posen, while in the Kingdom of Poland it is controlled by Ignatius Lemwitz, who is giving the young Poles a military training.”

February 2nd.—In connection with Arnim’s communication respecting certain correspondents of the Kreuzzeitung who had made themselves obnoxious, the Chief reported to the Emperor through Abeken that the newspaper in question would be warned to be more careful. It was, however, hardly to be expected that this would lead to any improvement, as the Kreuzzeitung is in general not easily influenced by the Government, while in this instance the person indicated by Count Arnim as the writer of the objectionable article, has been closely connected with the paper for nearly twenty years, and has considerable influence on its Paris intelligence, although he is known to the Chief from previous personal intercourse as of very moderate political ability.

February 7th.—R. in St. Petersburg writes that he recently had a conversation with M. de Strenavukoff, the Director of the Asiatic Department, in the course of which the latter went so far as to assert that the only way of dealing with Rumania would be—after a preliminary understanding between the neighbouring Powers, such as was usual in similar cases—for one of them to receive a mandate to occupy the country. R. continues as follows: “On my pointing out to him that he proposed to do exactly that which he had always so strongly urged us to avoid, namely, to break the Treaty of Paris, he replied that such a measure could only be adopted as a last resource. France no longer existed, and if Germany, Russia and Austria were united, England would raise no objections.” The letter describes this as a “gushing outburst of the Director of the Asiatic Department.” The Emperor Alexander has expressed his approval of the course taken by the Berlin Government in the matter of the Inspection of Schools Bill, regretting, however, that it should have fallen out with the Conservative party over this measure.

February 9th.—Aegidi told me yesterday that the Chief desires to see Mittnacht and Lutz praised in the newspapers for being, like himself, defenders of the Empire. To-day I accordingly wrote the following article for the Kölnische Zeitung, which was based upon a despatch from our representative at Stuttgart: “... there is no doubt that the latter (the tame variety of Particularism) is largely represented at Court, but it is equally unquestionable that the present Ministry, Mittnacht included, is thoroughly loyal to the Empire. The Grenzboten was therefore not justified in recently opening its columns to an attack upon Mittnacht, in which, in addition to other unfounded charges such as nepotism, &c., his national sentiments were called in question, it being asserted that in the summer of 1870 he and his colleagues only supported the national idea because Gortschakoff had warned Varnbüler to do so on the occasion of their interview at Wildbach, and because the patriotic attitude of the Bavarian Government had brought pressure to bear upon Würtemberg. I believe I am justified in giving a positive assurance that both statements are untrue; that Bavaria was about to make the performance of its obligations towards North Germany dependent upon certain guarantees for its own sovereignty, to be given in Berlin, and that thereupon the Ministers at Stuttgart decided in favour of unconditional co-operation with the North, this being done before Varnbüler had spoken to the Russian Imperial Chancellor. These few facts for the sake of truth. They deserve to be emphasised all the more, as successful attacks upon the present Cabinet would benefit, not the supporters of the national cause, but the Court party, on whose behalf Chief Burgomaster Sick is intriguing.”

February 12th.—Wrote an article for the Kölnische Zeitung from the instructions of the Chief, which reached me through Aegidi. It contains several of the Prince’s ideas almost in his own words as communicated to me. The article runs as follows: “The Parliamentary struggles of the past few weeks have been of the highest significance for our Parliamentary life. Two factors which have been in course of development for some time past have taken positive form. These are: a homogeneous Ministry is supported on an important question by a Parliamentary majority, which includes even the ‘resolute Progressives’; and a new Opposition, formed by the fusion of all the elements which are on the most various grounds hostile to New Prussia and New Germany, together with the group of ‘resolute Reactionaries.’ The nucleus of this Opposition, which represents reaction in the fullest sense of the word, is the Centre Party, quite incorrectly designated the Catholic Party. We consider it to be rather a Theocratic Party, and as such to be treated not as a denominational, but as a political group. With these are associated the liegemen of the Guelphs, whose able advocate—the Member for Meppen—as an Ultramontane, has one foot in that party, and therefore serves as a suitable intermediary, his efforts being also directed towards restoring the old order of things at the expense of the new. A third contingent of this reactionary coalition consists of the Poles, or rather the Polish nobility, with their longing to revive the Jesuit and aristocratic rule which existed before the partition, and their inexplicable hatred of the German character. In this instance again the ultramontane sentiments of most of the Polish representatives promotes fusion.

