Part 2 — CHAPTER IX THE PROTESTANT CONCEPTION OF MARRIAGE

[Bibliographical Note IX.—The ideas of the German Reformation, and therefore ultimately of Protestantism, relative to the form and the nature of marriage were molded by the thought of Martin Luther. Among his numerous writings on the subject most important are the "Vom heiligen Ehestandt und Oeconomia oder Haushaltung," being the thirty-sixth chapter of the Tischreden (folio, Frankfort, 1571); and the following articles in his Bücher und Schriften (folio, Jena, 1555-80): "Sermon vom ehelichen Stande" (1519, in Vol. I); "Predigten über das erste Buch Mose" (1527, in Vol. IV); and especially the "Von Ehesachen" (1530, in Vol. V). The principal passages from all of Luther's writings on the subject of matrimony and divorce, classified in seven groups, with critical and historical notes and marginal explanation of archaic words, are conveniently given in von Strampff's Dr. Martin Luther: Ueber die Ehe (Berlin, 1857). This is an important Quellenbuch for the student. A very useful book also, containing twelve of his most important papers, is the second volume of the Kleinere Schriften Dr. Martin Luthers, entitled "Von Ehe- und Klostersachen" (Bielefeld and Leipzig, 1877). Older works which afford some assistance are Niess's Ehestands-Buch (Eisleben and Leipzig, 1858), comprising, with other matter, some of the utterances of Luther; and Froböse's Dr. Martin Luther's ernste, kräftige Worte über Ehe und eheliche Verhältnisse (Hanover, 1825).

The first philosophical treatise on marriage, anticipating in various ways the modern conception, is Erasmus's Christiani matrimonii institutio (Basel, 1526). The dedicatory epistle, dated July, 1526, is addressed to Queen Catherine of England. The edition cited in the text bears the general title De matrimonio christiano (Lugd. Bat., 1650); and to it is appended Vivus's Conjugii origine et utilitate discursus. Erasmus's treatise may also be found in Vol. V of his Opera omnia (Lugd. Bat., 1704). The work was prohibited mainly because of its critical tone regarding the excessive ardor of the primitive Christians for celibacy and perpetual virginity. Of first-rate importance for obtaining a general view of the doctrines of the German Reformation is Sarcerius, Vom heiligen Ehestande (1553); or the same work enlarged under title Corpus juris matrimonialis (Frankfort, 1569). It has been found convenient to relegate the description of many writings available as sources for this chapter to Bibliographical Note XI. See particularly the works of Brenz, Kling, Beust, Schneidewin, Melanchthon, Zwingli, Bullinger, Bucer, Monner, Bidembach, Mentzer, Brouwer, and Forster, there referred to. Besides Melanchthon's "De conjugio" (1551), in Opera, I (Erlangen, 1828), see also his "De arbore consanguinitatis et affinitatis" (1541), in Sarcerius, Vom heiligen Ehestande, lvs. xii-xxvii; or the "Corpus juris matrimonialis," lvs. xi-xxvii, where may also be found much additional matter from Luther, Kling, and others relating to forbidden degrees. In this connection may also be consulted Niemeier, De conjugiis prohibitis dissertationes (Helmstadt, 1705), comprising ten distinct essays, with a critical and bibliographical supplement, produced during the years 1699-1705.

The most important collection of church regulations regarding marriage is Richter's Die evangelische Kirchordnungen des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts (Weimar, 1846). These have been partly analyzed by Meier, Jus, quod de forma matrimonii ineundi valet (Berlin, 1856); and thoroughly by Goeschen, Doctrina de matrimonio (Halle, 1848). The rejection of priestly celibacy by the Reformers has called forth numerous writings, among which the earliest are Luther, Bedenken und Unterricht von den Klöstern und allen geistlichen Gelübden (1522); idem, An die herrn deutschs Ordens (original edition in the author's possession, Wittenberg, 1523); Bugenhagen, De conjugio episcoporum et diaconorum (1525); the anonymous Underricht auss Göttlichen und Gaystlichen Rechten, Auch auss den flayschlichen Bepstlischen unrechten, ob ain Priester ain Eeweyb, oder Concubin ... haben möge (1526). See also the elaborate treatise of Calixtus, De conjugio clericorum (Frankfort, 1653); and the dissertation of Roldanus, De mente Pauli, volentis episcopum esse unius uxoris maritum (Lugd. Bat., 1710).

On the famous "double marriage" of Landgrave Philip of Hesse a source of unique interest is the Argumenta Buceri pro et contra, a manuscript by Bucer written in 1539 and first published at Cassel in 1878. The original documents in the case are appended to the exceedingly lively work of Arcuarius, Kurtze, Doch unpartheyisch- und Gewissenhaffte Betrachtung des ... Heiligen Ehestandes (1679), decidedly inclining to the side of Luther and his colleagues. Beza, Tractatio de polygamia (Geneva, 1568), replies to the defense of polygamy by Ochino, Dialogue (Zurich, 1563; Eng. trans., London, 1657). The most celebrated book produced in this controversy is Theophilus Alethaeus's (Johann Lyser's) Discursus politicus de polygamia (2d ed., Freiburg, 1676); or the same with the prefixed general title, Polygamia triumphatrix (Londini Scanorum, 1682), this edition containing the learned and very elaborate notes of "Athenasius Vincentius" who is none other than Lyser himself. The first edition, in German, is entitled Politischer Discurs zwischen Monogamo und Polygamo (Freiburg, 1675). Lyser is harshly answered by Johann Frischen, Unvorgreiffliche Erörterung der Frage: Was von der Polygamie oder Viel-Weiberey zu halten sey (Hamburg, 1677); and more coarsely by "Simplicius Christianus," Eilfertiges Antwort-Schreiben.... Darin eine Summarische Widerlegung des politischen Discurs von der Viel-Weiberey, so ein Atheistischer Huren-Teuffel J. L. Bosshafftiglich ausgestreuet, enthalten ist (Leipzig, 1677). In this connection see also Thomasius, De concubinatu (Halle, 1713); Baumgart, De concubinatu, a Christo et apostolis prohibito (Halle, 1713); N. N., De licito concubinatu opponenda (Freistadt, 1714); Michaelis, Paralipomena contra polygamiam (Göttingen, 1757); Swinderen, De polygamia (Groningae, 1795); Premontval, La monogamie (La Haye, 1751); or the translation by Windheim entitled Des Herrn Premontvals Monogamie (Nuremberg, 1753); Rantzow, Discussion si la polygamie est contre la loi nat. ou divine (St. Petersburg, 1774); and the works of Madan, Cookson, and others mentioned in the next chapter. An interesting monograph based on the correspondence of Bucer and the landgrave is Rady's Die Reformatoren in ihrer Beziehung zur Doppelehe des Landgrafen Philipp (Frankfort and Lucerne, 1890). Luther's alleged sensuality and coarseness of speech are examined by "Lutherophilus," Das sechste Gebot und Luthers Leben (Halle, 1893); with which may be read Altenrath, Zur Beurtheilung und Würdigung Martin Luthers (Frankfort, 1889).

