JOURNAL OF LADY SALE. (continued 6)

28th.—The advance of our army has arrived at Gundamuk; and the rest are following, purchasing up carriage at any expense.

The Kandahar force have been attacked by the Affghans; who have been signally defeated; which has struck such terror into them, that they are flying in all directions: this is their own account.

29th.—Sujat Dowlut, the son of Zeman Shah Khan, and the murderer of Shah Shoojah, came to the fort to visit Ali Mohammed Khan. To his father's honour be it said that he refused to see him for some time after the murder. It is reported that we leave this place in six days for—no one knows where.

30th.—There was firing late in the evening from the Bala Hissar and the city. A man of some respectability, with three or four followers, came to see Capt. Johnson, and bring him some things: they were all taken away by the Affghans; and the people carried off prisoners to Akbar.

The Kuzzilbashes have openly declared in favour of Futteh Jung. They are throwing provisions into the Bala Hissar; and strengthening the works.

Our troops have been some days at Gundamuk. There are orders that the officers are not to go out of the fort, as they did before, to bathe. We hope we shall not be interdicted walking in the garden, as we always have guards with us there; and every night we are locked into the square; and the servants cannot go outside the gate for any purpose without a guard.

1st June.—The Naïb Shureef is obliged to hide for safety. Mahommed Rufeek is sent away; and Ali Mohammed Khan has now sole charge of us.

2d.—It is true that our troops left Kandahar on the 16th of last month. General Nott's force has given the Affghans a fourth beating at Khelat-i-Gilzie; and killed 2000 men. Gen. Pollock's division is expected here on the 15th.

Sharp firing all day; particularly in the afternoon, evening, and all night.

3d.—The servants have a report that whenever we leave this place, Futteh Jung means to chupao us; and that twenty men are always on the watch, mounted, to carry the intelligence of our removal to him.

4th.—Capt. Troup came to us; and brought me two parcels from Sale; one of which was for distribution amongst the ladies. Also letters enclosing copies of Lord Ellenborough's and Sir Jasper Nicholls' letters to him. Their contents were so gratifying that I shook off all my feverish feelings and concomitant weakness; and in the gladness of my heart felt quite well again.

Troup seems to think that the Sirdar will succeed in getting possession of the Bala Hissar. He assures Futteh Jung that he has a mine all ready to spring; but will not have recourse to it till the last moment. Now this is an evident ruse; for if he had the means he would take the Bala Hissar at once: and we have heard that he has mined in three places to the extent of twelve hauts; but has each time come to solid rock, on which the miners can make no impression. The cossid, who brought our letters, brought one also for the Sirdar; and another for Futteh Jung from Macgregor: on the receipt of the latter, Futteh Jung fired a royal salute and made a sally.

The Sirdar sent us some coarse cloth, soap, an Affghan chillumchee, and some tallow candles: others received sundry donations of the like kind.

6th.—The Sirdar is said to have possession of the Bala Hissar; and to occupy the gate nearest to us: while the Kuzzilbashes hold the Chandowlee gate; and Mahommed Shah another. Futteh Jung is said to have given up two lakhs of rupees to Akbar.

The tale of the mine was true; but Futteh Jung had filled it with water.

Mahommed Shah Khan and Sultan Jan have been daily for three days at the Bala Hissar, unattended; in conference with the Shah-zada, who gave them khelluts, &c . He then asked Mahommed Akbar Khan to meet him in friendly conference in the gateway, each to have only five followers: but the Sirdar refused to go further than John Hicks' tomb, fearing treachery. He had previously warned Mahommed Shah not to trust Futteh Jung; who might easily have secured the two others each of these days: but we suspect his aim was to lull them into security, to enable him to seize the Sirdar.

Here he has shown bad policy: for though Akbar is the superior in rank, Mahommed Shah has the troops, and what money they can raise at command. Sultan Jan is the fighting arm of the trio, under the latter; whilst Akbar sits in durbar, laughs, talks, and squeezes all who are suspected of having money. He has carefully kept all our notes to him, asking for or thanking him for things received: no doubt to produce at the last; as a further proof of his kindness to his captives. Dr. Grant is said to be alive and safe with some Bunneah; who of course keeps him secreted from the chiefs, that he and not they may have a reward: but we heard so positively that he was killed, near the lake beyond Behmaru, that our hopes are but faint.

Much firing in the evening and night.

7th.—We hear that last night there was a sortie from the Bala Hissar; and an attack made on two guns of Mahommed Akbar's. They did not succeed in capturing them; but took some ammunition and camels. An attempt was made to carry off the camels belonging to this fort, which were out grazing; but six horsemen went from hence and rescued them.

Akbar says he does not spring his mine because it will damage the walls of the Bala Hissar, and make it easier for the English to enter the place; and that even were the gates open, he doubts the courage of his troops to enter them.

Amenoollah Khan has been for some time soliciting permission to leave the Sirdar, to go to Loghur on important affairs of his own: this has induced the Sirdar to seize him, which is now supposed to be the cause of all the firing we heard last night. Whether this will prove for our advantage or not, remains to be proved.

This chief is said to have eighteen lakhs of rupees; which Mahommed Akbar Khan will probably endeavour to squeeze out of him: however, he is not likely to have it here. If his treasure is secure at Loghur, and his sons rise in his favour (as he can bring 10,000 men into the field), a very powerful diversion may be formed, whether they join us or Futteh Jung: if, on the contrary, Akbar procures even one lakh of ready cash, he can do much mischief; by raising troops even for a few weeks to annoy our force. The celerity with which troops are raised is quite astonishing to us; who are accustomed to see recruits drilled for a length of time. Here, every man is born a soldier; every child has his knife,—that weapon which has proved so destructive in the hands of a hostile peasantry, incited against us by the moollahs, who threaten eternal perdition to all who do not join in the cause of the Ghazeeas; whilst heaven, filled with Houris, is the recompence for every man who falls in a religious war. With them, the only expense attending the soldier consists in his pay, which is scanty; his horse, if he have one, is his own; and every Affghan is armed completely with some three or four of these knives, of different sizes—from that as long as a sword to a small dagger—pistols, and a juzail; which latter predominates over the matchlock: they carry much farther than our muskets; so that when our men are beyond range to hit them, they pour a destroying fire on us. Regarding these same muskets being better than matchlocks; those who had only the latter may have taken them of late in exchange; but, generally speaking, the only useful part to the Affghans are the locks; which they tear off, and leave the rest.

Capt. Troup did not return to the Sirdar till this morning. The man, who went with him, has returned; and states that the Sirdar has blown up the bastion of the Bala Hissar which is nearest to the Shōr Bazar. There is, however, some discrepancy in his account; as he states that he saw the Sirdar's men parading about on the tops of the very bastion that has been destroyed: he also added, that they were busily employed in throwing out the dead bodies.

It is a great pity that Gen. Pollock's force does not move up. Futteh Jung pays the Hindostanees in the Bala Hissar a rupee a day to keep watch at the gates; being afraid to trust the Affghans.

Mahommed Akbar's guns are worked by three Chuprassies, two Buglers, and a few other of our runaways.

It is said that whenever we leave this place, there will be great opposition made to our removal; and that various parties will endeavour to get us into their power.

3 P.M.—Further accounts have just been brought in; stating that yesterday's fight, at the Bala Hissar, was commenced by Sultan Jan. When he got tired, Mahommed Shah Khan took his place; and when he too was fatigued, the Sirdar assumed command in person. When he brought his gun to bear on the mine at the bourj, Futteh Jung ran another gun opposite; and blew the Sirdar's gun away!—a novel method of firing a train; nevertheless it seems the mine was fired; and, by some bungling, Akbar blew up 300 of his own men. But Futteh Jung gave in, and the Sirdar is supposed to have the Bala Hissar. We only obtain such information as the Khan and his guard are pleased to communicate; excepting those of our party who perchance overhear them speaking amongst themselves; when, however, they generally use Pushtoo, to prevent our understanding them. Four Coolies have arrived with two tin boxes and two baskets from Tézeen. They are supposed to have come from Jellalabad; as all were quickly huddled into a room and locked up; and a man despatched to the Sirdar to know his pleasure concerning them.

The packets have been distributed; mostly medicine for Dr. Magrath.

There were letters and newspapers; but those have been sent to the Sirdar.

In the garden in the evening we heard that the Sirdar had sent his salaam, that he was master of the Bala Hissar: but just as we entered the gate we heard that, so far from that being the case, he had only taken the bourj above. Now that same bourj above completely commands the fort. However Akbar has no guns in it; though by manual labour he could easily drag them up. The mountain train guns go up on mules well; and I have seen them myself practising over that very hill.

There is another report that Gool Mahommed is to chupao us in four days. We heard the report of some juzails between nine and ten P.M.

8th.—The servants declare, that above forty guns were fired last night between eleven and twelve; but some of the officers, who were awake, did not hear them any more than I did. On the same authority we have a rumour of Futteh Jung's having taken two of the Sirdar's tents and some ammunition; and of his having killed forty of his Ghazeeas.

They say that the Sirdar sent Zernan Shah Khan to treat with Futteh Jung; and to propose that the latter should remain king; making Akbar his wuzeer; and that he should make over all the guns and troops to him, to go and fight the English with. Futteh Jung has placed Zeman Shah Khan in confinement, until he gets a reply to his message to the Sirdar, in which he accedes to his request; on condition that he previously places all the captives in his hands.