“Finally this alliance of different elements bound together only by their apprehensions, their aversions, and their reactionary sentiments and aspirations, are now joined by the residuum of the Conservative party, represented in the press by the present Kreuzzeitung, the hostile attitude of which has long foreshadowed the change that has now taken place. The departure of this last body of troops to join the mobilised Ultramontanes will not signify very much, as the Conservatives have long since surrendered to the Government and to the Free Conservative fraction whatever they possessed in the way of talent, and can now only reinforce the Opposition with their votes. Through them, however, the united Opposition has acquired no little significance, for its relations now extend into very exalted circles, where endeavours are made to inspire suspicion and dissatisfaction in competent quarters, and the influences in question—feminine influences are spoken of in particular—are understood to be very active, and to have already produced dangerous friction in other matters. The statesman who stands above all parties, and who by his genius and energy has hitherto overcome these difficulties, will, we hope, in the public interest be able to continue his work unhampered by such opposition. We must not, however, be blind to the fact that the situation is serious and strained.”

February 18th.—Bucher brings me instructions from the Chief for a long article on the anti-German attitude of the King of Sweden, together with material in the shape of despatches. This is to appear in a non-official paper. I sent it to the Grenzboten, which published it in No. 10 of the current year, under the title “Stockholmer Velleïtäten.” After an introduction in which the great European Powers, with the exception of France, were represented as tolerably satisfied with the establishment of the German Empire, and therefore favourable to us, or at least not exactly hostile, the article went on to say: “On the other hand Prussia and New Germany have, in some of the small States neighbours at whose Courts there prevails an obstinate ill-humour, not to say a bitter and lasting hatred, which, of course, is not openly manifested, but is for that reason none the less cordial. Among these neighbours we may mention, for example, the Queen of Holland and Prince Henry, who, as the representative of the Grand Duke, governs Luxemburg in a sense as hostile to Germany as possible. We must also include in this number his Majesty of Sweden and Norway, Charles XV., with whose position as regards Germany and France we now propose to deal, giving merely a few general indications, as it would not be desirable to speak more plainly, our intention being not to cause irritation, but only to give a useful hint.

“Considered from a political standpoint it is not easy to discover the cause of that exalted gentleman’s aversion to Germany. The interests of Sweden and Norway are in no way opposed to ours. On the contrary, what benefits us Germans, is almost invariably of advantage to our two neighbours in the North. A powerful Germany does not threaten the free development of the Scandinavian peoples, nor for the matter of that, any other of her neighbours. The German Empire is the great universal preserver of peace, the protector of international independence, armed only for defence; and whether, remembering old, half-forgotten quarrels, they like to hear it or not, it is, and remains connected with them by ties of close racial kinship. Nor can public opinion in Sweden be held responsible for royal prejudices, which would even go to the length of making military preparations against us in view of possible contingencies. The Schleswig-Holstein question at one time caused a great deal of anti-Prussian feeling, but to our knowledge that agitation was not so deep-seated as might have been inferred from a section of the Swedish press, and anyhow it has long since subsided, except in a few newspaper offices. It broke out once more in Stockholm and other large towns during our war with France, but in the newspapers rather than among the public, of whom the more thoughtful section soon realised which side was in the right and by whose victory those not immediately concerned would be the gainers. It may be safely asserted that only a small minority in Sweden now regrets the triumph of Germany.

“From this it would seem to follow that sentiment can alone explain the hostile sentiments of King Charles. His aversion to New Germany may probably be chiefly the corollary of his sympathies for France, which again may doubtless be traced to the recollection that the Bernadotte dynasty sprung from a French lawyer, a recollection which would however assume a questionable complexion if it were to lead the King to forget that his first duty is to consider the interests of the countries over which he now rules. But perhaps there may have been also another recollection, namely that there was once in Sweden, years ago, a Charles XII. But it would be a pity for such memories to cause forgetfulness of the changes produced by time.

“We can find no other explanation, and that which we have ventured to give is the more probable, as it is stated that his Swedish Majesty has up to a short time ago been addicted to habits better calculated at times to stimulate feelings, for instance, of vain glory than to sharpen the judgment, and that under such influences he has sometimes made statements which it would have been better to have left unmade. Be that as it may, the unfriendly sentiments of the King towards Germany are a fact, and if Sweden were still the dreaded power that enforced the Peace of Altranstädt, if she were still in a position to compel obedience to the pair of top-boots that Charles XII. once set up in the Prime Minister’s chair, it would be possible to conceive situations in which one would have good ground for regarding the North with anxiety, while the main front faced towards the West. As things have turned out, however, this is happily not the case. The top-boots of the last century have given way to a constitutional régime, and the Swedes have become peaceful agriculturists, sailors, and trades people, who would not plunge into a ruinous conflict for the sake of anybody’s French sympathies or longings for military glory, and who would know how to protect themselves by constitutional methods, if any attempt were made to translate such dangerous sympathies and longings into action. Let us consider the present Swedish Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose appointment to that post might be quoted in refutation of our complaint if it had not been mainly a necessary satisfaction given to the peaceful disposition of the Swedish people, the majority of whom are friendly to Germany. Count Platen, who has been in office since last autumn, was born at Stralsund, where his father was Governor in the time of the Swedes, and has been many years at sea. He is a man of frank and straightforward character, very popular in the country, in which he is one of the largest landed proprietors. He entertains no hostile feelings whatever towards Germany, but is, on the contrary, very well disposed towards us.