Typical of an extensive literature in the sixteenth century, whose aim is the appreciation and elevation of marriage, is Adam Colbius von Buchen's Christliche Predigten über das Buch Tobie, darinnen, als in einem lustigen Ehespiegel ... vom heyligen Ehestandt ... erkläret wirdt (Frankfort, 1592). On the other hand, in contempt of womanhood and in mockery of wedlock was produced a mass of prose and verse coarse and unclean beyond description. Both kinds of writing—the evangelical Ehespiegel and the literature dedicated to "St. Grobian"—are treated in an instructive way by Kawerau, Die Reformation und die Ehe (Halle, 1892). To aid in obtaining a more complete conception of post-Reformation sentiment may also be consulted Agrippa, De nobilitate et praecellentia foeminei sexus libellus (Coloniae, 1532, 1567); Saxse, Arcana annuli pronubi, Das ist: Geheimnis und bedeutung des Ehelichen Traw Ringes (Leipzig, 1594); Müller, Ungerathene Ehe, oder vornehmste Ursachen, so heute den Ehestand zum Wehestand machen (Frankfort, 1674); Lehman, Florilegium politicum auctum (Frankfort, 1662); and Feyerabend, De privilegiis mulierum (Jena, 1672). Two learned general treatises, untouched by the Reformation doctrines, are Johannis Nevizianus's Sylvae nuptialis libri sex (Lugduni, 1556), containing a vast amount of curious matter ostensibly designed to aid in solving the question, "An nubendum sit, vel non;" and Antonius Gubertus Costanus's De sponsalibus, matrimoniis et dotibus commentarius (Marpurgi, 1597), dealing in a clear and scholarly manner with the matrimonial institutions of the Hebrews, Greeks, Romans, and Christians under the canon law.

Several doctrines of Luther and the early Reformers have each produced a literature. Whether under various conditions parental consent is necessary to a legal or valid marriage is discussed by Lohen, De parentum ad nuptias a liberis contrahendas consensu (Regiomonti, 1685); Lauginger, De consensu parentum ad nuptias liberorum (Regiomonti, 1699); Schmalian, De ambitu connubiali: Vom Frey-Werben (Wittenberg, 1745); especially by the two great leaders of the "naturalistic" movement, Thomasius, De validitate conjugii invitis parentibus contracti et per benedictionem sacerdotis depositi consummati (Leipzig, 1689); (Halle and Leipzig, 1722), and J. H. Boehmer, De matrimonio coacto (Halle, 1735). With the last-named dissertation may be read G. L. Boehmer's De copulae sacerdotalis a deposito clerico furtim impetratae injusto favore (Göttingen, 1745); Delbrück's De matrimonio ad benedictionem sacerdotis incompetentis contracto (Halle, 1759); and in general on the doctrine of espousals, Greiff, De pactis futurorum sponsaliorum: von Ja-Wort (Halle, 1712); Schelhas, De clandestinis sponsalibus juratis: Vulgo von heimlichen Verlöbnüssen (Jena, 1716); Bendeleben, De diverso sponsalium et matrimonii jure (Halle, 1718); Sahme, De matrimonii legitimo absque benedictione sacerdotali (Halle, 1722); Berger, De praescriptione sponsaliorum (Wittenberg, 1724); Richardus, De conditionalibus sponsaliorum impossibilibus (Halle, 1741; presented, 1701); Wachsmuth, De exceptione sponsaliorum clandestinorum, ab ipso contrahente opposita (Jena, 1754). See further, on special questions, Mentzer, Num sponsis, ante solennem in ecclesiae copulationem et benedictionem, concubentibus, publica poenitentia juste imponatur? (6th reprint, Wittenberg, 1728); Willenberg, De matrimonio imparum (Halle, 1727); Bennemann, De natura matrimonii (Halle, 1708); Krull, De nuptiis (Wittenberg, 1632); Schnetter, De matrimonio cum damnato ad mortem contrahendo (Halle, 1727; presented, 1679).

In the modern scientific literature of the subject the first place belongs to the general treatise of Richter, Lehrbuch (8th ed., Leipzig, 1886); the Lehrbuch of Friedberg (3d ed., Leipzig, 1889); and Scheurl's Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht (Erlangen, 1882). An older work, very thorough and very careful in the citation of the literature, is Hofmann's Handbuch des teutschen Eherechts (Jena, 1789); while, besides the books of Göschl, Lobethan, Schott, and Stäudlin elsewhere described, Loy's Das protestantische Eherecht (Nuremberg and Altdorf, 1793) is of service. Much valuable biographical and bibliographical material may be found in the great work of Schulte, Die Geschichte der Quellen und Litteratur des canonischen Rechts (Stuttgart, 1875-80). Important monographs are Schubert's Die evangelische Trauung (Berlin, 1890); Scheurl's Die Entwicklung des kirchlichen Eheschliessungsrechts (Erlangen, 1877); Dieckhoff's Die kirchliche Trauung (Rostock, 1878); and there is an able article by Goeschen, "Ehe," in Herzog's Encyclopaedie, III (Stuttgart and Hamburg, 1855). For the present state of German matrimonial law consult Blumstengel, Die Trauung in evangelischem Deutschland nach Recht und Ritus (Weimar, 1879); Klein, Das heutige Eherecht im Herzogthum Sachsen-Altenburg (Strassburg, 1881); Stölzel, Deutsches Eheschliessungsrecht nach amtlichen Ermittelungen (3d ed., Berlin, 1876); and Hergenhahn's work elsewhere mentioned. Several early church ordinances, and a number of matrimonial decisions of rare interest from the consistory court of Wittenberg, commencing soon after its formation, are communicated by Schleusner, "Zu den Anfängen des protestantischen Eherechts," in ZKG., VI, XII, XIII (Gotha, 1884, 1891, 1892). The "Bedencken" or ordinance adopted at Dresden in 1556 by the three Saxon consistories, with other matter, is also published by Muther, "Drei Urkunden zur Reformationsgeschichte," in Niedner's Zeitschrift für historische Theologie, XXX (Gotha, 1860). These same documents and also the famous case of Caspar Beyer (1543-44) are discussed by Mejer, "Anfänge des Wittenberger Consistoriums," in ZKR., XIII (Tübingen, 1876). Mejer, "Zur Geschichte des ältesten protestantischen Eherechts," ibid., XVI (Freiburg and Tübingen, 1881), gives an excellent historical, biographical, and bibliographical account of the Wittenberg consistory; and the two preceding articles, with a discussion of the establishment of the consistory of Rostock, are reprinted in his Zum Kirchenrechte (Hanover, 1891). Original material is communicated by Fischer, "Die älteste evangelische Kirchenordnung ... in Hohenlohe," in ZKR., XV (Freiburg and Tübingen, 1880), and by Friedberg, Aus der protestantischen Eherechtspflege des 16. Jahrhunderts, reprinted from ZKR., IV (Tübingen, 1864), containing, in connection with the case of Zaschwitz, letters and other papers of Melanchthon regarding forbidden degrees. Another article of Friedberg, "Beiträge zur Geschichte des brandenburgisch-preussischen Eherechts," ibid., VI, VII (Tübingen, 1866-67), includes the very long petition of Dr. Stiel (1553) for enforcement of a betrothal, with other original documents relating to matrimonial doctrine and judicial practice. A history of "conditional marriages" is given by Phillips, "Das Ehehinderniss der beigefügten Bedingung," ibid., V, VI (Tübingen, 1865-66); and the rise of the Protestant doctrine regarding the impediment of relationship is discussed by Scheurl, "Zur Lehre von dem Ehehindernisse der Verwandtschaft," ibid., XVI (Freiburg and Tübingen, 1881). See also the monograph of Berg, Ueber die Verbindlichkeit der kanonischen Ehehindernisse in Betriff der Ehen der Evangelischen (Breslau, 1835).