9th.—Capt. Mackenzie arrived; and brought some newspapers and letters,—those which we have been expecting back from the Sirdar: and we strongly suspect that he has kept many. Mackenzie assures us that Futteh Jung has surrendered the Bala Hissar to Akbar Khan; who has demanded all his treasure, as the first step he takes.

There seems to have been no military necessity for the surrender. One bourj had been mined; but traverses might have been thrown up to render the place perfectly secure from any Affghan attack. It is probable that the Arabs were intimidated by the effect of the mine; that being a species of warfare they particularly dread. Futteh Jung had held out for a month—the time, it is said, he had promised to do so; and Pollock's force not moving to his succour, he probably became disheartened. He now has not only lost his treasure; but it is likely he may lose his life also: for he never can feel safe whilst in the power of Akbar and Mahommed Shah. The latter resides in the Bala Hissar; the former in the Shōr Bazar. Both Mahommed Shah and Sultan Jan were wounded in the explosion of the bourj, by stones falling on their heads.

Pollock's force is suffering from sickness; occasioned by the great heat of Jellalabad.

Col. Parsons' arrangements only extend to camels and carriage cattle as far as Peshawer. Capt. Mackeson, with great difficulty, prevailed on them to go as far as Jellalabad; but no further: and immense exertions have been made to enable the force to leave that place. The arrangements are, we hear, nearly completed: but now that Akbar has money (18 lakhs, it is said) at his command, he may raise troops to harass ours.

Gen. Nott is said still to be encamped on this side of Khelat-i-Gilzie. A week or ten days ago, one brigade might have taken Cabul without opposition.

The Affghans are very jealous of any people coming to us; lest we should obtain information. A young man of great respectability, who came to bring some things for Capt. Johnson a few days since, has been fined 6000 rupees; and in addition to that has been tortured, and had all his nails torn out.

10th.—A slight earthquake in the morning; and four shocks during the night.

11th.—Our guard is increased by thirty men.

The fruit in the garden is sold to a Khoord; who says, if we will pay him a few rupees, we may eat any we like: but the grapes are sour, and will not be ripe for these six weeks at least. The sour plums make preserves.

It appears very uncertain what power Akbar really possesses. The Kuzzilbashes occupy the gate which commands their quarter. Mahommed Shah Khan has one. Futteh Jung is still king, and lives in the interior of the Bala Hissar. Akbar still inhabits a house in the Shōr Bazar.

12th.—A Hindostanee was severely beaten at the gate; being suspected of bringing in news.

13th.—A Peshawer-i-Suwar was beaten, and had his horse taken from him, for attempting to come here: if he had any letters, they were not discovered.

Various reports to-day: some, that our troops are at Gundamuk; and others that the forces both at Jellalabad and at Kandahar, &c . are all retreating to the provinces, and leaving us to enjoy the gentle mercies of our captors.

14th.—Ali Mahommed Khan says that we shall not leave this fort: that even if Akbar meditated our removal, the various tribes, by whom we are surrounded, would look to their own interests; and interfere to get us into their own hands. This agrees with what Dost Mahommed Khan told us at Zanduh; that the Sirdar had been peremptory in ordering our removal to Cabul; but that he had, in so doing, committed a great mistake; as he would probably find out in three or four days after our arrival at the capital; and when it would be too late to rectify his error.

15th.—In consequence of having yesterday given a rupee to the Khoordish Baghwan, he had this evening two dallies of the finest mulberries the garden produced (the Bédanas) ready for us: nicely cooled by the rill of the stream, and covered with a shower of roses. We filled our basket; and sat and ate the fruit under the vines; and look forward to delicious sherbet from the flowers to-morrow.

16th.—Towards morning we were awakened by such a noise, that we could not possibly imagine it to be less than a chupao: on inquiry it proved to be a row between an ayah and a bearer.

The on-dit of to-day is, that 4000 Sikhs are to hold Jellalabad, whilst our troops come up to Cabul. The Affghans say that eight of our regiments are at Gundamuk. On the arrival of the force it is expected by the Affghans that Akbar and Mahommed Shah will flee; but that very few of their followers will accompany them. They will take us with them; either to Mecca or Room! By the latter they mean Constantinople.

They tell us that Futteh Jung is a prisoner.

Late in the evening news arrived that Kamran (who, by-the-bye, we heard was put to death by his minister, Yai Mahommed, some time since) is coming with an army from Herat; to form a coalition with Futteh Jung, Akbar, the Ghilzyes, and all the Affghan chiefs. They are to go down and fight our force: if they are successful, we are to remain as we are; if not, to be sent viâ Charekar to Turkistan.

A report prevalent amongst the Affghans that our force has marched from Jellalabad; and that we consequently shall soon be removed from hence.

The Prince Futteh Jung is still in confinement. Mahommed Akbar Khan, Mahommed Shah Khan, and the Ghilzye chiefs, are bent on having him put to death. Zeman Shah Khan, and the more moderate party, oppose it: not from affection for us or him, but as a measure of better policy. The Ghazeeas, however, are determined to steep the chiefs as deeply in blood as they can, to prevent the possibility of their making any terms with us. They say the captives shall not be taken away from Cabul; and that if the Sirdar or any of the Ghilzye chiefs attempt to fly, they will put them to death.

Zeman Khan wishes the Sirdar to send him to Jellalabad to treat; taking the captives with him. This Akbar will not hear of: and they have had a quarrel, ending in a fight. The sound of cannon has been heard; also vollies of musketry. A grand battle is to come off on Sunday.

18th.—Waterloo day.—It seems that we are to be sent viâ the Kohistan to Bokhara. Mackenzie writes, that we are to be prepared for a sudden move.

19th.—A letter is said to have arrived from Gen. Pollock to Akbar; who, with Futteh Jung and all the chiefs, is going in four days to Jellalabad to salaam. The Ameer is on his way up to resume the throne.

21st.—Henry's birthday; celebrated by a great battle in Cabul; in which Akbar has been victorious; though he has lost from sixty to eighty men.

Zeman Shah Khan is said to have been made prisoner, with both his sons.

Another report states, they have all three escaped: also, that Zeman was surrounded in a fort, but contrived to get away from it. He had eighteen guns out; and the Sirdar had as many: the latter is going down to Jellalabad, to give battle to the English force there.

22d.—Various reports to-day:—That Zeman Khan lost fifteen guns yesterday, and all his treasure:—that to-morrow there will be a great fight between the Sirdar and Khan Shireen Khan.

Later accounts in the evening state that Khan Shireen has made his salaam; and that we are to go to the Bala Hissar. Plenty of firing heard by us: said by some to be fighting; by others to be salutes in honour of Futteh Jung being declared king.

23d.—The Dost is not to come up until after the rains. No chance of our removal at present.

25th.—Mackenzie and Troup arrived.

Colonel Palmer is said to have been tortured at Ghuznee. Mohun Lull has been seized, and tortured. Humza Khan has been imprisoned by the Sirdar. Ali Bega, Naïb Shureef, and Jan Fishan Khan have fled: the latter's two sons have been murdered. Osman Khan (the late wuzeer) has been seized by Akbar. Nott is said to have returned to Kandahar; after putting to death all his Affghan captives, and blowing up Kelat-i-Ghilzie. This seems (if true) to be a strange proceeding, if we are to retain the country; as the fortress was but just completed; and was considered an indispensable site for a granary and depôt of troops. Major Rawlinson's opinion is, that our troops will all be withdrawn in the autumn: but this does not square with the order, received by Ali Bega from Dallas, to lay in all the provisions he can possibly store in Cabul.

Ali Mahommed tells us that the Khyberries have risen; and that we have sent two regiments and two guns against them: but there is an inkling that more guns have arrived at Jellalabad; and therefore we might have sent a force to protect them on their way up. They say, also, that Pollock has actually moved up as far as Gundamuk; and there is a report that our men at Buddeeabad have been set at liberty by our troops; who blew up the fort, and also that at Tighree.

26th.—A report that 10,000 Sikhs have come up from Peshawer; that they are in the Lughman valley; have destroyed Tighree; and, fearing a chupao on Buddeeabad, all the prisoners there were brought away: they were fed on bread and water only after we left them. The day after our departure, Mrs. Wade (wife of a sergeant) changed her attire, threw off the European dress, and adopted the costume of the Mussulmans; and, professing to have changed her creed also, consorted with the Nazir of our inveterate enemy, Mahommed Shah Khan; and gave information of some plans laid by the men for their escape; which nearly caused them all to have their throats cut. Having reported to her Affghan paramour the manner in which her husband had secreted some gold mohurs in his jorabs, he was of course plundered of them. The Hindostanees were stripped of every article of clothing they possessed; and had even the rags taken off their sores, to ascertain there was no money concealed: they were then turned out. Some got to Jellalabad; through the kindness of a Hindu Bunneah, who sent them down on a jhala; others have been made slaves. Of the unfortunate servants, Mrs. Sturt and I left behind us, we have no tidings.

The Europeans found it dreadfully hot at Buddeeabad; and most of them were attacked by fever: their only remedy being bleeding with a penknife; in which Mr. Blewitt was very successful. One man (Sergt. Reynolds), who was left there with a broken arm, died of lockjaw.

Sergt. Fare brought with him the colour of the 44th which has been before mentioned. A few days after Capt. Souter's arrival at Buddeeabad, Brig. Shelton expressed a wish that the colour should be given to his servant. (Moore, of the 44th); for the purpose of sewing it in a piece of cloth; and to keep it in his possession. Previous to our quitting Buddeeabad, the Brigadier suggested that the colour should be left with Sergt. Fare; who, with the party that was left at the fort, would, it was expected, be released before those who proceeded to Cabul. Sergt. Fare kept the colour concealed by wrapping it round him; and when he joined us here (at Shewakee) he made it over to Gen. Shelton; who retains it in his possession.