“The King, on the other hand, holds different views, and has frequently felt impelled to give expression to them. This is done in the first place by displaying so marked a partiality for the representatives of France accredited to the Court at Stockholm over all other diplomatists, that it has not even escaped public notice. The intercourse of these gentlemen—Count Montholon, the Chargé d’Affaires, and the Attachés Benedetti and Hauterive—with the King is like that of intimate friends. At balls and soirées they are distinguished by him in every possible way. The monarch converses with them almost exclusively at every opportunity, withdrawing with them from the remainder of the company. A few weeks ago, at a ball given by Prince Oscar, one of the Attachés appeared in the uniform of a Parisian garde mobile, and it is presumed, doubtless not without reason, that this was done with the approval, if not at the express desire, of his Majesty.

“During the last few weeks of the Franco-German war reports were circulated in the German and Swedish press that King Charles had written a letter to one of the French prisoners of war containing expressions not particularly favourable to us. Denials of the existence of this letter were received from Sweden, and among others a Stockholm correspondent of the National Zeitung wrote that the story was apocryphal, and had given much offence to the King. Our information from Sweden is very different, so different indeed that we do not hesitate for a moment to quote, and to lay special stress upon this ‘apocryphal’ letter, as evidence of the anti-German sentiments of the King, and of his ardent sympathy for France, to which he is only too anxious to give tangible expression.

“One last proof will be conclusive. The King sometimes writes poems, which he does not withhold from publication, and which he is accustomed to sign with the initial letter of his name. Over the same signature he not infrequently writes and publishes military and other articles. Everybody in Stockholm knows this nom de plume. Now a few weeks ago, shortly after the scheme of army reorganisation was rejected by the Swedish Diet, the Aftonblad, a journal which is generally known to have intimate relations with the Court, and which is perhaps the most zealous and vehement preacher of the anti-German crusade in the Swedish press, published three articles under the title of ‘After-Considerations.’ These consisted of arguments by ‘C.’ in defence of the rejected Bill, together with sallies against Prussia, from which—if, as is generally assumed, they were the product of the Royal pen—we must naturally infer that King Charles regretted the failure of his favourite scheme, principally because it deprived him of the opportunity of preparing for a future attack upon Germany. It is true that the articles tried to repudiate the aggressive ideas concealed behind the Bill. But this certainly did not convince the party which, in the Diet and in the press, rejected the reorganisation scheme, principally on the ground of such aggressive tendencies.

“And now, in order to give some idea of the tenour and tone of this remarkable piece of military penmanship, so far as it affects us Germans, we here reproduce a few of the sallies referred to. ‘C.’ says, inter alia, ‘Just as we condemn all partisan misrepresentations of the history and position of our native land, however eloquent these may be, whether they be intended either to excite arrogance or to produce a sluggish sense of security, instead of a noble patriotism and an active spirit of independence, we also denounce the cowardice which shrinks from every danger, the lack of enterprise and endurance which will not struggle to overcome difficulties, the selfishness which will not submit to any sacrifice.’

“Mention is then made of Xerxes, who scourged the waves of the Hellespont, of Napoleon’s painful reflections at St. Helena, and of the fearful awakening of France in 1870–71. ‘C.’ then proceeds:—

“‘In like manner the Prussian policy of conquest and its sanguinary ambition will pave the way for its fall, and bring about its own punishment when peoples recognise that community of language does not form a common nationality, and that the yoke may prove a heavy one even to those who speak the same tongue. At the present moment, however, Prussia is a source of apprehension for all those who are not prepared to be enslaved, and who are not willing to be made subjects, either direct or indirect, of the King of Prussia. Russia shows that she has a mission, while England has betrayed us with a selfishness as inhuman as it is sordid. Russia will certainly have a great future. Russia, hated and despised at the bidding of England, may one day become a necessary bulwark against the arrogance of Western Europe or the covetousness of a certain great Power. England, on the contrary, already reaps, in the mistrust and contempt of other nations, the fruit of its hypocritical love of liberty, its calculating policy of peace, and its too successful efforts to tear open the wounds of Poland, in order to distract attention from its greed of conquest in India and its oppression of Ireland.

