Chapter XVII · (continued 2)

(3) That this frontier line, on reaching the crest of the main range, which in this neighbourhood forms the watershed between the Kunar River and the country (lit. direction) of Barawal and Bajaur, turns southward along this watershed, which it follows as far as a point in the neighbourhood of the Nawa Kotal, leaving all the country draining into the Kunar River within the limits of Afghanistan, and all the country draining towards Barawal and Bajaur outside the limits of Afghanistan; but beyond the aforesaid point in the neighbourhood of the Nawa Kotal the frontier has not at present been demarcated.

(4) That on both sides of the Kunar River this frontier, as described in the three preceding articles, for the most part requires no artificial demarcation, because it is a natural boundary following the crests of mountain ranges; but since, at present, inspection in situ is impossible, when the ground is examined on the spot, it is probable that in the places where these mountain ranges abut on the Kunar River from either side, demarcation by pillars for a short distance from the water’s edge on both sides of the river will be found desirable for the purpose of separating the boundary of Afghanistan from Arnawai pertaining to Chitrar and the limits of the Kafir country (lit. Kafiristan) of the Landai Sin from Chitrar. In that case these pillars will be erected along the line of the watershed described in the first and second articles of the present agreement, subject to any slight divergencies from this line which may be necessary to protect the local rights of villages adjoining the frontier.

(5) That the frontier pillars, wherever considered desirable, will be erected hereafter by an officer of the Government of India and an officer of his Highness the Amir acting in concert.

(6) That these watersheds, forming the frontier agreed upon as described in the first three articles of the present agreement, have been marked by a red line on the survey map attached to this agreement, which, like the agreement itself, has been signed by us both. In three places—viz. (i) for a short distance from either bank of the Kunar River; (ii) in the neighbourhood of the Binshi Kotal; and (iii) in the neighbourhood of the Frepaman Kotal—this red line has been broken up into dots, because the exact position of the watershed in these localities has not been ascertained with perfect accuracy; but wherever the watershed may lie the frontier will follow it, subject only to any slight variations from the watershed which may be considered necessary under Article (4) of the present agreement.

(7) That, since on the map attached to the Convention the Arnawai stream was drawn on the western side of the river in the place of the Landai Sin of the Kafir country (lit. Kafiristan), which has been decided to pertain to the Afghan Government, and, since after inquiry and inspection of the same it was clearly ascertained by the survey party that the aforesaid stream is situated on the eastern side of the Kunar River, and falls into the river near the village of Arnawai, and that the drawing of it on the western side (of the river) in the place of the Landai Sin was a mistake, this Arnawai stream has (now) been drawn and marked on the present survey map in its own proper place, and that stream, which was drawn in the Convention map on the western side of the river, was the Landai Sin stream of the Kafir country (lit. Kafiristan), which has now been decided to pertain to the Government of Afghanistan and to be included in the limits of Afghanistan. Accordingly, in the present survey map it has been marked with the name of Landai Sin and has also been written with the name of Bashgal. Moreover, Sao and Nari and Birkot, and the village of Arnawai, were not written on the map attached to the Convention, (but) now in the new survey map the names of all these four above-mentioned villages have been entered, the village of Arnawai being written on the Chitrar side of the boundary line, and Sao, Nari, and Birkot on the side of the Government of Afghanistan.

(Signed) R. Udny. (Signed) Ghulam Haidar Khan, Sipah Salar.

Letter from Sir Richard Udny, K.C.S.I., Commissioner of Peshawar, to Abdur Rahman, in respect of occurrences on August 7, 1897.

(After compliments.)

“I have received instructions by telegram from his Excellency the Viceroy to inform your Highness that the Government of India have received information from several sources that large numbers of Afghan subjects have joined the Mullah of Adda and taken an active part in the recent attack on the British frontier post of Shabkaddar and the burning of the British village of Shankargarh. It is reported that, notwithstanding the severe losses inflicted on the Mullah’s gathering by the Border Military Police holding the Shabkaddar post on the 7th August, and by British troops on the 9th August, he is still being joined by large parties of men from all parts of the Jelalabad Valley, and that the villages of Chardeh, Ambarkhana, Basawal, Girdi, Sarkani, and Lalpura are keeping rafts ready for the passage of the various contingents. It has also been stated that numbers of Afghan sepoys in plain clothes and Ut Khels from Laughman have joined the Mullah. It is unnecessary for the Viceroy to dilate upon the seriousness of this information. His Excellency demands that you will immediately take steps to recall your subjects, prevent others from crossing your Highness’s border with hostile intent, and render it impossible for them to repeat an offence so exceedingly grave as this deliberate violation of the British Indian frontier. The Viceroy in his letter of May 2, 1896, called your Highness’s attention to the unfriendly conduct of the Sipah Salar Ghulam Haidar Khan. It is impossible that Afghan sepoys can have joined in this attack without the knowledge of the Sipah Salar, and the Viceroy is constrained to warn your Highness that if you do not control the Sipah Salar, or withdraw him from his command on the frontier, your Highness must be held responsible for his actions. For the rest, may you continue to enjoy good health.

“Dated August 13, 1897.”

Letter from the Amir of Afghanistan to the Commissioner and Superintendent, Peshawar Division, dated Wednesday, 18th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H. = 18th August 1897.

(After compliments.)

“I received and perused your letter of the 13th August 1897 = 13th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H.

“I read your letter in order to acquaint myself with the circumstances concerning Sipah Salar Ghulam Haidar Khan and the people under the jurisdiction of Jelalabad about which you have written. I now write to say that, as regards Sipah Salar Ghulam Haidar Khan and the regular Afghan army, not a single man is or will be with the followers of Mullah Najm-ud-din, and hereafter, too, none will accompany him. As regards tribesmen you know yourself that for fear of me they can never openly join such a movement; if any one has come, he must have gone secretly. You are aware yourself that a few years ago Mullah Najm-ud-din fled from Kabul and settled at Jarobi in the Peshawar district, that the trusted officers of the British Government summoned him to their presence on several occasions, and, though he did not attend on them, he was keeping up correspondence with them and had fled from my country. On account of the evil acts he had committed, and the many disturbances which he had created among the people, he was so much frightened at his own misdeeds that he took refuge near Peshawar. The Mohmands and the people of Jelalabad and of the mountain districts of Jelalabad look upon him as their prophet, and at his bidding and the bidding of the Mullah of Manki thousands of men are their devoted disciples. Just as in old days in Europe the Popes used to profess to be the sole disposers of heaven and hell, and the people also accepted the word of worthless priests, so, too, these Mullahs claim to possess the same power; and during these last few years they have stirred up my own Afghan subjects to rebel against me, so that in every rising, whether at Kandahar or in the case of Mullah Mushk-i-Alam or in the case of the Uzbeg Mullahs who joined Ishak in Balkh, it was the Mullahs on every occasion who created the disturbance. There is a village called Hadda, which is inhabited by Chumars, or leather-tanners, but because it is the residence of this mischievous Mullah Najm-ud-din, his disciples have named this impure village Hadda Sharif, that is to say, Hadda the noble, and his pupils and disciples regard him as a prophet. What calamities are there that they have not suffered, and what blood is there that they have not shed by his senseless commands? He has now taken up his abode in a country which is independent of Kabul and in the neighbourhood of Peshawar, and has made himself a notable personage. Under these circumstances, let the trusted officers of the British Government themselves look at the matter impartially and say in what way I could deal with him, and how am I to arrange for him and his disciples, who regard him as a prophet and gather round him secretly? Every Mullah for many years denounced me in various ways as a Kafir, and at their bidding their disciples fought against me, and their houses were destroyed and they themselves were killed. For fourteen years they raised every part of Afghanistan against me, both in the plain country and in the hills, till thousands of men perished on both sides, and several of the Mullah agitators themselves were killed with thousands of the disciples of these turbulent priests. Every Mullah raised the people against me as long as he could, and when he had failed he used to take shelter within the limits of the British Government, and, by the magnanimity of that Government, a morsel of bread used to be given him, upon which these Mullahs used to maintain themselves. These now are the very same Mullahs who have fled from me and have settled in territory which is independent of me near Peshawar. In what way, then, can I manage them? As regards the Sipah Salar and the regular army, you may rest assured that no such hostile act shall ever be committed by them, but as it has been or may have been reported to you that the regular army or the Sipah Salar Ghulam Haidar Khan is taking part in this disturbance, this is all a fabrication, and I myself take oath that neither the troops nor the trusted officers of Afghanistan have any part in this matter. Every word that may have reached the ears of the trusted officers of the British Government is without foundation. On account of the proximity to you of these Mullahs who are close to your country, and have now according to the boundary demarcation fallen within the limits of the British Government, what more can I add in this matter to these arguments? For the rest, by the grace of God, all is well. May the days of honour be perpetual.”

From His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its Dependencies to the Address of His Excellency the Viceroy, dated the 19th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H., corresponding to the 19th August 1897.

(After compliments.)

“I have the honour to inform your Excellency that I have received a friendly letter from Mr. R. Udny, Commissioner, Peshawar, dated the 13th August 1897 (corresponding to the 13th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H.).

“When I received the Commissioner’s letter, I wrote in reply to him giving true particulars, and writing them to him in a very sincere and friendly manner....

“If the false utterances and fabricated reports of self-interested persons be investigated in a friendly manner, God be pleased, the relations of union and friendship between these two Governments will always be considerably strengthened.