Of so incorrect a personage as Mrs. Wade I shall only further say, that she is at Mahommed Shah Khan's fort with her Affghan lover; and has taken with her young Stoker. As he is the son of a man in Sale's regiment, I am doing all I can to get the Sirdar (through Capt. Troup's entreaty) to have him brought here; and again placed under Mrs. Burnes's care. She and her infant are looking very miserable, as are most of the men.

Col. Stoddart and Capt. Arthur Conolly are prisoners at Bokhara. The latter had been enthusiastically employed in endeavouring to effect the release of the slaves in Kokan. The king of Bokhara conquered the chief of that country; and placed Conolly in confinement at Bokhara. He and his fellow-prisoner, by the last accounts, had been 126 days confined in a dungeon underground, without light: they had never changed their clothes, nor washed; and their food was let down to them once in four or five days. A native, who had compassion on them, received a message through the person who took their food to them; and through him Conolly has communicated with his family here; who, alas! are now powerless to assist him.

We ate the first really ripe apricots (zerdaloos) and cherries (gulas) brought in from the city: but the produce of the Kohistan, the aloo baloo, or sour wild cherry, in the garden, is now pretty ripe; and the apricots and some of the green plums are ripening. The peach of this garden is very inferior to what I used to purchase last year. The best apricot in it is the white one; it is called kysee; and has a flavour of rose-water.

The red plum is not permitted to ripen properly: it has some flavour; and is called turnasook. The green plum looks something like a greengage; but has no flavour except that of eau sucrée.

It is said, on the authority of Sergt. Wade,—who was informed by his wife, who professed to have her information from Mahommed Shah Khan's family,—that we are all going to be sent to Bokhara. There is also a report, not however traceable to any foundation, that Pollock's force is not to move upwards until the middle of August.

28th.—An earthquake about 11 A.M., and another about 9 P.M.; sufficient both times to make the roof creak.

We have heard from undoubted authority that Mahommed Akbar Khan said in the durbar, before he left Cabul to follow our troops in January, that it was his intention to go and kuttle kurra, or cut the throats of all our force; and, after that, let THEM beware,—meaning the chiefs. He seems to be now verifying his promise; and is, by all accounts, squeezing as much wealth as he can out of all those who are in his power; and disgusting every one of them.

29th.—Jan Fishan Khan has escaped to Jellalabad. Khan Shireen Khan, and many of those friendly to the English, have retired into the hills.

30th.—Troup left us; taking part of my journal, and plenty of letters; as it is said he is to be sent to Jellalabad. Mackenzie is ill with fever; and unable to go with him.

July 1st.—The Sirdar has promised that Stoker shall be sent back to us; but he has not yet arrived.

3rd.—Troup arrived; and brought us a comb and two caps from Mahommed Rufeek. The Sirdar still talks of sending him to Jellalabad; but says he must wait four or five days, as he, the Sirdar, is busy collecting his revenue. The hostages are all coming here to-morrow or next day. I fear their arrival will crowd us very much; and at present we have Mackenzie, Waller, and Melville laid up with fever.

Timor Shah says that if the English will support him on his father's throne, well and good; if not, that he will prefer going to Loodianah, on a pension.

A man has just come in, and reports that our troops are in the Lughman valley. We conclude they are foraging parties, collecting grain.

4th.—The Cabullees say they will cut Akbar in pieces, before they will permit us to be taken away. The hostages are sold to Akbar for 400 gold mohurs.

Sultan Khan, said to be made Sirdar-i-Sirdaran.

5th.—The Wuzeer Akbar Khan went to reside in the Bala Hissar. Troup, who left us, had to follow him there with Pottinger.

6th.—All the hostages are to come here; except Conolly, who is to remain with the Wuzeer in the Bala Hissar. There are reports that our troops have left Kandahar; having received a number of camels from Sindh. When the cossid started, they had made three marches hither-wards. As a cossid takes eight or ten days to come, they must have left Kandahar about the 26th or 28th. They have twenty-two marches thence to Cabul; which, with the detention at Ghuznee, and on the road, if they have any fighting, will retard the arrival of the force until from the 25th instant to the 1st of August.

Akbar has ordered the ditch round the Bala Hissar to be cleaned out; and proposes sending 6000 men, under Mahommed Shah Khan, to occupy the passes between this place and Jellalabad. But his grand battle is to take place here, on the plain in front of the Bala Hissar. Akbar has ordered every one to be fined who addresses him, or speaks of him, otherwise than as the wuzeer. Mrs. Burnes' child died; and was buried under the hill: the service was performed by Mr. Eyre.

7th.—The news we heard yesterday is confirmed by Troup and Conolly; with this addition from the Khan, that Timor Shah is proclaimed King of Kandahar. Col. Palmer is said to have died at Ghuznee. When Mahommed Akbar Khan went to the durbar the day we left Cabul, prepared for his journey, and publicly declared that it was his intention to kuttle kurra all the English, Zeman Shah Khan sent to Conolly, who wrote off to Major Pottinger, to put him on his guard. This letter arrived at Bhoodkhak while Pottinger and Akbar were in conference: the treating went on notwithstanding, and the result was the hostages being given. At this time, the people at Cabul all supposed that, as Akbar had only about 300 men with him, we should make him prisoner.

When Shah Shoojah was killed, a letter was found on him from Capt. Macgregor, dated in April; telling him to hold out fifteen days longer, and he should have assistance.

The Nawaub Zeman Shah Khan has spent two lakhs in raising men on our side; and in feeding troops to act against Akbar. He has still 1000 men; but now wants money. He also fed hundreds of wretched Hindostanees, who were starving in Cabul; great numbers of whom were seized, sold for one and two rupees each, and sent to Turkistan. Zeman Shah Khan did every thing in his power to put a stop to this.

8th.—Mishdeen, in the Ahmedzye country, S.E. of Tezeen, belongs to Sultan Khan. This is the place we are likely to go to, if we are removed from hence. When little Tootsey (Capt. Anderson's child) was carried off in the Khoord Cabul pass, she was taken direct to Cabul: and the Khan rode up and down the streets with her; offering her for sale for 4000 rupees. After some negotiation regarding the price, Conolly purchased the child; who was in the hands of Amenoollah Khan. A plot was laid to take Conolly's life, and that of the other hostages; but Taj Mahommed Khan gave them timely warning not to attend the King, should they be sent for. The restoration of the child was a good pretext: and Amenoollah tried to persuade them to go and thank the king for his kindness; when, as soon as they reached the door, they were to have been assassinated. They made some excuse of ill health; and escaped. Nothing could exceed the kindness of Zeman Shah Khan, both to the hostages and the little girl; who became much attached to her new friends. Taj Mahommed Khan, Khan Shireen Khan, the Naïb Shureef, and many others, did all they could, consistently with the safety of both parties, to make them comfortable.

9th.—Two men have come in; who repeat the old story of ten days since;—that there has been a great battle at Peshbolak; where every man, woman, and child was killed; that at Ali Baghan the men were all killed, but the women and children spared; and that the slaughter of the Affghans has been great. By the account of another cossid, who came in yesterday in twelve days from Kandahar, Nott's force ought to-day to be at Mookkoor.

11th.—The Wuzeer is to be married to one of Amenoollah Khan's daughters.

Our fever cases to-day consist of Mackenzie, Waller, Freddy Eyre, Mrs. Waller, Magrath, two ayahs, one or two Hindostanee servants, and several soldiers.

An earthquake at night.

Major Pottinger arrived. Troup went to Jellalabad the night before last. There is a report that we are building a fort at Jugdaluk: also that 70,000 men are collecting at Ferozepore; 25,000 of these are to form a corps of observation there; 15,000 are now at Kandahar; and 20,000 at Jellalabad; and 10,000 are coming from England. These are independent of Gen. Brookes's force in Sindh.

13th.—The Wuzeer had all the kujavas ready to move us in two days; but the Cabullees would not let him.

Yai Mahommed, who is supreme at Kandahar, having, it is said, Shah Kamran in kyde, has invited Akbar to go to him at Herat: but he, good man, has other views; such as friendship and alliance with the Feringhees. He only asks to be acknowledged King of Affghanistan; and to have a subsidiary force with which to conquer Bokhara.

14th.—Shumshudeen Khan refuses to give up the Ghuznee prisoners. Only Lumsden and his wife are killed. Col. Palmer is said to have died of a fever; but whether brought on by the torture said to have been inflicted on him, or not, is not known.

Four of our regiments are at Gundamuk; erecting a fort.

Mrs. Trevor gave birth to another girl, to add to the list of captives.

Two earthquakes to-day.

15th.—Mr. Campbell, assistant surgeon of the 54th, who was left at Cabul with the sick of the various regiments, came here a few days since to consult regarding Capt. Mackenzie's case. It is now decided that he remains here; as the men at Cabul are very healthy, and we have got what seems very like a gaol fever amongst us.

16th.—Conolly and Airey came to pay us a visit. A letter has been received by the former from Gen. Pollock; who offers to exchange all the Affghan prisoners in Hindostan against the captives that are in this country. He writes, that if Conolly thinks his going to Jellalabad will facilitate arrangements, he is to go thither, accompanied by all those who appear to have been foremost in civility to us,—Khan Shireen Khan, Mahommed Shah Khan, &c . (How our friends and enemies are here mixed up; for the latter chief is our most inveterate foe!) He tells him also of the force now in the country, and of that expected from Hindostan and England; the army of observation to be commanded by Sir Jasper Nicholls: and states that if we are driven to extremities against the Affghans, their punishment will be fearful. Also, that if Akbar wishes to make friends with us, he ought to give up all our guns. As far as I can understand, the captives on both sides are to be placed in the hands of the Sikhs.