On the controversy regarding "mixed marriages" and marriages of diverse religion, consult Gregorovius, De mat. person. diversae relig. (Regiomonti, 1712); Carpzovius, Circa nuptias person. diversae relig. (Wittenberg, 1735); Breitenbach, De mat. allophilorum (Giessen, 1740); Zum-Bach, Ueber die Ehen zwischen Katholiken und Protestanten (Cologne, 1820); Ueber die gemischten Ehen (Stuttgart, 1827); Wittmann, Katholische Grundsätze über die Ehen welche zwischen Katholiken und Protestanten geschlossen werden (Stadtamhof, 1831); Kutschker, Die gemischten Ehen von dem katholisch-kirchlichen Standpuncte (Vienna, 1838); Nationaler und historischer Standpunkt (Cologne and Vienna, 1838); Sack, Die katholische Kirche innerhalb des Protestantismus (Cologne, 1838); Bessel, Die gemischten Ehen (Frankfort, 1839); Mack, Die Einsegnung der gemischten Ehen (Tübingen, 1840); Perronne, Ueber die gemischten Ehen (Augsburg, 1840); Eintracht gibt Macht oder ... Nothwendigkeit zu einem gleichmässigen Verfahren in Hinsicht auf die gemischten Ehen (Düsseldorf, 1844); Die gemischten Ehen in der Erzdiöcese Freiburg (Regensburg, 1846); Binterim, An matrimonio mixto (Düsseldorf, 1846); idem, Dissertatio altera (Düsseldorf, 1847); Der Streit über gemischte Ehen ... in Baden (Karlsruhe, 1847); Beleuchtung [of the foregoing] Karlsruher Schrift (Schaffhausen, 1847); Hilse, Civil- und Misch-Ehe (Berlin, 1869); and Hübler, Eheschliessung und gemischte Ehen in Preussen (Berlin, 1883).

For England the principal source is the Works of the Fathers and Early Writers of the Reformed English Church, published by the Parker Society (Cambridge, 1841-55). Among the large number of books comprised in this series, those of Latimer, Cranmer, Tyndale, Jewell, Hooper, Bullinger, Parker, Coverdale, and particularly Whitgift's Defence of the Answer (containing also Cartwright's Reply to the Answer) have been of most service. Three important treatises of the English Reformation period bearing on marriage and the family are Coverdale's translation of The Christen State of Matrimonye (1541); Whitforde's A Werke for housholders (1530, 1537); and Vives's (Vivus's) A very frvteful and pleasant booke called the Instruction of a Christen Woman ... tourned out of latyne into Englische by Rycharde Hyrde (London, 1557). The original may be found in Vol. II, 650-755, of Vives's Opera (Basel, 1555); and Rudolph Heine has a German translation in Vol. XVI of Richter's Pädagogische Bibliothek (Leipzig, n. d.). Much valuable material may also be found in Gee and Hardy's Documents (London, 1896); Prothero's Select Statutes and Other Constitutional Documents (Oxford, 1894); while the Statutes at Large (Raithby, London, 1811) are of course in constant requisition. The more important acts relating to marriage are contained in Vol. I of Evans's convenient Collection of Statutes (London, 1823). Swinburne's fascinating Treatise of Spousals (London, 1686), written in the last days of Elizabeth's reign, but published a century later, is indispensable for understanding the law and theory of the matrimonial contract during the Tudor period. Some assistance has also been gained from the collections of Hale, Johnson, and Wilkins mentioned in preceding notes.

The exhaustive treatment of the Protestant conception of marriage for Germany contained in Friedberg's great work on Eheschliessung (Leipzig, 1865), supplemented by his suggestive monograph Geschichte der Civilehe (Berlin, 1877), leaves little for others to do. Sohm's Eheschliessung is also important. For England Makower has a brief but excellent discussion; and much illustrative material may be found in Burn's Parish Registers (London, 1862); Wood's Wedding Day (New York, 1869); Douce's Illustrations of Shakespeare (London, 1807); Brand's Popular Antiquities (new ed., London, 1873-77); Burnet's gossipy History of the Reformation (London, 1850); and Jeaffreson's Brides and Bridals (London, 1872). Nichols, Progresses ... of King James the First (London, 1828), gives an interesting example of the former practice of public betrothals; and the same may also be found in Leland's Collectanea, V (2d ed., London, 1770). Queen Mary's Articles (1553) regarding married priests and some other important papers are given in Cardwell's Documentary Annals (Oxford, 1839, 1844). Palmer's Origines liturgicae (3d ed., Oxford, 1839; 4th ed., London, 1845) has also been of service; while new light is thrown on social conditions in Elizabeth's reign by the unique collection of documents edited for the Early English Text Society by Furnivall, Child-Marriages, Divorces, and Ratifications (London, 1897).]