“‘The Emperor William has recently shown not only how to establish one’s self in a conquered country, but at the same time how to fill up deficiencies in the Treasury with German blood.

“‘If we consider the magnitude of the forces that are now being armed to sow and manure the battle-fields, and compare them with those of former times, taking also into account the enormous resources of the present day, and the five milliards which Prussia demanded as compensation for her trouble in maintaining the balance of power in Europe, it becomes evident that Prussia, working indefatigably and ruthlessly to assure her military ascendancy, will only too soon be able to throw hundreds of thousands of soldiers on our coasts with ease, rapidity, and certainty.

“‘The world desires to be deceived. Bismarck has known how to take advantage of this fact. Peoples and Governments have spared no trouble gradually to augment the power of Prussia and their own danger. Austria helped Prussia against Denmark, and was rewarded with Sadowa, and an impotence that makes her now powerless before the minority of her own population. France, or rather Napoleon III., at that time reckoned on being paid for his neutrality. The payment consisted in Sedan, the Paris Commune, and the International. England and Russia permitted the dismemberment of France. The former performs an act of penance in the Alabama affair, bows down before the ex-Emperor, and, placing herself under the orders of Prussia, sulkily pockets or hides under her petticoat (a delicate reference to the circumstance that a lady sits upon the throne of Great Britain) her defeat in the Black Sea question. Russia, by her readiness to fall in with the views of Prussia, has either dealt a deadly wound to the Slavonic cause, or incurred the necessity of an ultimate war to the knife in its defence.’

“We do not propose to gather all the flowers in this garden for the delectation of our readers. Those already submitted will suffice. It was thought in Sweden that the King, even if he were really not the author of this article, at least shared the views to which it gave expression, and therefore took no steps against the abuse of his nom de plume. This opinion has never been contradicted. It is true that about a week after the 7th of December, when the first article from ‘C.’ appeared, the Swedish newspapers denied that it had been written by the King; and on the 20th of December the correspondent of the National Zeitung (who is, of course, semi-official) mentioned that a man so well informed on military affairs, and doubtless also on the military constitution of Germany, as King Charles XV. could not have written such nonsense. But for a whole fortnight there was no official démenti, and even then, so far as we are aware, it only appeared in England. It was only on the 16th of January in the present year that Baron Hochschild, the Swedish Minister in London, declared that the statement of a correspondent of The Times, to the effect that the article in question emanated from the King of Sweden, was entirely unfounded.... We, of course, accept the démenti as we know that diplomatists never lie, but we are none the less glad to think that Sweden is no longer an absolute monarchy.”

February 20th.—In the morning again read despatches and made extracts for future use. Queen Olga, who was in Berlin about eight days ago, on her way to St. Petersburg, in writing to her consort, said she was very pleased with the political interview which she had had with the Imperial Chancellor, and with the reception given to her in Berlin, which was as cordial as it was brilliant. A letter from Paris of the 9th instant states that General Fleury has had an interview with Orloff, speaking to him exactly in the sense of the well-known memorandum (previously mentioned). Thiers must be called upon to summon the nation to a plebiscite, as Europe was interested in seeing the monarchical system firmly re-established in France. At the same time General Fleury did not conceal from the Prince that Napoleon was much pained to see Russia accredit an Ambassador to the Republican Government. It would almost seem as if the Imperial Government regarded President Thiers as the definitive ruler. Prince Orloff surprised the general by replying that Russia certainly regarded every Government in France as definitive so long as it existed. Fleury, in taking leave of the Prince, was disappointed, if not piqued. A report of the 13th instant from Rome states that the health of the Crown Princess is a source of anxiety to her immediate entourage. She is understood to be in the first stage of disease of the chest, against which the old school can do nothing. Furthermore that next summer she will perhaps visit Germany with her consort; and that a personage occupying a prominent position in Roman society had remarked confidentially: “In case the Crown Princess, the Pearl of the House of Savoy, should be lost to the country, it may be confidently expected that the Orleans family will strain every effort to place a Princess of their House upon the Italian throne. It would therefore be desirable to at once take that eventuality into consideration, and in order to prevent the success of a plan which would be most prejudicial to Italy, a Princess should be sought in Germany who, at least politically, might compensate such a loss.”