18th.—The Wuzeer, Mahommed Akbar Khan, and the Sirdar-i-Sirdaran, Sultan Jan, Mahommed Shah Khan, &c ., paid a visit here; and sat in the garden, which was quickly despoiled of all the fruits: no doubt greatly to the Khoord's disgust; although some small sum was given to him as a recompence.

We received letters and papers from Jellalabad which must have been lying with Akbar for above a month.

Lady Macnaghten has had a part of her jewels restored to her; but in a sadly broken condition. They talk of giving back the rest.

19th.—Half rations issued to us, and no meat. This is to repay Ali Mahommed for the expense of feasting the great people yesterday, I suppose: though he saved all the expense he could; sending to one person for tea, to another for sugar; and saying it was for the Wuzeer, who sent his salaam for it. I believe Akbar pays high prices that he may have plenty of the best of every thing; and is of course cheated by his purveyors: but he would never send to us to supply his wants.

20th.—Ali Mahommed Khan reports that 1000 men are gone to defend the passes: he also hints that we shall be released soon.

22d.—Dost Mahommed Khan came. He says we shall be kalôss in twenty days; that there is to be an exchange of prisoners; and that the guns are to be given up.

23d.—Commemoration of the capture of Ghuznee; over which, in its recaptured state, we groan in spirit. An earthquake at night.

24th.—At two P.M. Mrs. Sturt presented me with a grand-daughter;—another female captive. Capt. Troup and Hadje Bukhtian are accepted by Pollock; who will have nothing to do with Major Pottinger. It seems all the Politicals are set aside. The terms are, that Akbar gives up the guns and all British subjects attached to the camp, in exchange for the ex-Ameer and all the Affghan prisoners. A truce agreed to for a month: the agents to remain at Jellalabad, until Gen. Pollock hears from Lord Ellenborough whether he will enter into an alliance.

26th.—They now require that all Shah Shoojah's family be given up to Akbar; to be dealt with as best pleases him and Mahommed Shah Khan. A report that our force is coming up.

27th.—Troup arrived from Jellalabad. Akbar has deceived us: there is no armistice; no collection of revenue by him where our troops are. On the contrary, we have taken supplies to the extent of six months' provisions, without payment, in the neighbourhood of Jellalabad.

Nothing had been decided on which tends towards our release.

28th.—Troup, who purchased a quantity of things of all kinds for us at Jellalabad, opened his shop; and I procured arrow root, cotton gloves, reels of cotton, tape, soap, jalap, and cream of tartar.

Troup left us in the evening, and went to the Wuzeer. He expects to be sent to Jellalabad; and I gave him more of my Journal, to take to Sale.

30th.—At two this morning Troup and Lawrence left us for Jellalabad. We hear that orders have been sent to the Kandahar force to move up; and that there has been some fighting, and a great many Affghans killed. On inquiry being made, the Affghans told the following tale:—That one regiment was out beyond Lughman, foraging; that in the night the people rose, and our troops retired; on which we sent 12,000 men! with a park of artillery! against which, of course, the Affghans could not stand. There has been probably some trifling skirmish. The Kandahar troops are ordered up; and the Wuzeer told Lawrence (who says he never saw him appear so angry before) that if our troops advance, he should take us all to Bameean, and make a present of us to the chiefs of that place: so that our prospects appear gloomier than ever. I cannot understand the motive of moving up the troops both ways. Nott is to go to Ghuznee to receive the prisoners: not to fight, but only to defend himself if attacked; and then to come here and join Pollock: and, having received us, all are to walk back hand in hand. We are not to attack Cabul, &c ., but to evacuate the country; with Akbar, the Ghilzyes, the Barukzyes, and all the other Zyes hanging on our flanks and rear: and if they can but get us to procrastinate, so as to give them the advantage of their faithful ally the snow, the Affghans will have the satisfaction of destroying another and still larger army this year.

31st.—Had Skinner lived, he would have thrown more light than any other person upon the late events; as he was the bearer of the messages, more especially of the one sent on the night before the Envoy's death. It is as nearly certain as such an event can be, that poor Skinner, who was evidently a dupe to Akbar Khan, was put to death by his orders. At Jugdaluk, after the General, the Brigadier, and Johnson were in the Sirdar's power, Major Thain went to the other officers and said, "I fear there is treachery: poor Skinner has been shot; and had the object of the Affghan only been to kill a Feringhee, he would not have passed me to shoot him." There can be little doubt, that the Sirdar was anxious to put out of the way one who could give such fearful evidence against him. Trevor was also much in the Envoy's confidence; and he also became a victim. I have, however, heard that Skinner was not in reality the dupe he appeared to be: and that he had expressed to the Envoy his conviction that the Sirdar was not trustworthy. Yet, if so, it is strange he should have placed the faith he did in him during the retreat; and have advised our going over to him;—unless indeed he saw further into Akbar's policy than others; and believed that we should be treated with honour and kept by him as a dernier ressort. What will now be our fate seems very uncertain: but I still think he will not cut our throats;—not out of love to us, but because the other chiefs would resent it; as, having possession of us, they could at least obtain a handsome sum as our ransom.

The last time Troup came from Jellalabad, three ponies were sent from thence loaded with different articles for us: but money was put in one of the boxes; and this was known to the Affghans in charge; and ponies and all disappeared. I have lost my letters from England and the provinces, and from Sale; and also newspapers and medicine: the latter invaluable; as we are very sickly, and have scarcely any. A part of the things coming were clothes for the captives, sent, by subscription, from the provinces. But the medicine is our greatest loss; as this gaol fever seems to be going though all the party, ladies, children, officers, men, and servants, both male and female. I think it arises in great measure from malaria. This valley is full of rice cultivation; which is all under water in a stagnant state: and we are also devoured by musquetoes, which breed there.

At first we hoped that though the money, probably not more than 300 or 400 rupees, would be abstracted from the boxes, we should recover the parcels: but now we have give up that hope.

A letter has been received by Ahmed Khan; stating that every fort from Tighree to Buddeeabad has been sacked by the force that have entered the Lughman valley: some say they are a part of a foraging party of ours; others conjecture that they are our Sikh allies.

Should the Wuzeer attempt to remove us to Bameean, Goolam Mahommed, the father of Taj Mahommed, as also the latter, the high priest of Cabul, and Khan Shireen Khan, have determined to prevent it: but Khan Shireen Khan is the very man who had charge of the hostages some time since; and assured them nothing should induce him to give them up:—yet he did so the very next day, on the Sirdar sending him 4000 rupees. So, much dependence cannot be placed on him.

The Kuzzilbashes ever side with the strongest party; and therefore, if our troops come up, it is likely that Khan Shireen Khan may keep his word. He has many friends in the Huzara country, through which we must pass; and he may direct them to seize us. In that case we shall probably, during the conflict with our guards, lose the few comforts of clothing, &c . which we now possess.

A kafila is going down to Jellalabad; and at the same time Akbar sends 2000 men towards that place to line the passes. He sent 3000 some time since; but their commander did not proceed further than Bhoodkhak; whence he wrote to the Wuzeer, that his force was too weak to cope with Pollock's.

August 2nd.—Reports that all the forts from Tighree to Buddeeabad are destroyed.

3rd.—An earthquake.

4th.—Three more fever cases; and Conolly very ill. We hear that immediately on Troup's arrival at Jellalabad, all our outposts were withdrawn.

Zeman Shah Khan's party is increasing again: and it is thought, if our troops come up, that the owner of the fort may side with us; and give us arms to resist being taken away.

6th.—Mohun Lull says, that letters have passed through his hands from several chiefs to Gen. Pollock; stating, that if he will forbear from injuring the city of Cabul, and respect their lives and possessions, they will engage that we shall not be taken from Cabul. Amongst these chiefs are, the high priest, Zeman Shah Khan, Khan Shireen Khan, and Goolam Mahommed Khan (father of Taj Mahommed): the latter is in hopes, should we obtain the ascendency, that he may obtain office, as of old; his family being the hereditary Wuzeers.

7th.—John Conolly died, at thirty-two minutes past noon. The Wuzeer has sent a Khan to order his coffin; and offers to send the body to Jellalabad.

8th.—Ahmed Khan informs us, that the baggage, of the army at Kandahar, has been sent out eight miles on the road towards the provinces; and that our eighteen-pounders at Kandahar have been destroyed. Some days since we had a report that the force there, consisting, as the Affghans say, of 8000 men, have been exterminated, with every man, woman, and child thereunto appertaining; and Kandahar taken and burnt.

Three regiments have been sent from Kandahar to reinforce Quetta; and the story concerning the baggage is probably true; and Gen. Nott has taken advantage of this force to send down all superfluous baggage, and also the sick; preparatory to a move upwards.

8th.—Camels have come; but none of them are strong enough to carry the coffin; and they say they will send mules at mid-day to carry it.

9th.—Major Pottinger arrived.

The Wuzeer refuses to allow Conolly's body to go to Jellalabad until Troup returns; and then, if all is not peace, he says he will not allow him to go, alive or dead.

There is a report to-day amongst the Affghans, that Pollock has written to say, that if it is attempted to remove any one of us from Cabul, he will lay the city in ashes.

We hear that the Kandahar force is coming up; and it is expected that the one from Jellalabad will do the same.