I. AS TO THE FORM OF MARRIAGE

The Protestant Reformation in Germany produced many ideas which were eventually fruitful for good in the history of matrimonial law; but unfortunately, owing to a number of causes, more than two centuries were to elapse before any effective remedy was provided for the evils of clandestine wedlock. Ecclesiastical rites were prescribed by the authority of the state as the best means of securing publicity; but neither Luther[1164] nor the other Protestant leaders insisted upon them as necessary to a binding marriage.[1165] Luther, indeed, perceived the absurdity of the scholastic distinction between sponsalia de praesenti and de futuro; and proposed to retain espousals de futuro or precontracts only in the sense of "conditional betrothals."[1166] On failure of the condition, or for other weighty reasons, these engagements might be dissolved. But unconditional betrothals, or his sponsalia de praesenti—that is to say, practically all betrothals, including the espousals de futuro of the canonists—if publicly made and with parental consent, were regarded by Luther as valid marriages which could not be dissolved.[1167] Parental consent[1168] he appears to think essential, though on this point his statements are by no means clear;[1169] and he urges the need of public espousals in face of the parish.[1170] Yet he admits that a secret engagement—by which he seems to mean espousals without the presence of witnesses, but with parental consent—if followed by physical union, constitutes a true marriage equally binding with the open betrothal. In effect, the doctrine of Luther did not provide a complete remedy for the evils of clandestine contract; for all marriages, save only the conditional when not consummated, and possibly those formed secretly against the parents' will, were now indissoluble at the will of the parties.[1171] Moreover, an action was allowed to enforce a promise of marriage; and for more than two centuries after the Reformation the fulfilment of a betrothal could be enforced by severe penalties.[1172] Yet in one respect there was a decided advance. The pernicious distinction of Peter Lombard between espousals de praesenti and de futuro was practically rejected, and with it much of the danger which had lurked in the vacillating discretion of the ecclesiastical judge might have been removed had the jurists accepted Luther's teaching.[1173] Thus from a historical point of view the result is instructive. The ancient wette or beweddung, handed down through the slightly weakened form of the canonical sponsalia de praesenti, was restored to even more than its original relative importance as compared with the Trauung or nuptials.[1174]

The teachings of Luther regarding espousals were largely determinative for the future history of marriage in the German states. According to the ordinances, the doctrine, and the practice of the evangelical churches, the betrothal was a true marriage, the nuptials merely its confirmation.[1175] Even his wavering as to the necessity of parental consent for a valid contract leaves its trace in the divergent provisions of law.[1176] In practice the jurists, against the protest of Luther,[1177] held close to the principles of the canon law.[1178] As a rule, the courts tended to treat all secret betrothals followed by actual connubial life as binding marriages.[1179] Until far down into the eighteenth century the engaged lovers before the nuptials were held to be legally husband and wife.[1180] It was common for them to begin living together immediately after the betrothal ceremony;[1181] and the so-called "bride children" were given rights of legitimate offspring, this custom in part surviving until our own times.[1182]

The rites observed in the celebration of marriage differed in some details from those in use before the Reformation. A model was drafted by Luther, and it was often followed with variations in the church ordinances.[1183] He does not urge the adoption of a service which must be observed by all. On the contrary, every place may use its customary form in the solemnization of wedlock. A simple ritual is, however, provided for the use of those needing assistance. When the bride and bridegroom so require, the banns are to be asked in the chancel before the wedding. As in the mediæval formularies already examined, the nuptial ceremony consists of two acts. Before the church door the wedding vows and the wedding rings are exchanged, the priest declaring to the assembled people, in the name of the Trinity, that he pronounces the man and woman joined in marriage. In the church before the altar the second act takes place. Instead of the bride-mass, this consists simply in the reading of a passage of Scripture followed by the priestly benediction.[1184]

The decree of the Council of Trent relating to the nuptial celebration was not accepted in Protestant lands, and hence no essential change was made in the forms of marriage. In England during the whole period between the Reformation and the Commonwealth ecclesiastical celebration was the rule; and the spiritual courts, retaining their ancient jurisdiction in matrimonial causes, still recognized the principles of the canon law, though appeals to Rome were not allowed.[1185] Hence clandestine contracts de praesenti were valid and could be maintained against regular marriages subsequently solemnized in church. This fact is established by abundant evidence,[1186] and by none more ample and convincing than that afforded by the remarkable collection of documents recently edited by Furnivall, to which further reference will presently be made.[1187] But the parties were subject to clerical censure and the forfeiture of certain property rights.[1188] An attempt was, indeed, made by Henry VIII. in 1540 to restrict the validity of private marriages by providing in effect that those solemnized by the church, if consummate, should take precedence of unconsummated precontracts not thus celebrated; and the same statute confined the impediments to marriage to those comprised in the Levitical degrees.[1189] But this act had little significance save in the matrimonial transactions of Henry himself;[1190] for, so far as it related to precontracts, it was repealed by a statute of Edward VI. which restored the former law and provided that "when any cause or contract of marriage is pretended to have been made, it shall be lawful to the king's ecclesiastical judge of that place to hear and examine" it; and after having it "sufficiently and lawfully proved," to give "sentence of matrimony, commanding solemnization, cohabitation, consummation, and tractation," as in times past the king's spiritual courts had power to do.[1191] Referring to this act, Swinburne, writing in the reign of Elizabeth, bears witness to the strength with which the canonical theory of espousals had laid hold of the legal mind. "Worthily, I say, and upon good ground was this Branch of that Statute" of King Henry relating to precontracts "repealed and made void by his gracious Son King Edward the Sixth, for Spousals de praesenti, though not consummate, be in truth and substance very Matrimony, and therefore perpetually indissoluble, except for Adultery: Although by the Common Laws of this Realm (like as it is in France and other places) Spousals not only de futuro, but also de praesenti be destitute of many legal Effects wherewith Marriage solemnized doth abound, whether we respect legitimation of Issue, alteration of property in her Goods, or right of Dower in the Husbands Lands."[1192]

Indeed, for the law and custom of betrothal in England, toward the close of the sixteenth century, the quaint and recondite treatise of Swinburne is a mine of information. A vast number of questions illustrative of the principles, the snares and perplexities, of the surviving canonical theories are there taken up and "resolved" with singular brevity and clearness. "Albeit," he says, "this word Sponsalia (Englished Spousals) being properly understood, doth only signifie Promises of future Marriage, yet is it not perpetually tied to this only Sense, for sometimes it is stretched to the signification of Love Gifts and Tokens of the Parties betroathed; as Bracelets, Chains, Jewels, and namely the Ring; being often used for the very Arrabo or assured Pledge of a perfect Promise: Sometimes it is taken for the Portion of the Goods which is given for and in consideration of the Marriage to be Solemnized; and sometimes for the Feast or Banquet at the Celebration of the Marriage, and of others it is otherwise used." The canonists, however, distinguish between matrimony and betrothal, and they "do also discern betwixt one kind of Spousals and another, being the first Inventors of the several Names of Spousals de futuro, and Spousals de praesenti, and yet nevertheless oftentimes they make no difference, or very little, betwixt the Natures and Effects of Spousals de praesenti and of Matrimony solemnized and consummate."[1193] Such contracts are "as indissoluble as perfect matrimony;"[1194] and "as well the Sacred Scriptures, as the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws, do usually give to Women betroathed only, or affianced, the Name and Title of Wife, because in truth the man and woman, thus perfectly assured, by words of present time, are Husband and Wife before God and his Church."[1195]