“Further, I have to state that I have secured a letter, written by Mullah Najm-ud-din (of Hadda), which he has issued as a notification to the people of Ningrahar, and which is one of the letters of a similar kind which he has sent to tribesmen in other parts of the country. I send the original letter of notification issued by the Mullah in a separate envelope, which is closed and bears on it my handwriting, enclosed in this friendly letter to your Excellency. My kind friend, no doubt he has sent such letters, perhaps hundreds of them, to his disciples among the tribesmen in Afghanistan. The people also regard him as holding the position of their Prophet. Such are the particulars of the Mullah and his disciples.”

From His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India to His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan, G.C.B., G.C.S.I., dated Simla, August 30, 1897.

(After compliments.)

“It gave me pleasure to read the letter of your Highness to the Commissioner of Peshawar, dated the 18th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H. corresponding to the 18th August 1897. The denial which your Highness has clearly expressed therein, of any complicity on the part of your Highness’s officials and sepoys of the regular army, was made in a still more marked manner by the public utterances of your Highness at the Durbar held on the previous day. Your Highness may rest assured that I should not have suggested the possibility of so grave a breach of the relations that must subsist between friendly allies had I not had reason to think that the complaints made to me were well founded. That your Highness has taken thus early the opportunity to make public an emphatic repudiation, on behalf of yourself and your officials, of any complicity with the actions of the Mullahs, who have been stirring up strife on the borders of India, justifies the hope that the charges made can be disproved, and that for the future no doubt will arise of the loyalty of your Highness’s subjects and servants to the alliance with the British Government which your Highness has again so openly professed.

“It is right that I should tell your Highness the information which I have received which indicates that tribesmen from your Highness’s territories have joined the Mullah of Hadda, and have, in other respects, committed aggression against the British Government. Bodies of men from Jelalabad district crossed the Kabul River openly with flags flying and drums beating. After the fight at Shabkaddar they returned in the same manner, carrying their dead and helping their wounded. On the side of Khost numbers of camels stolen from my troops in Dawar have been taken across the border, and it is even reported that these camels have been ordered to be collected by Sirdar Sherindil Khan. Your Highness will no doubt recognise the propriety of directing the restoration of camels belonging to the Government of India, which have been stolen and carried into Afghan territory.

“Your Highness has said that ‘tribesmen can never join such a movement openly for fear of me. If any one has come he must have gone secretly.’ What I now ask your Highness, in accordance with those assurances of friendship which you have so readily made, is that you will publicly announce to the tribesmen through your local officers that, if they cross the border and join in disturbances against the British Government, they will incur your displeasure. The belief is entertained by many misguided persons that they will not incur your Highness’s displeasure by acting in a hostile manner against the British Government, and this belief can be dispelled if your Highness’s local officers will keep watch along the Kabul River and at other places in order to prevent your Highness’s subjects from crossing the frontier with hostile intentions, whether secretly or openly. I ask your Highness, therefore, to issue orders to this effect.

“I mention, for your Highness’s information, the following facts regarding the disturbances that have arisen among the tribes. These disturbances were wholly unprovoked and cannot be tolerated. I detailed a force of troops to punish the tribesmen concerned in the attack upon Malakand and Chakdarra. This force has visited the Upper Swat Valley and received the submission of the tribesmen there.

“The circumstances of the Afridis are these; they have been stirred up to break their engagements of many years’ standing with the British Government and to display hostility. The men who are responsible for this are Mullah Said Akbar, Aka Khel, and Mir Bashir, Malikdin Khel. Some of the Afridi tribe in the Khyber have remained true to their engagements, but they were unable to resist the attack of the rest of the tribe. The posts have been burned, and the road is now undefended and closed to the passage of kafilas. In the present state of the frontier, the carriage of valuable goods, and especially of warlike stores, must necessarily be for the time discontinued.

“I shall deal with the Afridis and any other tribe which attacks the British border or British posts in a manner to make clear the supremacy of the British Government. I am glad to learn that your Highness in Durbar characterised as false and unfounded the story concocted by designing persons that the troops assembled at Peshawar were intended for an attack on Kabul. Your Highness is well aware that, so long as your Highness on your part observes the obligations you have undertaken to the Government of India, the Government of India will honourably adhere to its promise of supporting your Highness’s Government.”

From His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its Dependencies to the address of His Excellency the Viceroy, dated 12th Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., corresponding to the 10th September 1897.

(After compliments.)

“I have received your Excellency’s friendly letter, dated the 30th August 1897, and understood the contents.

“As regards the report which your Excellency had received to the effect that my subjects had openly collected together and, forming themselves into separate bands, with flags flying and drums beating, crossed the Kabul River and joined Mullah Hadda’s party; that after the fight at Shabkaddar they returned to their places carrying their dead and helping their wounded; and as to your Excellency asking me to order my local officers to prevent my subjects from crossing the frontier and joining Mullah Hadda with hostile intentions against the British Government, and even to appoint guards along the Kabul River and at other places, to prevent them from crossing, my dear friend, after your Excellency wrote to me, such a thing has not occurred, viz., that Afghan subjects openly collected in such bands and crossed the frontier with flags flying. The true state of affairs has been what I have communicated to your Excellency in my former letter, i.e., that Mullah Najm-ud-din, an inhabitant of Jarobi, having spread the net of his cunning, has made numerous people from the different Afghan tribes his disciples, and they obey his orders to the utmost extent. During these times, when he became the source of mischief and disturbances, he has sent letters in every direction, and invites all people to join him. I had secured one of his letters, which I sent for your Excellency’s perusal, and which your Excellency must have received some time ago.

“I have ordered the local officers to keep watch on Afghan subjects to the best of their ability, and prevent them from joining Mullah Hadda. Thus the inhabitants of Lamkan (Laughman) had collected a large number of people, numbering about 30,000 men, and prepared flags; but on the officers receiving my orders, they used their best endeavours and succeeded in dispersing them; and they all returned to their homes. No doubt the news-writers on the frontier must have communicated this report to your Excellency.

“No tribesmen from my territories can do such an act in an open manner. Some of them, however, have great faith in Mullah Hadda, and it is possible that they may have joined him during the night, travelling like thieves by unfrequented roads. How is it possible to keep watch on thieves during nights along such an extensive frontier?

“Your Excellency writes that guards should be appointed along the Kabul River and on other roads, so that no one might be allowed to cross over to the other side.

“My kind friend, such an arrangement could only be possible by posting about ten thousand soldiers on all the mountain tops and at all the fords in that district. Then they will be able to execute properly such an arrangement, otherwise how would it be possible to stop the people who are familiar with the country? If the well-known roads be guarded against them, they can, owing to their knowledge of the country, find paths, over mountains and through desert tracts, to cross the frontier. As far as possible, however, the local officials have been watching and will watch any open movements of the tribesmen.

“As regards the dead and the wounded whom your Excellency writes that the tribesmen carried away with them after the fight at Shabkaddar, I beg to state that, if they have brought back their dead secretly, they have already, according to their custom, buried them, and now no trace can be obtained of them. As to the wounded, if questions be asked, they explain that they are always engaged in tribal feuds with one another, and they often kill and wound one another, and that the wounded men have received their wounds in such tribal feuds; and, as the witnesses belong to the people concerned, it is difficult to prove anything contrary to what they allege.

“Your Excellency has kindly informed me that the disturbances which have broken out on the frontiers of India have been wholly unprovoked; that a force of troops was detailed to punish the tribesmen concerned in the attack upon Malakand and Chakdarra; that the force visited the Upper Swat Valley and received the submission of the tribesmen there; that the Afridis, who have had engagements for many years’ standing with the British Government, have been stirred to hostility; that the men who are responsible for this were Mullah Saiyid Akbar, Aka Khel, and Mir Bashir, Malikdin Khel; that they have burned some of the posts in the Khyber; that the road was undefended and closed to the passage of kafilas; that in the present state the carriage of valuable goods, and especially of warlike stores, must necessarily be for the time discontinued; and that the Afridis and other tribes, who have attacked British Government posts, would be dealt with in a manner to make clear the supremacy of the British Government.

“I have understood the facts of the circumstances which your Excellency has detailed, and I feel certain that the tribesmen, who have stirred up disturbances and who, without possessing any warlike materials and appliances, commenced hostilities against the Government, will be put to flight and dispersed.

“I saw some of these people, and asked them by way of advice why they were disobeying the illustrious British Government, and exposing themselves to slaughter and loss. They said that their proceedings were undertaken owing to the hopeless circumstances in which they were involved, and they gave the particulars as stated below, i.e., that during former years a firm promise was given, on behalf of the illustrious British Government, to the frontier tribesmen that they would always be exempted from the restrictions of Government laws, and would remain independent in their own country; that when they received such orders from the great Government, they lived with perfect assurance of mind, and never paid any taxes to any one; that subsequently the frontier British officials, disregarding the orders of the Government of India issued to them (tribesmen), began to make roads in their country, and subsequently asked them for revenue and inflicted fines, &c., upon them and generally treated them in the same way as the old inhabitants of India were treated.

“That the people inhabiting hilly tracts are generally poor and possess no property; that they have, therefore, exposed themselves to destruction, and they desire that the frontier officials should act in accordance with the promise which the Government of India had given them.