The Sappers and Miners have long been at Charbagh; and they generally precede the army.

Conolly was buried at sunset in the garden of the fort.

Hadje Bukhtian writes to his brother Ahmed Khan, that Gen. Pollock has written to say it is all one to him whether it is a day or a month; but that immediately on the arrival of the prisoners he will return to the provinces.

The servants have a report that we are forthwith to be taken away, to, or towards, Bokhara. For two days there have been eight camels here, with their surwans ready; which looks as if the Wuzeer meditated our removal, in case of the force coming up; or to send us to our friends, should the negotiation prove unsuccessful.

We heard to-day that the Sappers had advanced as far as Gundamuk.

10th.—Troup and Lawrence arrived. I received letters, &c . from Sale. No present hope of release: nor fear of a move, I trust. Nothing appears to have been done beyond talk. Pollock, has threatened, if we are not sent down in eight days, to come up and destroy Cabul: but Akbar knows, as well as he does himself, that Pollock has no carriage. The 1st brigade are gone to Jellalabad. Sale writes me, that, in addition to it, he has with him the 3d dragoons and a troop of horse artillery: but it does not appear that they are coming up further. Indeed, without more troops to back them, or rather to flank them, they cannot come through the passes. They might do it well with three brigades, having one on each flank keeping the heights and adjacent country.

A durbar held by Mahommed Akbar, Mahommed Shah, &c . to consult on the steps to be taken regarding Futteh Jung, Amenoollah, the Meerwyse, Zeman Shah, &c . who all wrote advising the immediate advance of our troops. A letter from Futteh Jung to Gen. Pollock, to that effect, had been intercepted: but, until Troup's return, it was not safe to make any stir in the affair.

11th.—There was a report last night, that two Europeans (officers) had been taken prisoners in Cabul; having come from Kandahar, disguised as natives of the country, with thirty followers: and that they had been purchasing up all the gunpowder.

To-day it is said, the same persons are now with the hostages; and that they are either adventurous persons, who have come up from Nott's brigade, for some purpose, as yet unknown; or that they are part of the Ghuznee prisoners, attempting to escape.

Late in the evening we heard that the above tale has arisen out of the arrival of an Arab Hadje. He calls himself a soldier of fortune; and offered his services to Gen. Pollock; who declined them. He is suspected of being a spy; and has just come from Hindostan.

The deliberations in the durbar have ended in Futteh Jung's being placed in confinement.

12th.—All the hostages have come over to our fort; and there is a talk of our being all sent away,—some say to Soorkhab, four marches off, on the confines of the Loghur country; others say to the Kohistan, or Bameean.

We know that Sale's brigade, the 3d dragoons, and a troop of horse artillery, were to leave Jellalabad for Futteabad on the 6th; which would bring them only fifteen miles nearer to us. The women are being sent out of the city; and we have packed up our little all, to be ready whenever the hookm arrives: we have moreover purchased two ponies.

13th.—The republic has only endured a day. Zeman Shah Khan is again Shah Zeman Shah. We heard guns, probably in honour of the event. This is news to mark my birthday; which is not likely to be spent much as a jour de fête by a prisoner.

I fear Zeman is too much in the hands of Akbar and Mahommed Shah for him to do us any good; although he is, and ever has been, well disposed towards us: he acted with the greatest kindness to the English left with him; and when he had no longer power to protect them, and they were forcibly taken from his house to that of the Bucha Meerwyse or high priest of Cabul, he took off his turban, placed it at his feet, and protested against the measure: and finally sent his eldest son with them; that, in case evil befel them, his family should not shrink from sharing in it. The priest's professions were great; but he ended in giving the hostages up to Akbar for the value of 4000 rupees. As they were sold for that sum, we tell them they are Akbar's slaves.

There is now an idea,—whether only the fertile emanations of prisoners' brains or not, time must unfold,—but an opinion prevails, that Akbar is so ungallant as to be heartily tired of dragging the women and children about the country at his heels; and that, if any flight is designed, it will be that of himself and four hostages; Pottinger, Lawrence, and Troup, to be decidedly three of them: we are not so certain of the fourth; but at present we have selected either Gen. Shelton or Capt. Johnson.

15th.—The news of to-day is, that Nott's force has left Kandahar; taking Timor Shah with them. They are said to have taken the route leading to Dera Ismaël Khan; but it is thought possible they may, about ninety miles from Kandahar, at Gulnarye, strike to the north, and pursue that road to Ghuznee; which would be far preferable to crossing the mountains by the Gholary pass, near the river, and that they will thence cross over to the left again to the Abistadeh lake, and fall into the regular road to Ghuznee at Mookkoor. This is a wild and roundabout tract of country; which is probably not feasible with guns. Akbar says, that 5000 men have been sent to oppose them. He also says, that our force at Jellalabad is in statu quo; but that if it moves up, we shall be sent off at half an hour's notice, to a fine climate, with plenty of ice; which we conclude to be Bameean.

16th.—Futteh Jung has made his escape.

Our troops are reported to have made sixteen marches from Kandahar. Akbar ordered 5000 men to go and meet them; but it is said, he has mustered 400 only.

17th.—Mrs. Smith (Mrs. Trevor's servant) died of fever and water on the chest.

19th.—We hear that the men, who went towards Kandahar, have been beaten; and that more are to be sent.

Futteh Jung escaped through a hole made in the roof; from whence he let himself down by a rope. The Wuzeer says he is gone to Tagow; but the general opinion is that he is gone to Jellalabad. Troup went to see the Wuzeer to-day; who told him, he purposes sending for him and Pottinger, to stay with him in the Bala Hissar.

A thunder-storm at night, with heavy rain; the lightning vivid; but it was all over in an hour. This storm was immediately preceded by an earthquake, between 10 and 11 o'clock.

Akbar has written to Lord Ellenborough to say he will only treat with him; and that he will not have any thing to do with Gen. Pollock; who is "a fool!" This is complimentary.

20th.—We heard a great deal of firing in the evening.

Futteh Jung is said to have been taken on the road to Jellalabad: but Abib Khan declares it is not true. They also say that there has been a fight at Gundamuk; that our troops have arrived there; and that the Affghans have lost several men in their defeat; that one of the fugitives has just arrived; and that Akbar will send 5000 more men there. They also say, that the Kandahar force is within two marches of Ghuznee. Three horses are kept ready saddled to start with messengers at a moment's notice, night or day; and the Khan says, he thinks we shall not be here more than three days longer.

21st.—The late newspapers have not a little amused me. They show that the editors catch at every expression, used in any letters they have read; or on any comments they hear on news from Affghanistan. A regular controversy has arisen between one, who asserts that Lady Sale in her letters evinces a strong prepossession in favour of Mahommed Akbar Khan, and another, who thinks Lady Sale wrote, as she did, because she was a prisoner: to which the first rejoins, that he does not think Lady S. would, under any circumstances, write that which was false. There he is right: but I would not have written on the subject at all, unless I wrote as I thought: if people misunderstand, it is their fault and not mine. Again, they say it were better I had never written at all. Perhaps so: but it seems that details were wanting; my letters to Sale gave those; and he thought them of sufficient consequence to send them to the Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief. They were afterwards sent to England by the former; and, if the papers tell truth, excited some attention in the highest circles. As to my "great prepossession" in favour of Akbar, my greatest wish is, that Gen. Nott's force should march up to Ghuznee; release the prisoners there; and then that a simultaneous movement should take place of Nott's and Pollock's forces upon Cabul. Once again in power, here, I would place Akbar, Mahommed Shah, and Sultan Jan hors de combat; befriend those who befriended us, and let the Affghans have the Ameer Dost Mahommed Khan back, if they like. He and his family are only an expense to us in India; we can restore them, and make friends with him. Let us first show the Affghans that we can both conquer them, and revenge the foul murder of our troops; but do not let us dishonour the British name by sneaking out of the country, like whipped Pariah dogs. Affghanistan will become a byword amongst the nations. Had we retreated, as poor Sturt proposed, without baggage, with celerity (forced marches to get through the snow), and had the men stood by us (a doubtful point,—they were so worn out and dispirited), we might have figured in history; and have cut out Xenophon's account of the retreat of the 10,000.

As to the justice of dethroning the Ameer Dost Mahommed, and setting up Shah Shoojah, I have nothing to say regarding it: nor regarding our policy in attempting to keep possession of a country of uncivilised people, so far from our own; whence all supplies of ammunition, money, &c ., must be obtained. Let our Governors-General and Commanders-in-chief look to that; whilst I knit socks for my grand-children: but I have been a soldier's wife too long to sit down tamely, whilst our honour is tarnished in the sight and opinion of savages. Had our army been cut to pieces by an avowed enemy, whether in the field or the passes—let them have used what stratagems they pleased,—all had been fair. Akbar had shone as another William Tell; he had been the deliverer of his country from a hateful yoke imposed on them by Kaffirs: but here he stands, by his own avowal freely made, the assassin of the Envoy;—not by proxy, but by his own hand. I do believe, he only meant to make him prisoner; for the purpose of obtaining better terms and more money: but he is a man of ungovernable passions; and his temper when thwarted is ferocious. He afterwards professed to be our friend;—we treated with him;—great was the credulity of those who placed confidence in him: still they blindly did so;—even after the letter was received from Conolly, at Bhoodkhak, confirming the previous warnings of his intentions towards us. He followed us, with his bloodthirsty Ghilzyes. Mahommed Shah Khan, his principal adviser, I might almost say his master, is the most inveterate of our enemies. Akbar is a jovial smooth-tongued man; full of compliments and good fellowship; and has the knack of talking over both kaffirs and true believers.

