Part 3 — Footnotes. (continued 3)

827 ‒ “As a loyal and believing Hebrew Peter could not have contemplated the removal of Gentile disqualifications without a distinct assurance that the enactments of the law which concerned them were abrogated by the Divine legislator. The vision could not therefore have been the product of a subjective impression. It was, strictly speaking, objective, presented to his mind by an external influence. Yet the intimation in the state of trance did not at once overcome his reluctance. It was not till his consciousness was fully restored, and he had well considered the meaning of the vision, that he learned that the distinction between cleanness and uncleanness in outward things belonged to a temporary dispensation.” Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Peter.

828 ‒ See above, p. 373.

829 ‒ For its foundation, see above, p. 10, and notes.

830 ‒ Perhaps Mnason was one of the number, see Acts xxi. 16.

831 ‒ C. and H., I. 118.

832 ‒ “In the Acts, and in their own letters, we find them designating themselves as brethren, disciples, believers, saints (Acts xv. 23, ix. 26, v. 14, ix. 32; Rom. xv. 25; Col. i. 2, &c.). Only in two places (Acts xxvi. 28, 1 Pet. iv. 16) do we find the term Christians; and in both instances it is implied to be a term used by those who are without.” C. and H., I. 117, and notes; Humphry’s Comm. on the Acts.

833 ‒ Or Galilæans. This last was the contemptuous name by which the Emperor Julian afterwards enacted that they should be called. Humphry’s Comm.

834 ‒ Neander’s Planting, I. 99.

835 ‒ Comp. Tac. Ann. XV. 44, quos vulgus Christianos appellabat: they were sometimes miscalled Chrestiani; Tertull. Apol. III.

836 ‒ Their office did not always or necessarily include that of predicting future events. Compare the remarks on the O. T. Prophets, Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 276, 277. More generally it indicated extraordinary powers of exposition of the Divine Word.

837 ‒ Tac. Ann. XII. 13; Jos. Ant. III. 15. 3, XX. 2. 5.

838 ‒ Four local famines are mentioned during the reign of Claudius, (1) in his first and second year, A.D. 41, 42, at Rome; (2) in his fourth year, A.D. 44, in Judæa; (3) in his ninth year, A.D. 49, in Greece; (4) in his eleventh year, A.D. 51, at Rome.

839 ‒ In this verse occurs the first mention of the Christian πρεσβύτεροι, rendered in the Vulgate seniores, in the E. V. elders. In Acts xx. 28 they are termed ἐπίσκοποι; the last expression pointing to their office, the former to their age and character. For the ancient Jewish Elders, see Numb. xi. 16, and Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 170.

840 ‒ Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, VI. 102.

841 ‒ Jos. Ant. XIX. 5. 1; B. J. II. 11. 5. Merivale, VI. 115.

842 ‒ See above, p. 393, n.; Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 1.

843 ‒ Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 1; 7. 3. Comp. Acts xxi. 23.

844 ‒ Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 3. He exercised, however, his supreme authority by continually displacing the high-priest. Having deposed Theophilus, son of Annas (see above, p. 382, n.), he substituted Simon son of Boethus (Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 2); he then offered the pontificate to Jonathan son of Annas (Jos. Ant. XIX. 6. 4), and on his declining it, bestowed it upon his brother Matthias; in A.D. 43 he deposed Matthias, and appointed Elionæus, son of the Simon mentioned above, to the post (Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 1).

845 ‒ Jos. Ant. XIX. 7. 2. The prefect of Syria, however, compelled him to desist.

846 ‒ Milman, Hist. Christ. I. 374.

847 ‒ See above, p. 257.

848 ‒ “The popular feeling, which from Pentecost till Stephen’s death was in favour of the Gospel, now set in in the contrary direction.” Humphry’s Comm.

849 ‒ “One quaternion for each watch of the night; of the four men forming the quaternion, two were stationed before the door (Acts xii. 6), and to two the Apostle was chained according to the Roman custom.” Veget. Res Milit. III. 8, quoted in Humphry’s Comm.

850 ‒ Comp. Col. iv. 10. Thus while the brother gave up his land and brought its value into the common treasury of the Church, the sister gave up her house for the use of the early Christians. Peter seems to have been on terms of intimacy with her, and this is confirmed by 1 Pet. v. 13.

851 ‒ Ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου (Claudius) σωτηρίας, Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 2. Compare the language of Philo, Leg. 45, alluding to Caligula’s safe return from Gaul, quoted in Lewin’s Fasti Sacri, p. 280. Another opinion is that the festival was held in honour of the birthday of Claudius, August 1.

852 ‒ Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 2.

853 ‒ See above, p. 92.

854 ‒ See the quotation from Kenrick’s Phœnicia, in Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 355, and comp. Ezek. xxvii. 17; 1 Kings v. 9; Ezra iii. 7.

855 ‒ Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 2. Δευτέρᾳ δὲ τῶν θεωριῶν ἡμέρᾳ στολὴν ἐνδυσάμενος ἐξ ἀργύρου πεποιημένην πᾶσαν ... παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας.

856 ‒ Luke the physician is more accurate than Josephus in his description of the disease that caused the death of Agrippa. Comp. the deaths of Antiochus Epiphanes, above, p. 38, and of Herod the Great, above, pp. 104, 105.

857 ‒ Jos. Ant. XIX. 8. 2, i.e. from A.D. 37 to A.D. 44.