The old perplexity growing out of the coincidence of illegality and validity in the same contract still exists;[1196] and the conscience may still be bound by secret marriage, though the court may declare it null and void. The "Law doth forbid all Persons to make Secret Contracts of Spousals, or Matrimony; and that justly, considering the manifold discommodities depending thereupon, namely, for that hereby it cometh to pass oftentimes, that the Parties secretly contracting, are otherwise formally affianced, or so near in Blood that they cannot be Married; or being free from those impediments, yet do they alter their purposes, denying and breaking their promises, whence Perjuries" and "many more intolerable mischiefs do succeed."[1197] Yet though "Secret Marriages are done indeed against the Law," it is held that once contracted they cannot be dissolved, because public "solemnities are not of the Substance of Spousals, or of Matrimony, but consent only; ... So that it may be justly inferred, that the only want of Solemnity doth not hurt the Contract." Moreover, if it be urged that "seeing secret Contracts cannot be proved, it is all one in effect, as if they were not," it may be answered that such is truly the case "Jure fori, non jure poli, Before Man, not before God; for the Church indeed doth not judge of secret and hidden things," but before Almighty God "bare Conscience alone is as a thousand Witnesses; Wherefore I do admonish thee, that hast in truth contracted secret Matrimony, that thou do not marry any other Person; for doubtless this thy pretended Marriage, how lawful soever it may seem in the eye of Man, who judgeth only according to the outward appearance, is nothing but meer Adultery in the infallible sight of God's just Judgment."[1198]

Public as opposed to private espousals,[1199] according to Swinburne, "are they which are contracted before sufficient Witnesses, and wherein are observed all other Solemnities requisite by the Ecclesiastical Law: For so careful were the ancient Law-makers to avoid those mischiefs, which commonly attend upon secret and clandestine Contracts, that they would have the same Solemnities observed in contracting Spousals, which be requisite in contracting Matrimony."[1200] In fact, according to one authority, "public espousals were, upon pain of excommunication, to be in an open place, and before diverse witnesses;" but it does not "appear to have been necessary to the validity of these contracts, that they should be made at church;"[1201] nor can we safely assume that this requirement was generally enforced. During the period following the Reformation the celebration of the betrothal and the nuptials usually took place at the same time, on the wedding day in the body of the church; and the form of each is prescribed in the marriage rituals.[1202] The public solemnization of espousals was, however, not entirely superseded. In the seventeenth[1203] and eighteenth[1204] centuries, though passing out of use, the custom was by no means extinct, especially in the case of noble or royal persons. A record of betrothals contracted in facie ecclesiae was not usually kept; but at least one such entry has been discovered. The register of Boughton Monchelsea, Kent, shows that on the tenth day of January, 1630, William Maddox and Elizabeth Grimestone were affianced "in due form of law;" and in this case the marriage was not celebrated until three years later.[1205] "The form of betrothing at church" in England "has not been handed to us in any of its ancient ecclesiastical service books;" but it "has been preserved in a few of the French and Italian rituals."[1206] "The ceremony, generally speaking, was performed by the priest demanding of the parties if they had entered into a contract with any other person, or made a vow of chastity or religion; whether they had acted for each other, or for any child they might have had, in the capacity of godfather or godmother." Then, if the contract were in the form of sponsalia jurata or sworn espousals, the "oath was administered. 'You swear by God and his holy Saints herein and by all the Saints of Paradise, that you will take this woman whose name is N., to wife within forty days, if holy church will permit.' The priest then joined their hands, and said—'And thus you affiance yourselves;' to which the parties answered,—'Yes, Sir.' They then received a suitable exhortation on the nature and design of marriage, and an injunction to live piously and chastily until that event should take place. They were not permitted, at least by the church, to reside in the same house, but were nevertheless regarded as man and wife independently of the usual privileges."[1207] Later in France espousals in church were often prohibited, "because instances frequently occurred when the parties, relying on the testimony of the priest, scrupled not to live together as man and wife.... Excesses were likewise often committed by the celebration of Espousals in taverns and ale-houses, and some of the synodal decrees expressly injoin that the parties shall not get drunk on these occasions."[1208]

Valid betrothals, like valid marriages, may be celebrated by signs as well as words. This is true, says Swinburne, notwithstanding "a ready text, extant in the bowels of the law," much relied upon by diverse writers, to the effect that words expressive of consent are essential.[1209] "And forasmuch as Subarration, that is the giving and receiving of a Ring, is a Sign of all others, most usual in Spousals and Matrimonial Contracts, I think it requisite to speak of it, before all other Signs; the rather because the Writers upon this Sign have diligently described unto us, what Persons did first devise the same, and to what end; and what was the matter, and what the form thereof, on which Finger it ought to be worn, and what is the Signification of each of those Circumstances, with divers other Observations which I will briefly run over. The first Inventer of the Ring (as is reported) was one Prometheus; The Workman which made it was Tubal-Cain, of whom there is mention in the fourth of Genesis, that he wrought cunningly in every Craft of Brass and Iron: And Tubal-Cain by the Counsel of our first Parent Adam (as my Author telleth me), gave it unto his Son to this end, that therewith he should espouse a Wife, like as Abraham delivered unto his Servant Bracelets and Ear-Rings of Gold, which he gave to Rebecca, when he chose her to be Isaacks Wife.... But the first Ring was not of Gold, but of Iron, adorned with an Adamant, the Metal hard and durable, signifying the continuance and perpetuity of the Contract; the vertuous Adamant drawing the Iron unto it, signifying the perfect unity and indissoluble Conjunction of their minds, in true and faithful love; Howbeit it skilleth not at this day, what Metal the Ring be; The form of the Ring being circular, that is, round, and without end, importeth thus much, that their mutual love and hearty affection should roundly flow from the one to the other, as in a Circle, and that continually, and for ever; The Finger on which this Ring is to be worn is the fourth Finger of the left hand, next unto the little Finger; because by the received Opinion of the Learned and Experienced in Ripping up, and anatomizing Mens Bodies, there is a Vein of Blood which passeth from that fourth Finger unto the Heart, called Vena amoris, Love's Vein. And so the wearing of the Ring on that Finger signifieth, that the love should not be vain or fained, but that as they did give their Hands each to other, so likewise they should give their Hearts also, whereunto that Vein is extended. Furthermore I do observe, that in former Ages it was not tolerated to single or unmarried Persons to wear Rings, unless they were Judges, Doctors, or Senators, or such like honourable Persons: So that being destitute of such Dignity, it was a note of Vanity, Lasciviousness, and Pride for them to presume to wear a Ring, whereby we may collect how greatly they did honour and reverence the Sacred Estate of Wedlock in times past, in permitting the Parties affianced to be adorned with the honourable Ornament of the Ring: As also the Vanity, Lasciviousness, and intolerable Pride of these our days, wherein every skipping Jack and every flirting Jill, must not only be ring'd (forsooth) very daintily, but must have some special Jewel or Favour besides, as though they were descended of some noble House or Parentage, when as all their Houses and whole Patrimony is not worth the Ninth part of a Noble; or else, as if they were betrothed or assured in the holy Band of Wedlock, when as indeed, there is no manner of Contract betwixt them, unless peradventure it be such a Contract as Judah made with Thamar, ... which bargain he concluded by delivering her a Ring."[1210]