To our cost, he did talk our chiefs over; and persuaded them of his friendship; but said that those sugs (dogs) of Ghilzyes were intent on murder and plunder; and totally unmanageable. In this way he hovered on our flanks and rear: and when our people were massacred and his bloodhounds in human shape were tolerably glutted with their blood, the scene was changed; although it was constantly reacted. In the distance, a group of horsemen invariably appeared: they were beckoned to; questioned as to what chief was present,—it was invariably Akbar, who always pretended good faith, said his 300 horsemen were too few to protect us from the Ghilzyes, &c .,—and then, the following day witnessed a repetition of the slaughter, and pretended friendship; for that this friendship was a mere pretence, was acknowledged by him when he said, "I was the man who killed your Envoy with my own hand; I destroyed your army; I threw aside all ties of family, deserted every thing, for the faith of Islam; and now I am left to bear the opprobrium heaped on me by the Feringhees, whilst no one supports me: but were I in power, I would make the chiefs remember it!" and then he uttered maledictions on their heads. He has kept his word; has been a bitter enemy to all who have shown the slightest kindness to us; and grinds their money out of them by threats and torture.

A woman's vengeance is said to be fearful; but nothing can satisfy mine against Akbar, Sultan Jan, and Mahommed Shah Khan. Still I say that Akbar, having, for his own political purposes, done as he said he would do—that is, destroyed our army,—letting only one man escape to tell the tale, as Dr. Brydon did,—and having got the families into his possession;—I say, having done this, he has ever since we have been in his hands, treated us well:—that is, honour has been respected. It is true that we have not common comforts; but what we denominate such are unknown to Affghan females: they always sleep on the floor, sit on the floor, &c .—hardships to us. We have bought common charpoys at two rupees each; that is, a bed formed by four poles and ropes tied across and across them. Had we tables and chairs, we have not space for them; so many inhabit the same apartment. Individually I have no right to complain on this subject; as Lady Macnaghten, Mrs. Mainwaring, Mrs. Boyd, Mrs. Sturt, and I, occupy the same apartment. Capt. Boyd makes his bed on the landing-place of the stairs, or on the roof of the house; so that we have no man-kind amongst us, except the Boyds' two little boys, and Mrs. Mainwaring's baby. This little fellow was born just before the insurrection broke out in Cabul (in October): his father had gone with Sale's brigade; and we always call him Jung-i-Bahadur.

After so long enduring the misery of having gentlemen night and day associated with us, we have found this a great relief.

The Wuzeer gives us rations of meat, rice, ottah, ghee, and oil; and lately fruit. At first our food was dressed for us; but it was so greasy and disgusting, that we asked leave to cook for ourselves. That again was a matter of taste: one person likes what another does not. By us, a strong cup of coffee is considered a luxury; whilst an Affghan the other day, who had some given to him (he had never tasted any before), pronounced it bitter and detestable.

It is true, we have been taken about the country; exposed to heat, cold, rain, &c .; but so were their own women. It was, and is, very disagreeable: but still we are, de facto, prisoners; notwithstanding Akbar still persists in calling us—honoured guests: and, as captives, I say we are well treated. He has given us common coarse chintz, and coarse longcloth, too, wherewith to clothe ourselves;—I must not use the word dress: and making up these articles has given us occupation; increased by having to work with raw cotton, which we have to twist into thread for ourselves. We suffered more from uncleanliness than any thing else. It was above ten days after our departure from Cabul, before I had the opportunity to change my clothes, or even to take them off and put them on again, and wash myself: and fortunate were those who did not possess much live stock. It was not until after our arrival here (at Spéwakee, near Cabul) that we completely got rid of lice, which we denominated infantry: the fleas, for which Affghanistan is famed (and particularly Cabul), we call light cavalry.

The servants, of course, were worse off than ourselves; and, not having as good wardrobes as we had, communicated their pests, of the insect tribe, to the children they carried about; and thus the mothers obtained a double share. Bugs have lately made their appearance; but not in great numbers: the flies torment us; and the musquitoes drive us half mad. But these annoyances, great as they are, are the results of circumstances which cannot be controlled; and when I say this, I suppose I shall again be accused of prepossession in favour of the Wuzeer. We ought, however, to bear in mind, that the Affghans are not addicted to general ablution: they wash their hands before and after their meals, which is but comme il faut, as they eat with their fingers; and they constantly wear the same clothes a month. This is not economy. The Wuzeer will take his bath perhaps once a week; and change his clothes: and the women never think of doing so oftener; and only open their hair at such times; which is kept smooth for that period by the application of gum to its innumerable plaits. Here again is a difference between their tastes and ours, who so enjoy bathing twice a day.

The garden, or rather vineyard and orchard, I consider a great luxury: we walk in it every evening for an hour or two. A strong guard is placed there: but, except when it has been lately changed, the men do not annoy us. At such times they dodge about after us; but otherwise do not. Last evening, for instance, sixteen men, armed at all points, sat down in a row in the centre walk; and laughed and joked together: five or six were sitting eating grapes on the top of the summer-house; and a few were posted, seated on the walls; whilst we walked here and there where we pleased.

When we have marched since we left Buddeabad, Mahommed Shah's family, and some others, have accompanied us; and the best camels, largest kujavas, &c ., have been selected for them; and when carriage runs short, they are served first. But this is only what we must expect. Mahommed Shah Khan, too, preferred Mrs. Sturt's riding-horse to his own; and took it. Mine was sent to Jellalabad. When Mackenzie went there, he rode, and lamed it; and it was left behind. There I was fortunate; as Sale has got it. Luckily I had a few rupees; and the only day I was not provided with a horse to ride, I hired one for two rupees six anas, a mere baggage pony; but it carried me safely.

Nothing can exceed the folly I have seen in the papers regarding my wonderful self;—how I headed the troops, &c . &c . It puts me in mind of Goldsmith's verses on Mrs. Blaze; in which he remarks, that "the king himself has followed her, when she has gone before:" and certainly I have thus headed the troops; for the chiefs told me to come on with them for safety sake: and thus I certainly did go far in advance of the column; but it was no proof of valour, though one of prudence.

Troup and Pottinger have been told to be in readiness to go in to-morrow morning: so I now make up my packet, in case an opportunity should offer by which Troup can send it to Sale.

The only thing that has given me pleasure in the Indian papers, is a subscription set on foot by the civilians, to purchase a sword, to be presented to Sale; because it shows that they appreciate his conduct; and I know that he will value it most highly. I hear that after Futteh Jung was placed in confinement, his family had all their jewels, &c . taken away; to the value of twenty lakhs. Some say this was done by Akbar and Sultan Jan; others, by Mahommed Shah Khan. The latter had taken a lesson in such actions, when he despoiled Lady Macnaghten of her valuables.

22d August.—Our friends went back to the Wuzeer; and took my packets with them.

The Affghans still talk of some defeat they have experienced near Soorkhab: whence the celebrated miner has returned discomfited and wounded; and says he will not attempt to cope with our force. The Wuzeer has made the people of Cabul take their oath on the Koran to stand by him; and great excitement prevails in the city. Futteh Jung has arrived safely at Jellalabad; and has written from thence, that, if Akbar is his father's son, he will meet him in fair fight; for which purpose there is said to have been held a grand muster of troops on the Siah Sung plain; amounting to 25,000 infantry and 5,000 horse, who are to be headed by Akbar in person. I can scarcely believe that he will set his fortunes on the issue of a battle. A fair field and no favour is what we want: but he would be mad to meet our disciplined troops on the plain; when he knows that the fastnesses of his country give him every advantage over us, with any rabble he can collect. Besides, he is all but supreme now. He wishes to be king: but Zeman Khan has again got a strong party in his favour; and is endeavouring to regain the throne.

23d.—The prisoners from Ghuznee arrived quite unexpectedly:—Col. Palmer, Capt. Burnett (54th), Harris, Nicholson, Poett, Alston, Williams, Crawford, and Thompson.

Akbar says, he will send us away in three or four days, either to Bameean, Zoormut, or Soorkhab; twenty miles off, on the borders of the Loghur country.

24th.—Sultan Jan left Cabul with 300 men; to reinforce Shumshudeen, who has been signally defeated, we hear, at Carabagh; escaping with only twenty men. Some say Nott's force achieved this victory; but others that the Huzaras rose against him: so probably British gold has been weighed in the balance, and found more ponderous than the hatred of the Kaffirs.

Being greatly in want of medicine, Mr. Campbell went to the Sirdar to get some from Cabul; and he told him we were to move to-night or to-morrow. Mrs. Anderson, being too ill to travel, remains here.

25th.—A sudden order arrived for our removal; with a report, that Futteh Jung's and all the female royal family were to accompany us. Capt. Troup arrived in the evening to see us off, by Akbar's command. Mrs. Anderson, her husband and children, remained at the fort. Akbar has ordered every attention to be paid to her and the gentlemen; Mr. Campbell being left with the party to afford medical aid. Mrs. Trevor and eight children are also left here, in consequence of her being seriously ill with fever; as also one of her children. A man of the 44th died of fever to-day; and was buried in the garden. Soon after the moon rose we left the fort; camels for kujavas and fifty ponies having been sent for our accommodation. All our ponies, &c ., were taken from us; and on our removal, a certain number were sent. We fortunately purchased two ponies to carry our baggage. We were told we were to go to Killa Kazi, about seven miles from Cabul: but we made a long détour to avoid the city; and crossed the Loghur river: the road was very tolerable. After proceeding about five miles we came to several forts on our right; the first a large one; and were told it was called Killa Kazi. We passed a succession of forts on either side; but there was scarcely any one to be seen except a few men watching their grain heaps in the fields. On the right appeared much cultivation; judging from the dark shade; which, with an ill-defined line of irregular mountains, was all we could even speculate upon in the way of scenery. We had with us ten soldiers; so ill with fever as to require to be carried in kujavas: and Capt. Mackenzie and Lieut. Eyre were also suffering.