“I then asked them to produce any Government ‘Sanad’ in support of their statements, and they produced several printed notifications, declaring the independence of those tribesmen, issued by the Exalted Government of India.

“As I have heard the above-mentioned particulars from some of the said tribesmen, and as I saw the notifications also which they had in their possession, I have communicated the above as a piece of information to your Excellency. Apparently the complaints of these people are against the local frontier officers of India. It is possible that your Excellency may have received similar accounts.

“Further, as to the closure of the Khyber road owing to the instigations of the Mullahs and its remaining unprotected, your Excellency has informed me about the causes which have led to the discontinuance of the carriage through the pass of merchandise, and especially of valuable goods and warlike stores.

“I am aware that those independent tribesmen do plunder. Thus, some time ago Sartip Muhammad Hosein, stationed at Dakka, had entrusted to the charge of the escort party (Khyber) some packages of raisins and raw goat-skins, but some mischievous people carried off the above goods. There was another kafila carrying about six lakhs of rupees, belonging to merchants, which subsequently reached Dakka; but the money was called back from Dakka.

“I have, therefore, arranged that any articles which may be required to be despatched urgently should be sent by Karachi and Kandahar, until the Khyber road is made safe again.

“Your Excellency writes further about the story concocted by designing persons that the troops assembled at Peshawar were intended for an attack on Kabul, and that the Government of India will honourably adhere to its promise of supporting my Government. My dear friend, many men with interested motives and foolish prattle are to be found everywhere, and they say whatever comes to their silly thoughts. No importance has ever been attached to the foolish statements of such persons who only look to the surface, and who seek to create mischief.

“Peshawar is a country which is in the possession of the British Government, who are free to adopt any arrangements and measures which they may like in it. In this way both our Governments have authority to adopt measures which they consider it necessary to take in their own territories. Further, up to the present, no such thing has occurred as should lead to the entertainment of such unnecessary thoughts. Supposing such a thing were to occur, the first step would be to ask for the cause of it from the side where it should occur.

“If the matter were such as to require an exchange of correspondence, correspondence would no doubt take place, so that the cause of it might come to light. Otherwise, why should ear be given to the foolish talk of interested persons?

“In the same way that your Excellency has written, so long as the British Government retain sentiments of good friendship and union in regard to friendship and alliance with the God-granted Government, please God, I will, with full confidence, adhere to the friendship of the illustrious British Government in accordance with the terms of the agreement.

“As regards the camels which the Waziri thieves stole from the troops in Dawar, and brought to Khost where they sold them to the inhabitants, I have to state that Sirdar Sherindil Khan has ordered the owners of the camels to keep them safe. If your Excellency considers it necessary that the camels should be taken back from them, then, as the inhabitants of Khost have bought the camels from the Waziri thieves, the price current in the country should be given to them and the camels taken back, so that the people of Khost may not suffer loss.”

From His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India to His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan, G.C.B., G.C.S.I., dated Simla, September 6, 1897.

(After compliments.)

“I have already, in my letter to your Highness of the 30th August, acknowledged your Highness’s letter of the 18th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H., corresponding to the 18th August 1897, to the Commissioner of Peshawar, in which your Highness has denied any complicity with the disturbances on the frontier of India. I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your Highness’s further friendly letter on the same subject, dated the 19th Rabi-ul-Awal, 1315 H., corresponding to the 19th August 1897, which was sent by way of Quetta in Baluchistan.

“With this letter, your Highness has sent me a copy of the proclamation issued by the Mullah of Adda to the people of Ningrahar. I thank your Highness for taking so much trouble to send me this information. I had already seen this proclamation, and I was informed that the person from whom my copy was obtained had himself received the Mullah’s proclamation from your Highness’s Sartip of Dakka.

“I cordially agree with what your Highness writes that ‘the false utterances and fabricated reports of self-interested persons’ should be investigated in a friendly manner, and with a view to forestalling any such report which might be made to your Highness, I write this letter to inform you that my troops are about to enter the Mohmand country in order to search out the Mullah of Adda and his lashkar, and to disperse and destroy them. In the letter written by your Highness on the 18th Rabi-ul-Awal to the commissioner of Peshawar, your Highness has stated that Mullah Najm-ud-din ‘has now taken up his abode in a country which is independent of Kabul and in the neighbourhood of Peshawar.’

“Your Highness has also written, ‘what more can I add in this matter to the foregoing arguments, having regard to the proximity to you of these Mullahs who are close to your country and have now, according to the boundary demarcation, fallen within the limits of the British Government.’

“It is, no doubt, true that the Mullah has committed hostile acts within the territory which it has been agreed falls within the limits of the British Government, and if my troops meet him there his punishment will be speedily accomplished. But I am informed that the Mullah has established his abode in the village of Jarobi, and though, as your Highness is aware, the country is wild and unsurveyed, and no permanent boundary pillars have been erected, it is understood that this village probably lies within the territory which, according to the arrangement proposed in my letter of the 12th November 1896, would fall within the limits of Afghanistan. Your Highness will agree with me that this man, who has given so much trouble to your Highness’s Government as well as to the British Government, must not escape the punishment for his misdeeds, and if the Mullah retires before my troops to Jarobi, or to any place similarly situated, my troops will be authorised to follow him up and destroy him and his habitation. I do not wish your Highness to regard any such action on the part of my troops as indicating an intention to vary or depart from what we have agreed upon as the dividing-line in the Mohmand country. I have no intention that my troops should stay in that country, and they will certainly not go further into it than is necessary in order to carry out the object with which they are being despatched. On the other hand, if the Mullah should take flight across the mountains into the Kunar Valley, my troops have orders not to follow him beyond the watershed, but I shall look to your Highness to give orders to your officers to deal with him as he deserves, and to restrain him from exciting the foolish tribesmen to further acts of hostility.

“I have always endeavoured in my correspondence with your Highness to write frankly and openly so that misunderstandings may be avoided. Your Highness will, I hope, recognise that this is my object on this occasion.”

From the Amir of Afghanistan to the address of His Excellency the Viceroy, dated September 12, 1897.

(After compliments.)

“I beg to inform your Excellency that I have received your friendly letter of the 6th instant. The Mullah will not come to this country of mine, because he has acted wrongly, and, should he still come, I will expel him from my country, so that he may go towards Arabia, because he is a very wicked person. Your Excellency’s troops, however, should not advance too far (lit. should not make a great advance), lest some confusion arise within the limits of Kunar or among the troops which are in Kunar. The Mullah is a great knave. He should not be allowed to (lit. let it not be that he might) excite the people and troops of Ningrahar. Precaution is necessary, so that the Army of the Sublime Government may not raise commotion and tumult in the neighbourhood, and the Mullah excite the people and be the source of disturbances.

“As regards the remaining portion of the undemarcated boundary of that district, your Excellency states that Jarobi is possibly within Afghan limits. As up to this time no decision has been come to in regard to those places, it will, undoubtedly, be as your Excellency has written.”

From His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India to His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan, G.C.B., G.C.S.I., dated Simla, October 7, 1897.

(After compliments.)

“Your Highness has probably already heard of the result of the advance of my troops against the Adda Mullah, which in my letter of the 6th September 1897, corresponding to the 8th Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., I told your Highness was about to be undertaken. The Mullah’s gathering has been dispersed: my troops followed him to his home at Jarobi, but he had already fled across the boundary into your Highness’s territory, and, in accordance with my promise, my troops did not pursue him further. It is now for your Highness to fulfil the part which your Highness in your letter of the 12th September 1897, announced the intention of taking, in the event of the Mullah entering Afghanistan. I look to your Highness to prevent him from concocting further mischief from Afghan territory.

“As an instance of the mischief which the Adda Mullah has been guilty of, I enclose in original a letter, dated the 2nd September 1897, from Najm-ud-din to the Mian Guls of Swat. The Mullah writes: ‘I had written to his Highness the Amir, Zia-ul-millat-wad-din, on the subject of jehad. His Highness replied that we should wait: that his Highness would consult all the military officers, Khans and Maliks of his Highness’s territory and then write again in reply, telling me the arrangements and preparations for jehad.’

“Further on, he adds: ‘Please God, his Highness the Amir will make arrangements for the jehad and issue a notification to that effect.’

“In this way, Najm-ud-din has tried to make mischief between your Highness and the Government of India, and it is not to be wondered at if, under such circumstances, people believe that they will not incur your Highness’s displeasure by acting in a hostile manner towards the British Government.

“In my letter of the 30th August 1897, equivalent to the 1st Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., I informed your Highness of the misdeeds of the Afridis, and of my intention to deal with them in a manner to make clear the supremacy of the British Government.

“I now have the honour to inform your Highness that a punitive force under the command of General Sir William Lockhart, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., will shortly start to march through the country of the Orakzais and Afridis, and to compel both tribes to submit to such terms as I decide to impose upon them.

“I have received a letter from my Agent at Kabul, enclosing copy of one sent to him by your Highness on the 25th Rabi-us-Sani, 1315 H., corresponding to the 23rd September 1897. From this letter I learn that your Highness has refused to receive or encourage, and has turned back, the Afridis whose representatives were on their way to Kabul. I thank your Highness for this friendly act, which is exactly in accordance with what I had proposed to ask your Highness to do.

“It is probable that, when the British troops advance, the tribesmen will follow the example of the Adda Mullah’s lashkar, and take flight into Afghan territory. I have, indeed, been informed that they are already sending their women and property into Ningrahar.