This curious passage is here quoted at length, not because it has historical value, but because the author has condensed therein the symbolism, conceits, and folklore connected with the betrothal ring as these are found in the writings of the canonists, whom he carefully and minutely cites in the margin.[1211]

Before the act of 1753 persons contracting espousals de praesenti might be compelled to celebrate matrimony in facie ecclesiae, under penalty for refusal of excommunication by the spiritual and imprisonment by the secular power;[1212] but in case of a mere contract de futuro, if either party refused to keep his engagement, he was rather to be "admonished than compelled." The "judge is not to proceed to the Significavit, but rather to absolve that cursed Party which contemneth the Censures of the Church, albeit there be no Cause of favour, but fear of further mischief, by compelling them to go together, which hate one another. Yet is not this froward Party thus to be dismissed, but is to suffer pennance" for breach of faith.[1213]

II. AS TO THE NATURE OF MARRIAGE

In its practical results, therefore, the Reformation had little effect on law and theory as to the form of wedlock. For England it had no significance at all; and the same is true of Germany, except so far as Luther's view of the sponsalia may have found some expression in legislation and judicial decree. With respect to the nature of marriage the case is very different. The dogma of its sacramental character was abandoned throughout the Protestant world.[1214] In its place a new conception arose; and it is very instructive to trace the process of change in the mind of Luther himself.[1215] As late as 1519 he declares that "the marriage state is a sacrament," an outward "symbol of the greatest, holiest, noblest, most worthy thing that has ever existed or can exist: the union of the divine and human natures in Christ;"[1216] and this symbol he explains entirely in harmony with the "dogmatism of the Middle Ages, notably that of St. Thomas Aquinas, who sought the motive of marriage sacrament in legalization of the sensual impulse."[1217] In the very next year, however, and again in 1539, he expresses himself decisively against the ancient Catholic doctrine.[1218] Nevertheless in his various attempts to define the matrimonial state an apparent contradiction is presented which is hard to reconcile, and which is of great significance in the long struggle for the instituting of civil marriage. On the one hand, though not technically a sacrament, marriage is described as holy, a "most spiritual" status, "ordained and founded" by God himself. It is the source of domestic and public government, the foundation of human society, which without it would "fall to pieces."[1219] So holy is the state of matrimony, in Luther's conception, that he must perforce still use the term "sacrament" to convey his meaning.[1220] On the other hand, his writings contain passages of a very different tenor. "So many lands, so many customs, runs the common saying. Therefore since weddings and matrimony are a temporal business, it becomes us clerks and servants of the church to order or rule nothing therein, but to leave to each city and state its own usages and customs in this regard."[1221] Elsewhere, in words which anticipate the sentiment of Milton by a hundred years, he insists that "matrimonial questions do not touch the conscience, but belong to the temporal power," warning the clergy not to meddle with them unless commanded by that authority.[1222] Marriage, he emphatically declares, is a "temporal, worldly thing" which "does not concern the church."[1223]

Thus Luther provided the arsenal from which both the friends and the foes of civil marriage drew their weapons. His name, says Friedberg, became the "battle-cry," the "shield and mantle," of the contending factions; and while urging that Luther must be regarded as the champion of marriage as a "worldly thing," the same writer points out the two powerful motives which may in large measure account for this apparent contradiction.[1224] First, the evils growing out of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in matrimonial causes were becoming an intolerable burden to Christendom; and only by denying the sacramental nature of marriage could the way be cleared for a transfer of that jurisdiction to the secular courts. Secondly, the abuses connected with sacerdotal celibacy were scarcely less threatening. The licentiousness of the clergy was "beyond belief." Many "bishops were at last content to convert the vows of celibacy into sources of revenue, suffering the clergy to live in concubinage in return for a yearly tax;"[1225] and yet the "ill preserved chastity of the priesthood was interpenetrated then as before by a profound contempt for the marriage state."[1226] Hence Luther proclaimed the natural and scriptural right of priests to marry; and rejecting the low ascetic ideal he laid stress on the purity and holiness of marriage as an institution ordained of heaven.[1227] But, after all, this doctrine is not so entirely out of harmony with the view that matrimony is a "worldly thing;" for with the Reformation a new conception of the temporal power arose. During the Middle Ages the contrast was not between church and state, as the latter is now understood; but between the "unholy world and the holy church." Hence the state, because it was comprehended under the conception of the world, "partook of its unholiness. The Reformation formulated the antithesis differently. It released the state from its shell of 'worldliness,' ascribed to it ethical tendencies, and made it the bearer of morality. Formerly the state was unholy, because it belonged to the world; now the world became ethical, because it fell within the sphere of the state, for the state itself was moral."[1228] Thus, in the sixteenth century, the conception of the "Christian state" and of the "Christian prince," to which Erasmus gave such fine expression, became thoroughly established.[1229] Theoretically church and state were kept apart; but practically they were united; for the idea of a "state church" no longer gave a shock to the religious sense. Accordingly the king as the Lord's anointed became the defender of the faith and the source of ecclesiastical authority.

With Luther's teachings regarding the nature of marriage the German Protestant leaders were mainly agreed.[1230] In his reaction against celibacy and asceticism, however, he went to an extreme where all could not follow him. There were doubtless many persons attached to the new doctrines who were inclined to tolerate or sanction concubinage and even polygamy.[1231] But the "double marriage" of the landgrave of Hesse, which was sanctioned by Luther, Melanchthon, and Bucer, created a scandal for which the majority were not willing to be held responsible. Indeed, from the tone of the decision of Luther and his colleagues it seems clear that they were conscious of treading on dangerous ground.[1232] Regarding another important point the Reformers were not entirely in harmony. The abuses arising in the complex law relating to forbidden degrees and the other canonical impediments, it was felt, ought to be remedied. But there was much divergence of opinion as to the "exact content of the reform needed and even as to the principle which ought to be followed. Should simply a return be made to the Mosaic or to the Roman law?" Or should the canon law be retained with certain modifications?[1233] All were agreed that the hindrance of spiritual kinship must be absolutely abandoned; and there was a tendency to allow intermarriage within the third degree of affinity and consanguinity.[1234] But there was much diversity in legislation and judicial practice, the rules of the Levitical code being followed with varied interpretations.[1235] By the old Protestant law and doctrine, as well as by the rule of the mother church, disparitas cultus, or difference of religious faith, was regarded as an impediment to wedlock. Marriages between Christians and non-Christians were positively forbidden.[1236] In like spirit, unions between adherents of different Christian confessions were either entirely prohibited or else severely discouraged.[1237] Such intolerance was sure to produce the natural bitter fruit; and the controversy over these "mixed marriages" has perpetuated itself to our own times.[1238]