I was the only lady who rode; the others preferring the kujavas; on account of their children.

26th.—At daybreak we were still travelling; and near sunrise found ourselves just opposite to Cabul; and about two miles distant, as the crow flies, from Baber's tomb. We saw the wall on the hill quite distinctly. We did not arrive at our ground till past seven: and took up our stations under some trees near the fort; which, I have been told, is called Kundah. Here there was no admittance; as Sultan Jan was in it, with his reinforcements for Ghuznee. This disproves a report of yesterday; to the effect that the people of Cabul had insisted on having Sultan Jan as a hostage for our safety. He had a number of good horses with him: and we recognised the Envoy's grey. His army consisted of about thirty men; but Inshallah! he is to be joined by lakhs. We are said to be guarded by 1000 men; but 300 were nearer the mark. During the morning we were joined by Dr. Berwick, Lieut. Evans, and the European soldiers who were left sick when we evacuated Cabul: they form a total of thirty-seven; but a few have been left for want of carriage, which is to be furnished; and they are to be sent after us; as also Lieut. Haughton. We this morning recognised the summer-house above Baber's tomb, Kerghah and the Pughman hills.

Judging from the time that we were travelling, about twelve hours; and taking the rate of the camels at about two miles per hour, deducting a fourth for halt; we estimate the distance we have gone at eighteen miles.

A letter has been received from Kandahar: Nott has marched in three columns with only 6000 men. He sent his camels out to graze the 3d March; and lost 2000. He left Kandahar on the 28th.

Shumshudeen has retired on Ghuznee: and, by the last accounts, Gen. Nott was within ten miles of that fortress. He is expected at Cabul on the 1st. Pollock's force is to move on the 20th. We are to march at moon-rising. We witnessed a parade of telling off the guards, &c .; and heard the retreat beat off at sunset. They use our drums and fifes; and have some bugles with which they sound for us to halt or advance. The sentries planted round our camp are a perfect farce. These men are the Pultans; who have no knives, and are mostly armed with our own muskets: I saw them place their pickets, in imitation of ours; and sentries walked backwards and forwards, with a ramrod in their hand; having stuck the butt end of the musket in the earth at their posts: so that, were it of any use, we might easily overpower them. We asked to be admitted into the fort: but though they said we might occupy one room when vacated by Sultan Jan; after his departure, they insulted the gentlemen who went to get it ready for us; and asked, how the Kaffirs dared to wear their shoes there. We, therefore, spread loonghees to form a shade, as the heat was excessive; and at night it was very cold. At eleven the réveillé was beat by the drums, and performed by the pipes; a kind of repetition of one, two, three: and at midnight we were all ready to start.

27th.—We left camp soon after midnight. The Meer Akhor Ahmed Khan was very anxious that all the riders should follow the advance guard of half the infantry; the rest of which closed on our rear: then came the kujavas, followed up by the baggage; and their rear was closed by a strong guard of Affghan cavalry.

Another body of horsemen, about twenty in number, joined as riders; and kept near the Meer Akhor; who desired Lady Macnaghten's kujavas to be kept as the leading ones; and the camel had fine trappings, as if to mark it particularly in case of an attempt at escape.

We were between eight and nine hours on the march over a barren broken slip of land, bounded on either side by the hills for a considerable distance, until we passed a fort and chokey at Urghundee on our left; soon after which the road turns off to the left to Ghuznee. The ascent to Bala Maidan was long, but not difficult; and the view from the top of it, looking down on the plain above named, was very pretty; comprising a narrow valley, thickly studded with forts and diversified by cultivation; with lines of willows and poplars marking the water cuts; which here serve as hedgerows. We were taken to a fort; but not admitted into it: and after a time had tents pitched for us. Lady Macnaghten, Mrs. Boyd and three children, Mrs. Mainwaring and child, Mrs. Sturt and child, and I, occupied one division of a Sipahee's pall: there was another tent for the other ladies; two more for the gentlemen, and one for the sick soldiers.

We hear that Gen. Nott has arrived at Ghuznee, has blown up the new bourj in the city, and has put to death nearly every man, woman, and child found there. We cannot be surprised at the men taking signal vengeance; but we fear the news is too good to be true. We met on our road two horsemen; whom we supposed to be expresses. We met, also, several camels, bullocks, and donkeys, laden, for the most part, with assafœtida.

It seems a plan was proposed this morning, and negatived. I only heard of it by chance; so no thanks are due for courtesy to those, who, had the measure been carried, would have come to us for our share. The plan was, to get Ahmed Khan to make short marches, or halt; so as to allow Gen. Nott to hear where we are, and rescue us: and should it succeed, Ahmed was to receive two and a half lakhs. The scale before proposed was, I believe, again to be brought forward: Lady Macnaghten 10,000 rupees, Lady Sale 5000, Mrs. Sturt 5000, Capt. and Mrs. Boyd and family 5000, &c . This scale is said to be prepared according to rank and means; which I deny: the other captives are not wealthy any more than ourselves; and where the money was to come from, I know not. The Indian Government, it is said, offered to ransom us for that sum; and I believe would have given more: but this seems to have been a private and most zubberrdust arrangement.

There is a report, that all Cabul is in confusion, and the natives fighting against each other; and that our force has passed Gundamuk.

28th.—We left our encamping ground about two o'clock; and reached Tarkhana between eight and nine. Had I taken the ride for my own amusement on a good horse, instead of being driven about as a captive on a sorry baggage yaboo, I should have enjoyed it very much. The narrow vale we passed through was highly cultivated; the fields divided by willow and poplar trees, and the forts frequent. Near to Julraiz (the head of the spring) the scenery was particularly beautiful; the trees well clumped together; and the river, here clear as crystal, rapidly flowing to our left. The hills, also, assumed a novel aspect; having a foreground of lower hills of most uncommon form. Nearly opposite to the town was a triangular one, sharp as though it had been scarped purposely; next to it a semicircular one, &c .; with the usual chain of mountains behind. Julraiz appears to be rather a large town, surrounded by forts. The scenery was varied; but the land always under cultivation until we reached our halting ground; where we bivouacked on the green sward, sheltered from the sun's rays by a double row of poplar trees; between which rippled a stream that empties itself into the Cabul river, which bounds our resting-place on one side. This river is at this place as famed for its clear limpid waters, as it is at Cabul for its dirty hue, being there quite red. We here got some small fish like gudgeons, some bad small apricots, sour grapes, and apples and pears, that had just arrived by a caravan. Here General Saleh Mahommed's troops looted five camels.

29th.—Marched at daybreak; and shortly afterwards saw a curious stone on the hill to the left. At about three miles passed Sir-i-chushm on the right; a fortified town, with a fort in front of it. Here are three preserves full of sacred fish. The name of this place signifies the "head of the spring." The road becomes daily more rugged.

On our right we passed a fine fort; called Mustapha Khan Ke Killa. It was built by a person of that name. He is dead; but his son lives there; a very gentlemanlike man, wearing spectacles. As we passed he gave us nan (bread), and apricots prepared as a paste.

We halted at Killa Naziri; eight miles from our last resting-place. Here our troops again looted two camels.

30th.—Marched at two A.M., sixteen miles to Gurdundewar, on the Helmund. At first we passed through a narrow defile with a stony road; after which the road was excellent, fit to drive carriages upon; except in a few places where there were rather awkward descents.

There were three steep ascents; one of which was very long. Very little cultivation; and but few forts seen on our route.

A man was met on the march, who said he was a cossid from Ghuznee: that that fort was in our possession; and that a force was to be sent to release us.

Shortly before we arrived at our destination, ten or twelve Huzaras were set upon by about 300 of our guard. They fired about fifty shots at them: killed one, wounded one, took two prisoners, and some loot.

There are two Yaghi forts here: the rest are subject to Akbar.

30th.—Left the Hah-i-Baba to our left: there was snow in the clefts; but none on the top, which is 18,000 feet above the level of the sea.

We marched about eight miles to the foot of the Hadje Gurk pass. The road led the whole way through a defile; at first very narrow and stony; with a tributary stream to the Helmund occupying nearly the whole of it.

There were several rocks which assumed the appearance of gigantic statues. One on the right representing a man seated on a bull couchant: another on the left, at first resembled a man clothed in the toga, standing on a pedestal. There were others, also, that it was difficult to suppose natural: they may have been ancient Buddhistic or Brahminic remains. After arriving at some forts and two tombs near a ruined fort, the valley became wider and fertile; being all planted with wheat, some perfectly ripe and some quite green.

On nearing our destination, the valley again closed up. We came to a fort dilapidated, but still inhabited. Every breach in the walls was filled with armed men. Our troops were drawn up in due form; our two drums and one fife struck up; the bugle sounded at intervals; and the men marched to this discord in the most appropriate manner; invariably missing both cadence and step, until we arrived at our tents.

Twice during the day's march there were shots fired in front; and much talk of battle, which never took place; though each time there were a number of Huzaras posted on the heights. These men have been for some time past besieging the forts here. The damaged one has been partially rebuilt; and the one opposite to it appears to be in perfect repair.