“Your Highness is aware that in December 1895 and in May last I caused the Kaffir refugees to be disarmed, and took measures to prevent their causing your Highness annoyance.

“I now ask your Highness to take similar action in regard to the Orakzais and Afridis, by ordering your local officers to disarm those who enter your limits and to prevent them from making Afghan territory a base for attacks upon my forces.”

From His Highness the Amir of Afghanistan and its Dependencies to the address of His Excellency the Viceroy, dated the 16th Jamadi-ul-Awal, 1315 H., corresponding to the 13th October 1897 (received on October 20, 1897).

(After compliments.)

“I have received your Excellency’s friendly letter, dated the 7th October 1897, enclosing a letter from Mullah Najm-ud-din, the Fakir of Hadda, to the Mian Guls, which I have perused. I have also understood the contents of your Excellency’s letter.

“As to the escape of Mullah Hadda from his house before the British troops reached it, and as to my promise that I would turn him out from this side of the boundary if he should enter my territory, I have now to inform your Excellency that I have issued orders to search for the said Mullah by day and night in view to arrest him. The news-reporters appointed for the purpose report that the Mullah has concealed himself and is secretly moving about. I have also ordered that his whereabouts should be found out and a report made. Please God, the said Mullah’s mischief will be stopped, if he be within the limits of my territory; but if this mischievous man move about in tracts which have not been divided yet between the British and Afghan Governments, the British officials should instruct the Maliks of such tracts to make arrangements about the said mischievous man. This man does not pass a single night at one place. He is in motion like mercury: during night he is at one place, and during day at another. Such are the reports made by news-reporters. Notwithstanding this, I am engaged in endeavouring to arrest him. Your Excellency may rest assured that, if I succeed in arresting him, I will turn him out from my territory.

“I have perused the letter which Mullah Najm-ud-din wrote to the Mian Guls of Swat, and which your Excellency sent to me. I write to say that whatever the Mullah has written, he has done so with the object of deceiving the tribesmen. His object is to excite people to rebel. Some years ago he became hostile towards me, and excited all his disciples to rise against me, and made them fight with my troops. Now in this way he is making the distant people fight with the British Government. He is mischievous; he says what is advisable and beneficial in his own interests. If I had given him the said promise, he was not distant from my country, and at the outside my troops at Jelalabad were only two stages away from his residence. Your Excellency can see from the date of his letter what a lie he has told. Liars tell lies, but wise persons should distinguish (between truth and falsehood). I have known these Mullahs well for years. They are like the priests of the time of Peter the Great, who created great mischief in Russia. These Mullahs pretend before the people that Paradise and Hell are within their power and authority.

“I have understood what your Excellency kindly wrote for my information about sending British troops for the chastisement of the Orakzais and Afridis. I have also learnt about the decision which the high officials of the British Government have come to in regard to punishing the said tribesmen and bringing them to obedience.

“I have further understood what your Excellency wrote about the report which Maulavi Ghafur Khan made to your Excellency regarding the arrival of the Afridi jirga at Jelalabad, and my sending them back to their country from that place; and your Excellency expressing thanks to me for my action. As the people are seeking their own interests, their statements cannot be relied upon.

“Your Excellency writes that, if at the time of the British troops advancing against the Orakzais and Afridis these tribesmen, being obliged to flee, should enter my territory, they should be disarmed and prevented from making any attack on British territory. My dear friend, I will not, please God, to the best of my power, allow my subjects to join the tribesmen who have rebelled, in view to help them in their fights. But when they bring their families to the houses of their own relatives I will take no notice of the circumstance, because these people are mutually related to one another. They have given thousands of their daughters in marriage to one another. If I were to prohibit this mutual intercourse and prevent them from bringing their families to Jelalabad, the tribesmen would become hostile to me, in the same way that they have become hostile to the British Government. Their hostility to the British Government cannot be of much account, because the British Government is a Great Government. They have appointed troops for their punishment, composed of English soldiers, Sikhs, and Hindus. But all my troops consist of these tribesmen. They will never agree to the destruction of their own kith and kin; and they will again, under the orders of the mischievous Mullahs, issue improper edicts against me.

“It would be better if peace be made between the Tirah people, Afridis and Orakzais, and the British Government. But if not, and fight ensues, and these tribesmen should flee and come to the district of Ningrahar, your Excellency may rest assured that they will not be able any more to attack or interfere with your Excellency’s country; and until they have consented to become subjects of the illustrious British Government, I will never allow them to make any interference with British territory. But if they continue to remain in their own mountains, they will be beyond my power and control. If they come to my country, like Umra Khan, they will not behave improperly, and I will not allow them to do so.

Treaty signed at Kabul on March 21, 1905, between Mr. (afterwards Sir) Louis Dane, C.S.I., and Habib Ullah, Amir of Afghanistan.

(After compliments.)

His Majesty Siraj-ul-millat-wa-ud-din Amir Habib Ulla Khan, Independent King of the State of Afghanistan and its dependencies, on the one part, and the Honourable Mr. Louis William Dane, C.S.I., Foreign Secretary of the Mighty Government of India and Representative of the Exalted British Government, on the other part.

His said Majesty does hereby agree to this, that in the principles and in the matters of subsidiary importance of the Treaty regarding internal and external affairs, and of the engagements which his Highness, my late father, that is, Kia-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, who has found mercy, may God enlighten his tomb! concluded and acted upon with the Exalted British Government, I also have acted, am acting, and will act upon the same agreement and compact, and I will not contravene them in any dealing or in any promise.

The said Honourable Mr. Louis William Dane does hereby agree to this, that as to the very agreement and engagement which the Exalted British Government concluded and acted upon with the noble father of his Majesty Siraj-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, that is, his Highness Zia-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, who has found mercy, regarding internal and external affairs and matters of principle or of subsidiary importance, I confirm them and write that they (the British Government) will not act contrary to those agreements and engagements in any way or at any time.

Made on Tuesday, the fourteenth day of Muharram-ul-haram of the year thirteen hundred and twenty-three Hijri, corresponding to the twenty-first day of March of the year nineteen hundred and five A.D.

Amir Habib Ulla. Louis W. Dane.

Circular Despatch addressed by Prince Gortchakow to Russian Representatives abroad: dated November 21, 1864.

St. Petersburg,

November 21, 1864.

The Russian newspapers have given an account of the last military operations executed by a detachment of our troops, in the regions of Central Asia, with remarkable success and important results. It was to be foreseen that these events would the more attract the attention of the foreign public that their scene was laid in scarcely known countries.

Our august Master has commanded me to state to you briefly, but with clearness and precision, the position in which we find ourselves in Central Asia, the interests which inspire us in those countries, and the end which we have in view.

The position of Russia in Central Asia is that of all civilised States which are brought into contact with half-savage, nomad populations, possessing no fixed social organisation.

In such cases it always happens that the more civilised State is forced, in the interest of the security of its frontier and its commercial relations, to exercise a certain ascendency over those whom their turbulent and unsettled character make most undesirable neighbours.

First, there are raids and acts of pillage to be put down. To put a stop to them, the tribes on the frontier have to be reduced to a state of more or less perfect submission. This result once attained, these tribes take to more peaceful habits, but are in their turn exposed to the attacks of the more distant tribes.

The State is bound to defend them against these depredations, and to punish those who commit them. Hence the necessity of distant, costly, and periodically recurring expeditions against an enemy whom his social organisation makes it impossible to seize. If, the robbers once punished, the expedition is withdrawn, the lesson is soon forgotten; its withdrawal is put down to weakness. It is a peculiarity of Asiatics to respect nothing but visible and palpable force: the moral force of reason and of the interests of civilisation has as yet no hold upon them. The work has then always to be done over again from the beginning.

In order to put a stop to this state of permanent disorder, fortified posts are established in the midst of these hostile tribes, and an influence is brought to bear upon them which reduces them by degrees to a state of more or less forced submission. But soon beyond this second line other still more distant tribes come in their turn to threaten the same dangers and necessitate the same measures of repression. The State thus finds itself forced to choose one of two alternatives, either to give up this endless labour and to abandon its frontier to perpetual disturbance, rendering all prosperity, all security, all civilisation an impossibility, or, on the other hand, to plunge deeper and deeper into barbarous countries, where the difficulties and expenses increase with every step in advance.

Such has been the fate of every country which has found itself in a similar position. The United States in America, France in Algeria, Holland in her colonies, England in India—all have been irresistibly forced, less by ambition than by imperious necessity, into this onward march, where the greatest difficulty is to know when to stop.

Such, too, have been the reasons which have led the Imperial Government to take up at first a position resting on one side on the Syr Daria, on the other on the Lake Issik-Kul, and to strengthen these two lines by advanced forts, which, little by little, have crept on into the heart of those distant regions, without, however, succeeding in establishing on the other side of our frontiers that tranquillity which is indispensable for their security.

The explanation of this unsettled state of things is to be found, first, in the fact that, between the extreme points of this double line, there is an immense unoccupied space, where all attempts at colonisation or caravan trade are paralysed by the inroads of the robber-tribes; and, in the second place, in the perpetual fluctuations of the political condition of those countries, where Turkestan and Khokand, sometimes united, sometimes at variance, always at war, either with one another or with Bokhara, presented no chance of settled relations or of any regular transactions whatever.