The conflict between the Kreuzzeitung party and the Chief is now a matter of public notoriety. For some time past these gentlemen have opposed the Prince, sharing Herr Windthorst’s views as to the necessity for a staunch opposition, and choosing for their watchwords the “vindication of the monarchical principle against the rule of a Parliamentary majority,” and “the defence of the Christian character of our State.” According to their organ the Prince, in his speech of the 30th of January, deliberately attacked or abandoned the principle which the Conservative party in Prussia had constantly proclaimed and defended during twenty years as one of the fundamental articles of their programme. The passage which led to this discovery runs as follows: “But as things stand at the present moment we, the Ministry in a Constitutional State, require a majority which is in agreement with the general direction of our policy.” This is represented as a “frank recognition of that Constitutionalism which the Kreuzzeitung has opposed with success, on the ground that it is not in harmony with the Prussian Constitution.” In a double article drafted by Aegidi, with liberal corrections and additions by the Chief, and which was published in the Spenersche Zeitung after it had been declined by the National Zeitung, the following considerations were very justly urged in reply: “Not Constitutional? Are we then not living in a Constitutional State? Have we not a popular representation? Do not our laws to be valid require its consent? Is not that consent given by a majority? Surely then it follows inexorably that the Counsellors of the Throne must seek a majority for their measures, so far at least that if it does not approve of every Bill, it shall at least support the general line of policy adopted by the Ministry. The man whom the Kreuzzeitung criticises with such an air of superiority has proved in times of storm and stress that he is willing to sacrifice a Parliamentary majority for what he recognises to be essential. But the same statesman once said that conflict cannot be made a regular part of the machinery of State. Where popular representation exists and there is no desire to see conflicts become a permanent feature of public life, it will be necessary to secure a Parliamentary majority. If those on the Right refuse their support, the Government, whose duty it is to keep the machine working, may have to look further to the Left for a Government majority whose support may be relied upon. The Prime Minister has already called the attention of the Right to the fact that their wanton opposition must forcibly transfer the centre of gravity to the other side. This warning has lost nothing of its significance. The majority can be regarded with indifference only in those countries where the approval of the popular representatives is not required for the validity of the laws, that is to say, in those States that are governed on absolutist principles.”

February 24th.—Read a variety of documents received. It is reported from Brussels on the 22nd instant, that the Comte de Chambord desired to go to Malines, but that the Archbishop advised him not, as public opinion was suspicious of religious motives. The Pretender has therefore remained at the Hôtel St. Antoine, in Antwerp, whither the King sent his greetings through the Chief Chamberlain. He will shortly pay the King a visit at Brussels, as he did last year. Great influx of Legitimists, who did not, however, remain long. Chambord entirely avoids publicity, and only goes out to hear Mass. The Précurseur, the most widely circulated newspaper in Antwerp, welcomed him on the 19th instant with a leading article which betrayed very little sympathy for him.

A fruitseller at Versailles had addressed a letter to the Empress Augusta, in which she asserts that the Marquise de la Torre (previously mentioned) had during the occupation of that town by the Prussians frequently ordered fruit from her which were intended for the Crown Prince—“pour le Prince Fritz.” These were not paid for, however, and she now begs the Empress to settle the account on behalf of her son. The enclosed account amounted to 75 francs. Probably the fruit was sent to the Coburger, but Wollmann declares that Bohlen also received some of it, including the beautiful grapes and pears which we had once or twice as dessert.

Bucher says he has ascertained that it is proposed to remove Abeken to the Chamber of Peers, “together with other deserving statesmen like Roon and Moltke.” (Surely not by the Chief.) This is an arrangement intended to compensate him for having been disappointed of the grant which was originally contemplated. He is therefore to be “Lord Abeken” in future.

Evening.—Read further documents received and despatched. On the 17th of February the Chancellor sent the Emperor an abstract of a letter addressed by Count Ladislaus Plater, a leader of the emigrant Poles who is residing in Zurich, to the editor of the Dzennik Poznanski (the Polish Journal), urging the most active agitation possible. This abstract, which the Chancellor received from a Polish agent, states, inter alia: “Germany, whose unification is hardly yet complete, is undermined by two very determined parties, the Catholics and the Socialists, neither of which will abate one jot of its demand, nor shrink from any means to promote its cause.” The Count goes on to say that it is the sacred duty of the Poles to support both parties in word and deed. Should a Socialist revolution break out in Germany, which may very shortly be expected with tolerable certainty, the Poles must assist it with all their might. Writing on the 20th Arnim reports various particulars with regard to parties in the National Assembly at Versailles, and adds: “The President considers the Monarchists to be powerless, and said to me yesterday that he had no anxiety on that ground. He at the same time clearly manifested his intention to establish the Republic as the definitive form of French Government.”