Our commandant is going with his army to fight: but I am not sure which side he takes. There was a skirmish this morning; one party posted behind a sungah on the hill, which was forced, and the brave troops fled.

31st.—Marched to the forts of Kaloo. Found the road bad and stony; with constant steep ascents and descents. Ascended the Hadje Gurk pass, which is 12,400 feet above the level of the sea; the hills barren; grain was cultivated in the bed of the valley, where a silver serpentine stream meandered; and the hay, freshly thrown into cocks, reminded me of England. We crossed the river twice; and with difficulty conquered a steep ascent to the fort, near which we encamped. A report that Akbar has been fighting with the chiefs at Cabul; and that our force must be at Bhoodkhak to-day.

1st September.—Marched at daylight over the Kaloo pass. It is nearly four miles to the top of it. The road at first is narrow and precipitous; and for the most part little more than a steep path. From the top the view is very grand; resembling the waves of a very troubled sea, and composed of barren hills of every variety of shade and hue. We saw Bameean from thence: but though a magnificent scene was before us, it presented no pleasing object to those who expected to remain captives in that desolate region. The only plant here is the Koole-Huzara, or Huzara Cass, a kind of furze that is very prickly, and grows in bunches: it is used for fuel. As we neared our destination (Killa Topchee), we entered a very narrow but highly cultivated valley: the grain short in the stalk, but particularly fine in the ear. This day's march was seven miles.

3d.—Marched at daylight seven miles to Bameean. The road wild and uneven, with narrow paths and many ascents and descents. This valley is nowhere more than a mile broad; but it is very fertile, and produces particularly fine grain. Plenty of beans and pease are cultivated here; the former very small, the latter small and hard. The tamarisk and barberry were abundant, and a shrub with yellow berries. We halted for a short time opposite a fort, near which were many cows. Here we got some mast (curds), which we found very refreshing. Looking back from hence, we saw Zohak behind us, on a high point. At Bameean they refused to take us into the fort; and we pitched our tents just under the ancient fortress and city which were destroyed by Jhenzhis Khan; when upwards of 300,000 persons perished. The caves, ruins, and towers, extend for miles. There are two large images which have been described by former travellers: opposite to the largest was our encampment.

We had scarcely settled ourselves in the tents ere the General beat, in consequence of the people of the fort and the regiment disagreeing: so we went on about a mile, to such a wretched fort, that we asked leave to remain in tents; which was with difficulty obtained: but the Khan said he would endeavour to get a better fort for us to-morrow.

4th.—Saleh Mahommed Khan's lady came to visit Lady Macnaghten. She is young and fair, with a fat round face; and comes from Loodianah; where, it is said, she was a dancing girl. Her information is, that Futteh Jung is a prisoner, or has been put to death: his family, she says, are expected here in a day or two.

From the 5th to the 9th we made excursions to see the caves, &c . At first some difficulty was made: but the General sent about thirty men to guard us and our pencils; for several went intent on sketching. I only copied the frescoes that were on the walls and ceiling near the large image; but Mr. Eyre made some very pretty and correct sketches of Ghoolghoola (the ancient city), &c .

9th.—I have daily been begging hard for permission to go and see the ancient city; but am at last put off by a direct refusal: the soldiers, it seems, are overworked in keeping watch over us in camp; and to relieve them we are to be taken into one of these horrid forts.

We went to the fort formerly occupied by Dr. Lord.

Long ago, to prevent a recurrence of disputes which had formerly arisen amongst us regarding distribution of accommodation, &c ., we elected, by vote, a committee of three gentlemen, whose fiat was indisputable—Major Pottinger, and Capts. Webb and Lawrence: the latter also undertook to be our purveyor; portioning out our rations generally with his own hands (servants being scarce), as well as the food for the soldiers.

On our going into the fort, the committee, having examined the miserable sheds built round the square of high walls with corner towers and a gateway, at first decided that the five best rooms, or rather most convenient ones as regarded privacy, &c ., should be destined for the ladies; and we were to draw lots for them, or arrange amongst ourselves. Finally, it was requested that the choice might go by seniority. Lady Macnaghten of course had the first choice. I had the second; and took a dark cow-house; the only light admitted being from a door down a long narrow passage and a hole in the roof. This was for Mrs. Sturt, myself, the ayah, and the dog; and was decidedly the best apartment there, to my taste. We soon set to: and by dint of hard working with sticks and stones, in which I bore my part, assisted by Mr. Melville until both of us got blistered hands, we knocked two small windows out of the wall; and thus obtained darkness visible.

10th.—We were fortunate in our selection; although our nightly visitant, in the shape of the largest bug I ever saw, was sufficiently disgusting: but Lady Macnaghten, Captain and Mrs. Boyd, and Mrs. Mainwaring, with the children, had no rest in the three rooms they had taken; which all communicated with each other. They had capital shikar all night: and in the morning got leave to pitch a tent at the gate, and reside there.

11th.—When we were at Tai Khana on our way to this place, a Sipahee came to us and said that there were about fifty Hindostanees, amongst our guard, who were willing to join us; and that Saleh Mahommed Khan was a man who would do any thing for money. This was told to Capts. Johnson and Lawrence; and they agreed to sound him on the subject; which they did: but he laughed at their offer; and pretended to imagine they were only joking.

This morning early, Capt. Lawrence came to ask if we would allow a conference to take place in our room, as being the most private place. We assented. Saleh Mahommed Khan, the Syud Morteza Khan, Major Pottinger, Capts. Lawrence, Johnson, Mackenzie, and Webb, assembled; and our bed, spread on the floor, formed the divan. Here in the course of an hour all was settled. The gentlemen present signed their names to the paper; in which we promised to give Saleh Mahommed Khan 20,000 rupees, and to insure him 1000 rupees a month for life; and that if the government did not extricate us from this difficulty, we would be answerable for the money. Thus they held the promise of five British officers as sacred. In heading the paper, they insisted that we should do so in the name of Christ; as rendering it perfectly binding. Saleh Mahommed declared to us, that he had received orders to remove us farther (to Khooloom), and to set out that night: also, that he had another letter from Akbar, ordering all who were not able to march to be put to death. He seems anxious that we shall not receive any news from others; and had his two drummers severely flogged, for telling us that the Kuzzilbashes with Khan Shireen Khan had risen against Akbar, and that the latter had fled to the Kohistan.

12th.—Saleh Mahommed Khan hoisted the standard of defiance on the walls,—white, with a crimson edge and green fringe.

Two Huzara chiefs have tendered their allegiance to Major Pottinger; as also Zulficar Khan, the Naïb of the province, who, we heard, had fled. Another man has been appointed in his room; and has paid 1000 rupees to Saleh Mahommed for his appointment: which money was laid out in purchasing khelluts (for the chiefs who came in to us) from a Kaffila fortunately passing by.

A report that the Andersons, Trevors, and Bygrave have got safe to our troops: but as this is coupled with Troup's having gone to Ghuznee, we fear it is not true; more especially as we are told that our force is still on the other side of the Khoord Cabul pass; and the last accounts from Ghuznee are, that Gen. Nott was one march on the other side of it.

13th.—A large party travelling by, supposed to be the Meer Hadje and his family. Saleh Mahommed Khan determined to seize them. They pulled the Moollah off his horse; who only proved to be a Sheikh somebody, a relation of the Hadje's; so they were all bien quittés pour la peur, and proceeded on their way in double quick. There is a talk of arming our men, if we can get muskets. Our valley is now almost hermetically sealed at both ends. Akbar is at Bégram in the Kohistan; the Meer Hadje and Zeman Shah Khan quiet at Cabul.

The Meer Akhor went off at night with his Juzailchees; taking with him sundry ashurpees which he had received from myself and others to change for us. This is particularly inconvenient; as we are about to purchase all the ottah procurable, in order to lay in a little commissariat of our own; and, if Akbar sends troops against us, hold out till our own people come to relieve us. We have appointed Capt. Johnson our commissariat officer.

Kurrim Beg came over to us, and Meer Hassun; and with much form and ceremony swore on the Koran to be faithful to us. The latter is the person whose fort Dr. Lord burnt; and on which subject there was much angry discussion, pro and con, in the Indian papers. He offered his fort to us: it has a name, which the wits pronounce as fool-hardy; and say it is synonymous with our attempt. The only persons who are against the measure are Gen. Shelton and Col. Palmer. As the latter has already been tortured at Ghuznee, he possibly fears a repetition of barbarity, should we not succeed. The former says, we are precipitating matters with Akbar; whom he considers as our friend. I believe both have at length signed the paper. They could scarcely do less; as our signatures were to exonerate the five officers whose names were superscribed as answerable for the whole account, which we were of course to pay our shares of.

I wrote to Sale to-day; informing him of our resolution to hold out till we received assistance, even should we be reduced to eating the rats and mice; of which we have a grand stock.

14th.—Zulficar Khan, Salamid Khan, and other chiefs, joined us.

It would be great injustice to Major Pottinger not to mention the active part he took in affairs. From his perfect knowledge of the Persian language, and his acquaintance with the manners and customs of the people, he well knew how to manage them, and take advantage of the slightest opening on their part in our favour. His coolness and decision were only equalled by the promptness with which he met the wishes of the chiefs; giving them barats on the neighbouring lands, empowering them to receive the government rents, &c .; all which documents, though he executed them with an air of great condescension and with the gravity of a judge, he well knew were mere pieces of waste paper: yet they had a magic charm for the time; which was all we required. I had again an opportunity of writing to Sale; as another messenger is sent, in case the first should not reach his destination.