The Imperial Government thus found itself, in spite of all its efforts, in the dilemma we have above alluded to, that is to say, compelled either to permit the continuance of a state of permanent disorder, paralysing to all security and progress, or to condemn itself to costly and distant expeditions, leading to no practical result, and with the work always to be done anew; or, lastly, to enter upon the undefined path of conquest and annexation which has given to England the empire of India, by attempting the subjugation by armed force, one after another, of the small independent states whose habits of pillage and turbulence and whose perpetual revolts leave their neighbours neither peace nor repose.

Neither of these alternative courses was in accordance with the object of our august Master’s policy, which consists, not in extending beyond all reasonable bounds the regions under his sceptre, but in giving a solid basis to his rule, in guaranteeing their security, and in developing their social organisation, their commerce, their wellbeing, and their civilisation.

Our task was, therefore, to discover a system adapted to the attainment of this threefold object.

The following principles have, in consequence, been laid down:

(1) It has been judged to be indispensable that our two fortified frontier lines—one extending from China to the lake Issik-Kul, the other from the Sea of Aral along the Syr-Daria—should be united by fortified points, so that all our posts should be in a position of mutual support, leaving no gap through which the nomad tribes might make with impunity their inroads and depredations.

(2) It was essential that the line of our advanced forts thus completed should be situated in a country fertile enough, not only to insure their supplies, but also to facilitate the regular colonisation, which alone can prepare a future of stability and prosperity for the occupied country, by gaining over the neighbouring populations to civilised life.

(3) And lastly. It was urgent to lay down this line definitely, so as to escape the danger of being carried away, as is almost inevitable, by a series of repressive measures and reprisals, into an unlimited extension of territory.

To attain this end a system had to be established which should depend not only on reason, which may be elastic, but on geographical and political conditions, which are fixed and permanent.

This system was suggested to us by a very simple fact, the result of long experience, namely, that the nomad tribes, which can neither be seized nor punished, nor effectually kept in order, are our most inconvenient neighbours; while, on the other hand, agricultural and commercial populations attached to the soil, and possessing a more advanced social organisation, offer us every chance of gaining neighbours with whom there is a possibility of entering into relations.

Consequently, our frontier line ought to swallow up the former and stop short at the limit of the latter.

These three principles supply a clear, natural, and logical explanation of our last military operations in Central Asia. In fact our original frontier line, extending along the Syr-Daria to Fort Perovski on one side, and on the other to the Lake Issik-Kul, had the drawback of being almost on the verge of the desert. It was broken by a wide gap between the two extreme points; it did not offer sufficient resources to our troops, and left unsettled tribes over the border with which any settled arrangement became impossible.

In spite of our unwillingness to extend our frontier, these motives had been powerful enough to induce the Imperial Government to establish this line between Lake Issik-Kul and the Syr-Daria by fortifying the town of Chimkent, lately occupied by us. By the adoption of this line we obtain a double result. In the first place, the country it takes in is fertile, well wooded, and watered by numerous watercourses; it is partly inhabited by various Kirghiz tribes, which have already accepted our rule; it consequently offers favourable conditions for colonisation and the supply of provisions to our garrisons. In the second place, it puts us in the immediate neighbourhood of the agricultural and commercial populations of Khokand. We find ourselves in presence of a more solid and compact, less unsettled, and better organised social state; fixing for us with geographical precision the limit up to which we are bound to advance, and at which we must halt; because, while, on the one hand, any further extension of our rule, meeting, as it would, no longer with unstable communities, such as the nomad tribes, but with more regularly constituted states, would entail considerable exertions, and would draw us on from annexation to annexation with unforeseen complications. On the other, with such states for our future neighbours, their backward civilisation and the instability of their political condition do not shut us out from the hope that the day may come when regular relations may, to the advantage of both parties, take the place of the permanent troubles which have up to the present moment paralysed all progress in those countries.

Such, Sir, are the interests which inspire the policy of our august Master in Central Asia; such is the object, by his Imperial Majesty’s orders, of the action of his Cabinet.

You are requested to take these arguments as your guide in any explanations you may give to the Government to which you are accredited, in case questions are asked or you may see credence given to erroneous ideas as to our action in these distant parts.

It is needless for me to lay stress upon the interest, which Russia evidently has, not to increase her territory, and, above all, to avoid raising complications on her frontiers which can but delay and paralyse her domestic development.

The programme which I have just traced is in accordance with these views.

Very frequently of late years the civilisation of these countries, which are her neighbours on the continent of Asia, has been assigned to Russia as her special mission.

No agent has been found more apt for the progress of civilisation than commercial relations. Their development requires everywhere order and stability; but in Asia it demands a complete transformation of the habits of the people. The first thing to be taught to the populations of Asia is that they will gain more in favouring and protecting the caravan trade than in robbing it. These elementary ideas can only be accepted by the public where one exists; that is to say, where there is some organised form of society and a government to direct and represent it.

We are accomplishing the first part of our task in carrying our frontier to the limit where the indispensable conditions are to be found.

The second we shall accomplish in making every effort henceforward to prove to our neighbouring states, by a system of firmness in the repression of their misdeeds, combined with moderation and justice in the use of our strength, and respect for their independence, that Russia is not their enemy, that she entertains towards them no ideas of conquest, and that peaceful and commercial relations with her are more profitable than disorder, pillage, reprisals, and a permanent state of war.

The Imperial Cabinet, in assuming this task, takes as its guide the interests of Russia. But it believes that, at the same time, it is promoting the interests of humanity and civilisation. It has a right to expect that the line of conduct it pursues and the principles which guide it will meet with a just and candid appreciation.

(Signed) Gortchakow.

TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND BOKHARA (1873)

Concluded between General Aide-de-Camp Kauffman, Governor-General of Turkestan, and Seid Mozaffur, Amir of Bokhara.

(1) The frontier between the dominions of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias and his Highness the Amir of Bokhara remains unchanged.

The Khivan territory on the right bank of the Amu Daria having been incorporated in the Russian Empire, the former frontier between Khiva and Bokhara, from the oasis of Khelata to Gugertli, is abolished. The territory between the former Bokharo-Khivan frontier on the right bank of the Amu Daria from Gugertli to Meschekli, and from Meschekli to the point of junction of the former Bokharo-Khivan frontier with the frontier of the Russian Empire, is incorporated in the dominions of the Amir of Bokhara.

(2) The right bank of the Amu Daria being severed from the Khanate of Khiva, the caravan routes leading north from Bokhara into the Russian dominions traverse exclusively the territories of Bokhara and Russia. The Governments of Russia and Bokhara, each within its own territory, shall watch over the safety of these caravan routes and of the trade thereupon.

(3) Russian steamers, and other Russian vessels, whether belonging to the Government or to private individuals, shall have the right of free navigation on that portion of the Amu Daria which belongs to the Amir of Bokhara.

(4) The Russians shall have the right to establish piers and warehouses in such places upon the Bokharan banks of the Amu Daria as may be judged necessary and convenient for that purpose. The Bokharan Government shall be responsible for the safety of these erections. The final and definite selection of localities shall rest with the supreme Russian authorities in Central Asia.

(5) All the towns and villages of the Khanate of Bokhara shall be open to Russian trade. Russian traders and caravans shall have free passage throughout the Khanate, and shall enjoy the special protection of the local authorities. The Bokharan Government shall be responsible for the safety of Russian caravans on Bokharan territory.

(6) All merchandise belonging to Russian traders, whether imported from Russia to Bokhara or exported from Bokhara to Russia, shall be subject to an ad valorem duty of 2½ per cent., in the same manner as an ad valorem duty of ⅟40 is charged in the Russian province of Turkestan. No other tax, duty, or impost whatsoever shall be imposed thereupon.

(7) Russian traders shall have the right to transport their merchandise through Bokhara free of transit dues.

(8) Russian traders shall have the right to establish caravanserais for the storage of merchandise in all Bokharan towns. The same right is accorded to Bokharan traders in the towns of the Russian province of Turkestan.

(9) Russian traders shall have the right to keep commercial agents in all the towns of Bokhara, in order to watch over the progress of trade and the levying of duties, and to enter into communications with the local authorities thereupon. The same right is accorded to Bokharan traders in the towns of the Russian province of Turkestan.

(10) All commercial engagements between Russians and Bokharans shall be held sacred, and shall be faithfully carried out by both parties. The Bokharan Government shall undertake to keep watch over the honest fulfilment of all such engagements, and over the fair and honourable conduct of commercial affairs in general.

(11) Russian subjects shall have the right, in common with the subjects of Bokhara, to carry on all branches of industry and handicraft on Bokharan territory that are sanctioned by the law of Sharigat. Bokharan subjects shall have a similar right to practise all such occupations on Russian territory as are sanctioned by the law of Russia.

(12) Russian subjects shall have the right to acquire gardens, cultivate lands, and own every species of real property in the Khanate. Such property shall be subject to the same land tax as Bokharan property. The same right shall be enjoyed by Bokharan subjects in the whole territory of the Russian Empire.

(13) Russian subjects shall have the right to enter Bokharan territory when furnished with permits, signed by the Russian authorities. They shall have the right of free passage throughout the Khanate, and shall enjoy the special protection of the Bokharan authorities.