In England as well as in Germany the law and judicature of the church rested on the sanction of the state.[1239] This is the fundamental fact in the history of the English revolt from Rome. But, owing to the peculiar circumstances of that revolt, the investiture of the king with the headship of the church was very unfortunate. Henry VIII. clung to the old doctrines. A stumbling-block was thus placed in the way of intellectual and spiritual progress which in the end cost a second revolution to remove. The effects of this unlucky settlement are plainly discernible in the ecclesiastical conception of marriage. If the teachings of the fathers of the English church[1240] be examined for the period between the death of Wolsey and the death of Elizabeth, it will be found that they are less bold, showing more of the spirit of compromise with the mediæval doctrines, than are those of Luther and his immediate followers on the continent. Not a single clear voice, apparently, is raised for civil marriage. Technically matrimony as a sacrament is rejected by all,[1241] though its sacramental nature was first definitely denied by the church in the Thirty-nine Articles of 1552.[1242] It is, however, something more than a mere civil status. It is, declares Fulke, "nothing else but a devilish slander to say that we 'esteem it but in respect of the flesh, or for a civil contract.'"[1243] Tyndale calls matrimony "a similitude of the kingdom of heaven;"[1244] and in general it is held to be a holy institution, "ordained by God himself in Paradise."[1245] It represents the union of Christ and the church;[1246] and it is "pure," "dignified," and "honorable" for all men.[1247] Hence the natural and scriptural right of priests to marry is vindicated;[1248] and, following St. Paul, the forbidding of them to marry is called a "doctrine of devils."[1249]

Still the new teaching did not at once find expression in the law of the land. Under its influence, at the beginning of the Reformation, some of the clergy, notably Archbishop Cranmer, married; but Henry VIII. tenaciously clung to the doctrine of clerical celibacy and issued several proclamations against the marriage of priests.[1250] Thus in 1535 "his majestie understanding that a few number of this his realme being priests, as well religious as other, have taken wives, and married themselves," and not wishing the "generalitie of the clergy" to follow their example, doth command all such priests "as have attempted marriages" or shall "hereafter presumptuously proceed in the same, that they nor any of them shall minister any sacrament or other ministry mysticall, nor have any office, dignity, cure, privilege, profitt or commoditye heretofore accustomed, and belonging to the clergie of this realme, but shall utterly after such marriages be expelled and deprived from the same, and be had and reputed as lay persons, to all purposes and intents. And that such as shall after this proclamation ... take wives, and be married, shall run in his grace's indignation, and suffer further punishment and imprisonment at his grace's will and pleasure."[1251] Proclamations[1252] of like nature were later enacted; and finally the six-articles law of 1539 provided that all marriages or matrimonial contracts, made by priests or between a man and a woman either of whom has vowed chastity, before or during "this present parliament," shall "be utterly void and of none effect;" while any future transgression is to be punished as felony.[1253] Nevertheless Cranmer was allowed to retain his wife; and through his influence the penalties prescribed by the six-articles act were somewhat modified in 1540.[1254]

Under Edward VI. the doctrine of the Reformation gained a victory. The six-articles law was repealed in 1547.[1255] In the same year the lower house of convocation prayed "that all provisions against clerical marriages might be set aside and all vows of chastity pronounced void."[1256] Accordingly by 2 and 3 Edward VI. (1548), c. 21, the obstacles to such unions were formally swept away on grounds of expediency; though the act sanctions the ancient prejudice by declaring that "it were not only better for the estimation of priests, and other ministers in the Church of God, to live chaste, sole, and separate from the company of women and the bond of marriage, but also thereby they might the better intend to the administration of the gospel, and be less intricated and troubled with the charge of household, being free and unburdened from the care and cost of finding wife and children, and that it were most to be wished that they would willingly endeavour themselves to a perpetual chastity."[1257] This clause was explained by the act of 5 and 6 Edward VI. (1551-52), c. 12, "as meaning not simply that the marriages in question were exempt from punishment, but that they were good and lawful marriages, the offspring of which were legitimate and could inherit in the usual way, and that priests might be tenants by courtesy on the death of their wives, and wives endowable of their lands."[1258]

After the accession of Mary, a royal ordinance again prescribed celibacy as the condition of holding priestly office.[1259] The matrimonial laws of Edward's reign were repealed;[1260] and it is significant of Elizabeth's conservative position on religious questions that those enactments were not restored on her coming to power. She was shocked at the marriage of priests and was very reluctant to sanction it by statute. "The Queen's majesty," writes Sandys to Parker in 1559, "will wink at it but not stablish it by law, which is nothing else but to bastard our children;"[1261] and two years later, according to Cecil, "her majesty continueth very evil affected to the state of matrimony in the clergy. And if [I] were not therein very stiff," she "would utterly and openly condemn and forbid it."[1262] Yet already by her first Injunctions, 1559, she had grudgingly given her consent to clerical marriage, though it was hampered by severe conditions. "It is thought therefore very necessary, that no manner of priest or deacon shall hereafter take to his wife any manner of woman without the advice and allowance first had upon good examination by the bishop of the same diocese, and two justices of the peace of the same shire, dwelling next to the place, where the same woman hath made her most abode before her marriage; nor without the good will of the parents of the said woman, if she have any living, or two of the next of her kinsfolk, or, for lack of knowledge of such, of her master or mistress, where she serveth." If "any shall do otherwise," he is forbidden to administer either the "word" or the "sacraments," and is declared incapable of "any ecclesiastical benefice." The marriage of a bishop is allowed only on approval of the "metropolitan of the province" and of "such commissioners" as the queen may appoint; while the master, dean, or head of a college must obtain the consent of those to whom the right of visitation belongs, who shall provide that the marriage "tend not to the hindrance of their house."[1263] Two years later "the queen further ordained that, upon pain of forfeiting his office, no head or member of any college or cathedral church should have his wife or other woman within the precincts,"[1264] and "in the thirty-nine articles of 1563 the marriage of the clergy was recognized as permissible."[1265] Still throughout the reign of Elizabeth, apparently, clerical marriages continued to be resisted; for "in the Millenary Petition addressed by the Puritans to James I. at his accession, among other requests was one for the restoration of the laws of Edward VI. as to the marriage of priests.[1266] That restoration and, consequently, the repeal of the obstructing act of Mary were accomplished" in 1603.[1267]