(14) The Bokharan Government shall not in any case admit on to Bokharan territory any foreigners, of whatever nationality, arriving from Russian territory, unless they be furnished with special permits signed by the Russian authorities. If a criminal, being a Russian subject, takes refuge on Bokharan territory, he shall be arrested by the Bokharan authorities and delivered over to the nearest Russian authorities.

(15) In order to maintain direct and uninterrupted relations with the supreme Russian authorities in Central Asia, the Amir of Bokhara shall appoint one of his intimate counsellors to be his resident envoy and plenipotentiary at Tashkent. Such envoy shall reside at Tashkent in a house belonging to the Amir and at the expense of the latter.

(16) The Russian Government shall in like manner have the right to appoint a permanent representative at Bokhara, attached to the person of his Highness the Amir. He shall reside in a house belonging to the Russian Government and at the expense of the latter.

(17) In conformity with the desire of the Emperor of All the Russias, and in order to enhance the glory of his Imperial Majesty, his Highness the Amir Seid Mozaffur has determined as follows: The traffic in human beings, being contrary to the law which commands man to love his neighbour, is abolished for ever in the territory of Bokhara. In accordance with this resolve, the strictest injunctions shall immediately be given by the Amir to all his Begs to enforce the new law and special orders shall be sent to all the frontier towns of Bokhara to which slaves are brought for sale from neighbouring countries, that should any such slave be brought thither, they shall be taken from their owners and shall be set at liberty without loss of time.

(18) His Highness the Amir Seid Mozaffur, being sincerely desirous of strengthening and developing the amicable relations which have subsisted for five years to the benefit of Bokhara, approves and accepts for his guidance the above seventeen articles composing a treaty of friendship between Russia and Bokhara. This treaty shall consist of two copies, each copy being written in the two languages, in the Russian and in the Turki language.

In token of the confirmation of this treaty and of its acceptance for the guidance of himself and of his successors, the Amir Seid Mozaffur has affixed thereto his seal. Done at Shaar on the 10th day of October 1873, being the 19th day of the month Shayban of the year 1290.

Translations of letters[46] from Adjutant-General von Kauffman, Governor-General of Turkestan, to the Amir of Afghanistan.

Tashkent, June 1878.

To the Amir of the Whole of Afghanistan, Shir Ali Khan.

“Be it known to you that our relations with the British Government are of great importance to Afghanistan and its dependencies. As I am unable to see you, I have deputed my trustworthy (official) General Stolietoff to you. The General is an old friend of mine, and during the late Russo-Turkish war earned the favour of the Emperor by his spirit and bravery. He has become well known to the Emperor. This trustworthy person will communicate to you what he thinks best. I hope you will pay attention to what he says, and repose as much confidence in his words as if they were my own; and that you will give your answer in this matter through him. In the meantime, be it known to you that if a friendly treaty will be of benefit to us, it will be of far greater benefit to yourself.”

Received through General Stolietoff, August 9, 1878.

“Be it known to you that in these days the relations between the British Government and ours with regard to your kingdom require deep consideration. As I am unable to communicate my opinion verbally to you, I have deputed my agent, Major-General Stolietoff. This gentleman is a near friend of mine, and performed excellent services in the late Russo-Turkish war, by which he earned favour of the Emperor. The Emperor has always had a regard for him. He will inform you of all that is hidden in my mind. I hope you will pay great attention to what he says, and believe him as you would myself, and, after due consideration, you will give him your reply. Meanwhile, be it known to you that your union and friendship with the Russian Government will be beneficial to the latter, and still more so to you. The advantages of a close alliance with the Russian Government will be permanently evident.”

General Stolietoff sent the following letter, on his return to Tashkent from Kabul, to the Foreign Minister, Wazir Shah Mahommed Khan, dated September 21, 1878:

“Thank God, I reached Tashkent safely, and at an auspicious moment paid my respect to the Viceroy (Yaroni Padishah means ‘half king’). I am trying day and night to gain our objects, and hope I shall be successful. I am starting to see the Emperor to-day, in order to inform his Majesty personally of our affairs. If God pleases, everything that is necessary will be done and affirmed. I hope that those who want to enter the gate of Kabul from the east will see that the door is closed; then, please God, they will tremble. I hope you will give my respects to his Highness the Amir. May God make his life long and increase his wealth! May you remain in good health, and know that the protection of God will arrange our affairs!

“(Signed) General Stolietoff.”

From General von Kauffman to the Amir of Afghanistan, dated Tashkent, October 22, 1878.

“Be it known to you that your letter, dated 12th Shawal, reached me at Tashkent on the 16th October, i.e., 3rd Zekada, and I understood its contents. I have telegraphed an abstract of your letter to the address of the Emperor, and have sent the letter itself, as also that addressed to General Stolietoff, by post to Livadia, where the Emperor now is. I am informed on good authority that the English want to come to terms with you; and, as a friend, I advise you to make peace with them if they offer it.”

From General Stolietoff to Wazir Shah Mahommed Khan, dated October 8, 1878.

“First of all, I hope you will be kind enough to give my respects to the Amir. May God make his life long and increase his wealth! I shall always remember his royal hospitality. I am busy day and night in his affairs, and, thank God, my labours have not been without result. The great Emperor is a true friend of the Amir’s and of Afghanistan, and his Majesty will do whatever he may think necessary. Of course, you have not forgotten what I told you, that the affairs of kingdoms are like a country which has many mountains, valleys, and rivers. One who sits on a high mountain can see things well. By the power and order of God, there is no empire equal to that of our great Emperor. May God make his life long! Therefore, whatever our Government advises you, you should give ear to it. I tell you the truth that our Government is wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove. There are many things which you cannot understand, but our Government understands them well. It often happens that a thing which is unpleasant at first is regarded as a blessing afterwards. Now, my kind friend, I inform you that the enemy of your famous religion wants to make peace with you through the Kaisar (Sultan) of Turkey. Therefore, you should look to your brothers who live on the other side of the river. If God stirs them up, and gives the sword of fight into their hands, then go on in the name of God (Bismilla), otherwise you should be as a serpent; make peace openly, and in secret prepare for war, and when God reveals His order to you, declare yourself. It will be well, when the Envoy of your enemy wants to enter the country, if you send an able emissary, possessing the tongue of a serpent and full of deceit, to the enemy’s country, so that he may with sweet words perplex the enemy’s mind, and induce him to give up the intention of fighting with you.

“My kind friend, I entrust you to the protection of God. May God be the protector of the Amir’s kingdom, and may trembling fall upon the limbs of your enemies! Amen.

“Write to me soon, and send the letter to the capital. Please write in Arabic characters, so that I may be able to read your letter.”

From General von Kauffman to the Amir of Afghanistan, dated November 26, 1878.

“I was much pleased to receive your letter, dated 24th Zekada, 1295 (November 18, 1878), and to hear of your good health. I have also received a copy of the letter which you sent to the Governor-General. May God be pleased with you. The British Ministers have given a pledge to our Ambassador in London that they will not interfere with the independence of Afghanistan. I am directed by his Majesty the Emperor to communicate this news to you, and then, after forming friendship, to go to his Majesty. I intend to go to the Russian capital after I have arranged the affairs of this country (Turkestan). As I do not consider it advisable to keep your trusted officials, whom you are in want of, here any more, I send Mahommed Hassan Khan, Kamuah (Deputy-Governor), and Gholam Haidar Khan, with two officers, back to you. I hope you will consider me a well-wisher of your kingdom, and write to me now and then. I have given instructions that, until my return, every letter of yours which they receive at Turkestan should be forwarded to the capital. Your good fortune is a cause of happiness to me, and if any troubles come upon you, I also shall be grieved. Some presents have been sent by me through Mirza Mahommed Hassan, Kamuah; perhaps they may be accepted.”

Translation of a letter from General von Kauffman to General Vozgonoff, dated December, 1878.

“The Amir knows perfectly well that it is impossible for me to assist him with troops in winter. Therefore, it is necessary that war should not be commenced at this unseasonable time. If the English, in spite of the Amir’s exertions to avoid the war, commence it, you must then take leave of the Amir and start for Tashkent, because your presence in Afghanistan in winter is useless. Moreover, at such a juncture as the commencement of war in Afghanistan, you ought to come here and explain the whole thing to me, so that I may communicate it to the Emperor. This will be of great benefit to Afghanistan and to Russia.”

From General von Kauffman to the Amir of Afghanistan, dated December 25, 1878.

“Your letter, dated 27th Zel Hijja (November 20, 1878), has reached me. I was pleased to hear tidings of your good health. The Emperor has caused the British Government to agree to the continuance of Afghan independence. The English Ministers have promised this. I earnestly request you not to leave your kingdom. As far as possible, consider your own interests, and do not lose your independence. For the present come to terms with the British Government. If you do not want to go back to Kabul for this purpose, you can write to your son, Mahommed Yakub Khan, to make peace with the English as you may direct him. Do not leave the soil of Afghanistan at this time, because it will be of benefit to you. My words are not without truth, because your arrival in Russian territory will make things worse.”

From General von Kauffman to the Amir of Afghanistan, received at Mazar-i-Sharif on January 17, 1879.

“I have received your friendly letter, dated 13th Zel Hijja (December 8, 1878). In that letter you asked me to send as many troops as could be got ready. I have written to you a letter to the effect that the Emperor, on account of your troubles, had communicated with the British Government, and that the Russian Ambassador at London had obtained a promise from the British Ministers to the effect that they would not injure the independence of Afghanistan. Perhaps you sent your letter before you got mine. Now, I have heard that you have appointed your son, Mahommed Yakub, as your Regent, and have come out of Kabul with some troops. I have received an order from the Emperor to the effect that it is impossible to assist you with troops now. I hope you will be fortunate. It all depends on the decree of God. Believe me, that the friendship which I made with you will be perpetual. It is necessary to send back General Vozgonoff and his companions. You can keep Dr. Yuralski with you if you please. No doubt the doctor will be of use to you and to your dependents. I hope our friendship will continue to be strengthened, and that intercourse will be carried on between us.”

From General von Kauffman to the Amir Shir Ali, dated December 29, 1878.

“The Foreign Minister, General Gortchakow, has informed me by telegraph that the Emperor has directed me to trouble you to come to Tashkent for the present. I therefore communicate this news to you with great pleasure; at the same time, I may mention that I have received no instructions about your journey to St. Petersburg. My personal interview with you will increase our friendship greatly.”

Letter from Major-General Ivanoff, Governor of Zerafshan, to the Heir-Apparent, Mahommed Musa Khan, and others.

“On the 26th of Rabi-ul-Awul, at an auspicious moment, I received your letter which you sent me, and understood its contents. I was very much pleased, and at once communicated it to General Kauffman, the Governor-General. With regard to what you wrote about the friendly relations between the Russian and Afghan Governments, and your own desire for friendship, I have the honour to state that we are also desirous of being friends. The friendship between the two Governments existed in the time of the late Amir, and I hope that it will be increased and strengthened by Amir Mahommed Yakub Khan.

“May God change the wars in your country to happiness; may peace reign in it; and may your Government be strengthened! I have been forwarding all your letters to the Governor-General, General Kauffman. May God keep you safe!

“The Zerafshan Province Governor, “Major-General Ivanoff.”

Written and sealed by the General.

Written on March 29, 1879.

Treaty between the Russian Government and Amir Shir Ali Khan, written from memory by Mirza Mahommed Nabbi.

(1) The Russian Government engages that the friendship of the Russian Government with the Government of Amir Shir Ali Khan, Amir of All Afghanistan, will be a permanent and perpetual one.

(2) The Russian Government engages that, as Sirdar Abdulla Khan, son of the Amir, is dead, the friendship of the Russian Government with any person whom the Amir may appoint Heir-Apparent to the throne of Afghanistan, and with the heir of the Heir-Apparent, will remain firm and perpetual.

(3) The Russian Government engages that if any foreign enemy attacks Afghanistan, and the Amir is unable to drive him out, and asks the assistance of the Russian Government, the Russian Government will repel the enemy, either by means of advice or by such other means as it may consider proper.

(4) The Amir of Afghanistan will not wage war with any foreign Power without consulting the Russian Government, and without its permission.

(5) The Amir of Afghanistan engages that he will always report in a friendly manner to the Russian Government what goes on in his kingdom.

(6) The Amir of Afghanistan will communicate every wish and important affair of his to General Kauffman, Governor-General of Turkestan, and the Governor-General will be authorised by the Russian Government to fulfil the wishes of the Amir.

(7) The Russian Government engages that the Afghan merchants who may trade and sojourn in Russian territory will be safe from wrong, and that they will be allowed to carry away their profits.

(8) The Amir of Afghanistan will have the power to send his servants to Russia to learn arts and trades, and the Russian officers will treat them with consideration and respect as men of rank.

(9) (Does not remember.)

(10) I, Major-General Stolietoff Nicholas, being a trusted Agent of the Russian Government, have made the above-mentioned Articles between the Russian Government and the Government of Amir Shir Ali Khan, and have put my seal to them.

Correspondence between the British and Russian Governments Respecting the Exclusion of Afghanistan from the Russian sphere of influence, and settling the Russo-Afghan Frontier of 1872 and 1887.

From time to time the Russian Government has given a series of assurances that whatever its action in other respects may have been, it regarded Afghanistan as entirely beyond its sphere of action.

In March 1869, the Earl of Clarendon, then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, informed the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg that he had received communication of a despatch addressed by the Russian Chancellor, Prince Gortchakow, to the Russian Ambassador in London, containing the following declaration:

“You may repeat to her Britannic Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State the positive assurance that his Imperial Majesty looks upon Afghanistan as completely outside the sphere within which Russia may be called upon to exercise her influence. No intervention or interference whatever, opposed to the independence of that State, enters into his intentions.”

On October 17, 1872, Earl Granville addressed to Lord Loftus, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, the following letter upon the Russo-Afghan frontier.

“Her Majesty’s Government I have not yet received from the Cabinet of St. Petersburg communication of the report which General Kauffman was long since instructed to draw up on the countries south of the Oxus, which are claimed by the ruler of Afghanistan as his hereditary possessions. Her Majesty’s Government have awaited this communication in full confidence that impartial inquiries instituted by that distinguished officer would confirm the views they themselves take of this matter, and so enable the two Governments to come to a prompt and definitive decision on the question that has been so long in discussion between them. But as the expected communication has not reached them, and as they consider it of importance, both for the maintenance of peace and tranquillity in Central Asia, and for removing all causes of misunderstanding between the Imperial Government and themselves, I will no longer delay making known, through your Excellency, to the Imperial Government the conclusion at which her Majesty’s Government have arrived, after carefully weighing all the evidence before them. In the opinion, then, of her Majesty’s Government, the right of the Amir of Kabul (Shir Ali) to the possession of the territories up to the Oxus as far down as Khoja Saleh is fully established, and they believe, and have so stated to him through the Indian Government, that he would have a right to defend these territories if invaded. On the other hand, her Majesty’s authorities in India have declared their determination to remonstrate strongly with the Amir should he evince any disposition to overstep these limits of his kingdom. Hitherto the Amir has proved most amenable to the advice offered to him by the Indian Government, and has cordially accepted the peaceful policy which they have recommended him to adopt, because the Indian Government have been able to accompany their advice with an assurance that the territorial integrity of Afghanistan would in like manner be respected by those Powers beyond his frontiers which are amenable to the influence of Russia. The policy thus happily inaugurated has produced the most beneficial results in the establishment of peace in the countries where it has long been unknown. Her Majesty’s Government believe that it is now in the power of the Russian Government, by an explicit recognition of the right of the Amir of Kabul to these territories which he now claims, which Bokhara herself admits to be his, and which all evidence as yet produced shows to be in his actual and effectual possession, to assist the British Government in perpetuating, so far as it is in human power to do so, the peace and prosperity of those regions, and in removing for ever by such means all cause of uneasiness and jealousy between England and Russia in regard to their respective policies in Asia.

“For your Excellency’s more complete information I state the territories and boundaries which her Majesty’s Government consider as fully belonging to the Amir of Kabul, viz.:

“(1) Badakshan, with its dependent district of Wakhan, from the Sarikal (Wood’s Lake) on the east, to the junction of the Kokcha river with the Oxus (or Penjah), forming the northern boundary of this Afghan province throughout its entire extent.

“(2) Afghan Turkestan, comprising the districts of Kunduz, Khulm, and Balkh, the northern boundary of which would be the line of the Oxus from the junction of the Kokcha river to the post of the Khoja Saleh, inclusive, on the high road from Bokhara to Balkh. Nothing to be claimed by the Afghan Amir on the left bank of the Oxus below Khoja Saleh.

“(3) The internal districts of Aksha, Saripool, Maimana, Shibherfan, and Andkoi, the latter of which would be the extreme Afghan frontier possession to the north-west, the desert beyond belonging to independent tribes of Turcomans.

“(4) The western Afghan frontier between the dependencies of Herat and those of the Persian province of Khorassan is well known and need not here be defined. Your Excellency will give a copy of this despatch to the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs.

“I am, etc., “Granville.”

(Reply) Prince Gortchakow to Count Brunnow (communicated to Earl Granville by Count Brunnow, February 5, 1873).

“St. Petersburg, “January 31, 1873.

“M. le Comte,—Lord Augustus Loftus has communicated to me the reply of her Britannic Majesty’s principal Secretary of State to our despatch on Central Asia of the 19th December.

“I enclose a copy of his document.

“We see with satisfaction that the English Cabinet continues to pursue in those parts the same object as ourselves, that of ensuring to them peace, and as far as possible, tranquillity. The divergence which existed in our views was with regard to the frontiers assigned to the dominions of Shir Ali. The English Cabinet includes within them Badakshan and Wakhan, which, according to our views, enjoyed a certain independence. Considering the difficulty experienced in establishing the facts in all their details in those distant parts, considering the greater facilities which the British Government possesses for collecting precise data, and, above all, considering our wish not to give to this question of detail greater importance than is due to it, we do not refuse to accept the line of boundary laid down by England. We are the more inclined to this act of courtesy as the English Government engages to use all her influence with Shir Ali in order to induce him to maintain a peaceful attitude, as well as to insist on his giving up all measures of aggression or further conquests. This influence is indisputable. It is based not only on the material and moral ascendency of England, but also on the subsidies for which Shir Ali is indebted to her. Such being the case, we see in his assurance a real guarantee for the maintenance of peace. Your Excellency will have the goodness to make this declaration to her Britannic Majesty’s principal Secretary of State, and to give him a copy of this despatch. We are convinced that Lord Granville will perceive in it a fresh proof of the value which our august master attaches to the maintenance and consolidation of the most friendly relations with the Government of her Majesty Queen Victoria.