In fact, the primitive ascetic ideal was by no means utterly extinct among the Protestant theologians of the Tudor period. Some, like Latimer, Fulke, and Hutchinson, insist that matrimony is inferior to virginity;[1268] and very generally it is still held to be ordained of heaven, especially as a "remedy" for sin, though more worthy motives are admitted. According to Bradford, God "has made womankind, and ordained the state of matrimony," "not only for the help and community of man, but also for a remedy of man's infirmity."[1269] Bullinger assigns the usual three reasons "for which God hath ordained marriage for men to embrace." The "first cause why wedlock was instituted is man's commodity, that thereby the life of man might be the pleasanter and more commodious; for Adam seemed not to live half happily nor sweetly enough, unless he had a wife to join himself unto; which wife is not in the scriptures called an impediment or necessary evil, as certain poets and beastly men who hated women have foolishly jangled."[1270] The "second cause is the begetting of children for the preservation of mankind;" and the third is to provide a safeguard against the weakness of the flesh.[1271]

Thus the change effected by the religious revolution in the conception of marriage, highly important as it was from a speculative point of view, was not destined to bear its proper fruit until after many days. In Germany, after a time, the bolder and more liberal teachings of Luther were generally ignored; so that by the middle of the seventeenth century the reactionary theories which had then gained ascendency were substantially in harmony with the ideas of the English clergy. In both countries the ecclesiastical courts still continued to try matrimonial causes in the spirit of the canon law; and more and more, as the new churches grew in power and became conservative, did the theological view of the nature of marriage approach the ancient dogma. "According to the canon law, the church claimed matrimonial jurisdiction because marriage was a sacrament; by the Protestants marriage was made almost a sacrament because the church exercised matrimonial jurisdiction."[1272] Not until the full triumph of civil marriage in the nineteenth century were the logical results of the new doctrines at last attained.

III. CHILD-MARRIAGES IN THE AGE OF ELIZABETH

Seldom has a more vivid light been thrown on social conditions than that afforded for the age of Elizabeth by the depositions taken in the bishop's court of the diocese of Chester, 1561-66, and edited for the Early English Text Society by Furnivall in 1897. Their value for the student is enhanced by the very lively "forewords" of the learned and enthusiastic editor. The evils naturally flowing from the law and doctrine of espousals are here realistically disclosed in the "trothplights" and the similar cases of "clandestine marriages."[1273] There is the usual juggling with the words of the present or future tense; and the usual puzzling over conditions and irregular phrases. For the basest of motives girls are tricked into vows which may or may not prove to be valid marriages according to the uncertain interpretation of the words or acts of betrothal sworn to in court. "Ten of the seventeen cases" of trothplight, says Furnivall, "show us men trying to sneak out of their contracts when they've had their fill of pleasure with the women."[1274] Needy and unscrupulous priests, worthy predecessors of the notorious Fleet parsons, without banns or license, are seen "solemnizing" the nuptials "accordinge to the book of Common prayer," in a private house, in a meadow, or on the "heighe waie," during "the night season" and "by the lighte of the moone."[1275]

The astonishing prevalence of child-marriages is, however, the most important fact revealed by these documents.[1276] In a single diocese during the short space of six years, besides three "ratifications," occurred twenty-eight cases of so-called divorce or voidance of contracts which were formed in infancy or early childhood. The age of the persons varies from two to thirteen years; and in at least ten cases the girl is older than the boy. It should also be observed that these thirty-one contracts are merely those brought before the court for confirmation or annulment after at least one of the parties has reached the age of puberty, which by the canon law is fixed at twelve for females and fourteen for males. It is, of course, proper to assume that the number of child-marriages which never thus came up for settlement was very much larger than the number of those which did so arise. What the number for all England may have been during the period, it is startling to contemplate! Moreover, the majority of these marriages took place, not among the rich or noble, but among common people of small means. In a number of instances we are told in the record that the infant bride or bridegroom was carried before the priest in someone's arms. Thus, in a case which arose in 1564, a witness deposes that "he was present bie, when John Somerforth and Jane Brerton were maried together in the parish church of Brerton about xij yeres ago ... that he carried the said John in his armes, beinge at tyme of the said Mariage about iij yeres of age, and spake somme of the wordes of Matrimonye, that the said John, bie reason of his younge age, cold not speake hym self, holdinge him in his armes all the while the wordes of Matrimonie were in speakinge. And one James Holford caried the said Jane in his armes, beinge at the said tyme about ij yeres of age, and spake all, or the most parte of, the wordes of matrimony for her." Being further "required whether the said marriage was euer ratified bie carnall Copulacion or other meane, Answereth that, in his Conscience, it was neuer." Another witness testified to the same facts and added, "it was the youngest Mariage that euer he was at."[1277]

Looked at from a religious point of view, it would be hard to imagine a more absurd travesty of "holy wedlock" than such proceedings conducted by the parish priest.[1278] Nor was there much sentiment involved in the matter. If the great folk betrothed their children while babes to escape the king's right of wardship, the small folk were influenced by like motives on a smaller scale. "If the parent of either child is mercenary," summarizes Furnivall, "a money-bargain is made for it: the father of a boy of two, gets from an older girl's father, 'monie to bie a pece of land,' and executes a Bond to repay the money if his boy doesn't marry the girl (pp. 6-9). In another case, the boy's father is in debt, 'and to get somme money of William Whitfield, to the discharge of his debtes, maried and bargained his sonne to the said Whitfeildes doughter' (pp. 23, 24). Again, a girl of 3 or 4 is married to a boy of 7 'biecause her frendes thought she shuld have had a lyvinge bie hym' (p. 4), and her father-in-law is under Bond to marry them (p. 5). So again, a girl's father says that she married a boy of her own age, 11-12 'biecause she shold have had bie hym a prety bargane, yf they cold have lovid, on the other' (p. 12). Another girl of 11 is married to a boy of 9, because, on her father's death, the boy's father gets the landlord's leave to take-on the girl's house (p. 10). Another girl of 8 is married to a boy of 10, because the boy's father feard 'lest he shuld lose his parte of his lyvinge' in a tenement which he held in common with the girl's protector (p. 14). In another instance, the girl's grandfather 'was a very welthie man; and it was supposed that he wold have bene good vnto' her & her boy-husband, 'and bestowid somme good ferme apon her' (p. 32), so a boy of 12 married her when she was 10. Other children are married 'bie the compulsion of their frendes' (pp. 11, 13, 23 &c.); another 'by a wile' (p. 16), the girl being invited by a relation of the boy's to come and make merry, and then married to the boy against her consent. But in one case, a girl arranged her own marriage. She was 'a bigge damsell & mariageable' (p. 47), that is, past 12, and evidently fancying a nice boy of 10-11, 'intised hym with two Apples, to go with her to Colne, and to marry her' (p. 45). No wonder that this boy 'repentid' next morning, and that others say 'at the tyme of their mariage they knewe not what they did' (p. 15)."[1279]