“(Signed) Gortchakow.”

In 1874, after the annexation of Khiva to the Russian dominions, Earl Granville wrote, on January 7, as follows, to her Majesty’s Ambassador in St. Petersburg, summing up the previous correspondence which had passed between the two Governments:

Earl Granville to Lord A. Loftus.

[Extract.]

“Foreign Office, “January 7, 1874.

“Her Majesty’s Government see no practical advantage in examining too minutely how far these arrangements (between the Russian Government and the Khan of Khiva) are in strict accordance with the assurances given to me in January last by Count Schouvalow, as to the intentions with which the expedition against Khiva was undertaken. They are not disposed to share in the exaggerated apprehensions which have at times been expressed in this country as to the danger to British rule in India which may arise from the extension of Russian influence in Central Asia.

“At the same time each step of that progress renders it more desirable that a clear and frank understanding should continue to exist between the two countries as to the relative position of British and Russian interests in Asia, and it is with that object that her Majesty’s Government think it right on the present occasion to review the communications which have passed on the subject, and the position of affairs as they stand in respect of the future. In so doing they are fulfilling the wish expressed by Prince Gortchakow, in conversation with Sir A. Buchanan, on the 2nd of November, 1869, when he begged that Lord Clarendon might be told that, ‘as both Governments are free from all arrière-pensées, ambitious views, or unfriendly feelings towards each other, the more fully and frankly all questions connected with Central Asia are discussed between them, the more effectually will the ‘mists’ be blown away, which, through the misrepresentations of over-zealous subordinate agents, may at any time hang over them.’

“In the spring of 1869 Lord Clarendon, in several conversations with Baron Brunnow, drew attention to the rapid progress of the Russian troops in Central Asia, and made a proposal for the ‘recognition of some territory as neutral between the possessions of England and Russia, which should be the limit of those possessions, and which should be scrupulously respected by both Powers.’

“Prince Gortchakow, to whom Baron Brunnow had communicated Lord Clarendon’s suggestions, replied that ‘the idea of maintaining between the possessions of the two Empires in Asia a zone to preserve them from any contact’ had always been shared by the Emperor, and he authorised Baron Brunnow to ‘repeat to her Britannic Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State the positive assurance that his Imperial Majesty looks upon Afghanistan as completely outside the sphere within which Russia may be called upon to exercise her influence. No intervention or interference whatever, opposed to the independence of that State, enters into his intentions.’

“Her Majesty’s Government gladly take this opportunity of again acknowledging the friendly and conciliatory spirit shown by the Imperial Government in the acceptance by them of the views advanced on the part of Great Britain, as to the frontier line of Afghanistan. Those views were stated, as you are aware, in my despatch to your Excellency of October 17, 1872, and the assent of the Imperial Government to the definition of the Afghan frontier as therein laid down, will be found in Prince Gortchakow’s despatches to Baron Brunnow of December 7, 1872, and January 19, 1873.

“Such was the agreement arrived at between the two countries. On their part, her Majesty’s Government may fairly claim that it has been faithfully executed to the full extent of their power.

“It is unnecessary to retrace the series of circumstances which, in spite of the reluctance of the Russian Government, led to the recent expedition against Khiva. In the face of these events it would be unwise not to contemplate the possibility that considerations of self-defence, or the necessity of punishing acts of plunder and hostility, may eventually give occasion for a Russian expedition against the Turkoman tribes.

“In face of the agreement which exists between the two countries, it is unnecessary for her Majesty’s Government to make any profession of their conviction that Afghanistan is perfectly secure from any hostile designs on the part of Russia. They think it best, however, to bring the fears entertained by the Amir to the knowledge of the Russian Government, and to express their earnest hope that the question of any further expedition against the Turkoman tribes may be carefully considered, in conjunction with the results which the Amir of Kabul apprehends may ensue from it. They think it right to state candidly and at once that the independence of Afghanistan is regarded by them as a matter of great importance to the welfare and security of British India and to the tranquillity of Asia.”

Prince Gortchakow replied on January 21, 1874, to his Ambassador in London:

Prince Gortchakow to Count Brunnow (communicated to Earl Granville by Count Brunnow, February 17).

[Extract.]

“St. Petersburg, January 21.

“I have expressed to the British Ambassador the entire satisfaction which we feel at the just view taken by her Majesty’s Government with regard to the questions which we are called upon to treat together in Asia.

“In my opinion the understanding is complete. It rests not only upon the loyalty of the two Governments, but upon mutual political advantages which are palpably evident. So long as they shall be animated by a spirit of mutual goodwill and conciliation, no political misunderstanding is to be apprehended between them.

“For our part, we remain constantly faithful to the programme traced by mutual agreement, as resulted from my interviews with Lord Clarendon, and as developed and defined by the communications between the two Cabinets.

“I have repeated to Lord A. Loftus the positive assurance that the Imperial Cabinet continues to consider Afghanistan as entirely beyond its sphere of action.

“If on either side the two Governments exercise their ascendency over the States placed within the range of their natural influence in order to deter them from all aggression, there is reason to hope that no violent collision will occur to disturb the repose of Central Asia, and interfere with the work of civilisation which it is the duty and the interest of the two great Empires to bring to a favourable issue.

“Be good enough to communicate these observations to Lord Granville, and to repeat to his Excellency our conviction that the two Governments have an equal interest in not allowing their good relations to be disturbed by the intrigues of Asiatic Khans, and that so long as they both act together with a feeling of mutual confidence and goodwill, the tranquillity of Central Asia will be sufficiently guaranteed against all eventualities.”

On January 28, 1874, the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg reported to Lord Granville a further assurance given to him by the Russian Chancellor:

Lord A. Loftus to Earl Granville.

[Extract.]

“St. Petersburg, “January 19, 1874.

“As regards Afghanistan, his Highness repeated to me that the Imperial Government considered that kingdom to be beyond the sphere of their political action, and that, happen what might, in the internal state of that country, the Imperial Government would not interfere.”

In 1876, after the occupation of Khokand by the Russians, Prince Gortchakoff instructed the Russian Ambassador to communicate the following despatch to her Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs:

Prince Gortchakow to Count Schuvaloff (communicated to the Earl of Derby by Count Schuvaloff, February 25, 1876).

[Extract]

“St. Petersburg, February 3,15, 1876.

“His Majesty the Emperor has learned with much interest the contents of the Memorandum accompanying a despatch from Lord Derby, which Lord A. Loftus read, in my absence, to the Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs.

“I enclose herewith a copy of this document, which is a reply to the Memorandum dated the 11th May, 1875, which your Excellency was instructed to communicate to the Principal Secretary of State of her Britannic Majesty regarding the relations of the two Governments in Central Asia.

“Our august Master has learnt with satisfaction the friendly desire therein expressed to prevent, by frank explanations, any cause of misunderstanding between the two Cabinets. His Majesty appreciates likewise the breadth of view with which Lord Derby puts on one side discussions of detail and restrictions which are inapplicable in view of the ill-defined condition of the countries over which the two Governments have to exercise their influence.

“Have the goodness to inform his Excellency, by order of our august Master, that we entirely agree in the conclusion that, while maintaining on either side, the arrangement come to as regards the limits of Afghanistan, which is to remain outside the sphere of Russian action, the two Cabinets should regard as terminated the discussions relative to the intermediate zone, which have been recognised as unpractical; that, while retaining entire freedom of action, they should be guided by a mutual desire to pay due regard to their respective interests and necessities, by avoiding, as far as possible, any immediate contact with each other, and any collisions between the Asiatic States placed within the circle of their influence.

“We are convinced that by keeping to this principle, and cultivating feelings of equity and reciprocal goodwill, the two Cabinets will succeed in consolidating the friendly relations so happily established between them, for the advantage of the general peace in Europe and Asia.

“Your Excellency can renew to Lord Derby the assurance that he may reckon on our frank co-operation for this purpose.”

After drawing the attention of the Russian Government, at the end of 1876, to the correspondence exchanged between General Kauffman and the Amir of Kabul, the British Ambassador received the following further assurance:

M. de Giers to Lord A. Loftus.

“St. Petersburg, February 21,March 5, 1877.

“The Imperial Government entirely share the opinion of the British Government that a frank and cordial interchange of opinions on the question of Central Asia cannot do otherwise than contribute to the maintenance of the good and friendly relations at present established between Russia and England.

“With this view they felt ready to give, in the Notes of the 19th November1st December and the 3rd15th December, to which your Excellency refers, the assurance that Russia had not endeavoured to conclude any arrangement, commercial or political, with the Amir of Kabul, and that the rare relations of our authorities in Central Asia with the latter had never borne any other character than that of pure courtesy, in conformity with local usages in the East. While now renewing these assurances, the Imperial Government hope the British Government will recognise that practically we have never swerved from them, whatever may have been the erroneous interpretations placed by the native Asiatic Governments on the communications of General Kauffman, and whatever false importance may have been attributed to the method of transmission adopted by him. Misunderstandings on this subject were nearly inevitable, considering the uncertain character of the native populations of Central Asia, and their inveterate inclination to intrigue; the only effective way, in our opinion, of meeting this danger, lies in the good faith and loyalty which, we are glad to think, will never cease to influence, on either side, any interchange of views between us and the British Cabinet.”