858 ‒ Jos. Ant. XIX. 9. 1; Milman, Hist. of the Jews, II. 161. The unexpected death of Herod Agrippa “seems to have unhinged the plans of the Roman government. So important a charge as the sovereignty of Palestine could be intrusted only to a tried servant of the Emperor; and even Agrippa had given cause of jealousy by the relation he had cultivated with the princes of the frontier. None of his family merited to succeed him. His brother Herod was allowed to continue in the obscure dignity of his petty chiefdom, and his son Agrippa, already resident as a hostage at Rome, was retained there in honourable custody; while the dominions of the great Idumæan reverted once more to the control of the prefect of Syria, and acquiesced, with a few uneasy murmurs, in its full incorporation with the empire.” Merivale, VI. 116, 117. Cassius Longinus was now appointed, A.D. 44, to the presidency of Syria, while Cuspius Fadus was sent out as governor of Judæa. Jos. Ant. XIX. 9. 2; XX. 1. 1.

859 ‒ Lightfoot On the Galatians, p. 285.

860 ‒ He was the son of that Mary, a person of some means and influence, to whose house Peter went after his miraculous release from prison (Acts xii. 12). He was probably, therefore, born at Jerusalem, and is by some identified with the “young man” mentioned in Mk. xiv. 51, 52. Hence he was the nephew of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10), and had possibly been converted by St Peter (1 Peter, v. 13).

861 ‒ Nothing further is known of this Simeon. His first name shews that he was a Jew by birth, his second, that, as in other cases, he took another name as more convenient for intercourse with foreigners.

862 ‒ By some identified with the kinsman or fellow-tribesman of St Paul, mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21.

863 ‒ Manaen = consoler, the same name as that of the 16th king of Israel (2 K. xv. 14–22).

864 ‒ Σύντροφος, Vulgate collactaneus = ὁμογάλακτος, foster-brother, i.e. Manaen’s mother (or the woman who reared him) was also Herod’s nurse. Others would interpret the word as = comrade, associate, educated with, according to a not unusual custom of associating other children with the sons of persons of rank, to share their amusements and excite them to emulation. Comp. Xen. Cyrop. I. 3. 14, and the passages cited in Wetstein on Acts xiii. 1. The Herod alluded to was probably Herod Antipas, who beheaded John the Baptist, and if so, Manaen could hardly have been altogether unacquainted with the circumstances of the Redeemer’s life. Josephus (Ant. XV. 10. 5) mentions a Manaen, an Essene, who foretold to Herod the Great his future elevation to royal dignity, and who was held by him in high esteem. He may therefore have been the father of the companion of his children, Antipas and Archelaus, who were educated at Rome: Comp. Jos. Ant. XVII. 1. 3, Ἀρχέλαος δὲ καὶ Ἀντίπας ἐπὶ Ῥώμης παρά τινι ἰδιώτῃ τροφὰς εἶχον.

865 ‒ The sea-port and fortress of Antioch, and connected with it by the river Orontes. Seleucus had named his metropolis after his father (see above, p. 10), and the maritime fortress after himself. It became a place of great importance, and was made a free city by Pompey for its bold resistance to Tigranes. See Smith’s Dict. Geog.

866 ‒ See above, p. 356, n. Cyprus was (1) near; (2) contained the nucleus of a church; (3) was the birthplace of Barnabas; (4) contained many Jews.

867 ‒ A city on the eastern coast of Cyprus, said to have been founded by Teucer (Hor. Od. I. 7. 29). The farming of the copper-mines of the island to Herod (Jos. Ant. XVI. 4. 5), as also the wine, flax, and honey which it yielded, probably increased the numbers attracted by its harbour and trade. On the revolt of the Jews in the reign of Trajan, when the populous city became a desert, see Milman, Hist. Jews, III. 111, 112.

868 ‒ Notorious for the worship of Venus or Aphrodite, fabled here to have risen from the sea (Hom. Od. VIII. 362), whose temple was at “Old Paphos,” while the harbour and chief town were at “New Paphos,” a little distance off. Titus made a pilgrimage to the shrine (Tac. Hist. II. 2. 3).

869 ‒ On the provinces and the difference between the proconsul and proprætor, see above, p. 147, n. Cyprus originally was an imperial province, but it was afterwards transferred to the Senate. See Lardner’s Credibility of the Gospel History, I. 32, &c.: for an engraving of a Cyprian coin of the reign of Claudius, see C. and H., I. 147.

870 ‒ See above, p. 374. On the influx of Eastern sorcerers, astrologers, and soothsayers into Rome, and their influence, see Hor. Od. I. 11. 2; Cic. Div. II. 42–47; Juv. VI. 562, XIV. 248. Marius always kept in his camp a Syrian prophetess; Pompeius, Crassus, Cæsar, were all addicted to Oriental astrology; the picture of Tiberius surrounded by his “Chaldæan herd” (Juv. Sat. X. 93) is well known. See C. and H., I. 141, and notes.

871 ‒ After this his old name Saul never recurs in the New Testament. “It was an ancient conjecture that the change was made to commemorate the conversion of the Proconsul: this may have been the occasion; but the reason probably was to make the name more familiar to Roman ears.” Humphry’s Comm. on the Acts. That the Apostle probably had both in his childhood is stated above, p. 380, and possibly “the name Paulus came from some connection of his ancestors (perhaps as manumitted slaves) with some member of the Roman family of the Æmilian Pauli” (C. and H., I. 146). It can hardly be believed to be accidental that the Gentile name rises to the surface at the moment when St Paul visibly enters on his office as the Apostle of the Gentiles.

872 ‒ Founded by Attalus Philadelphus, as a port for the trade between Egypt and Syria. It has lasted till the present day, and is now called Satalia.

873 ‒ It will be remembered that St Paul had already preached the word in Cilicia (see above, p. 380); he probably now wished to extend it among the contiguous districts.

874 ‒ An important city of Pamphylia, situated on the river Cestrus, as Tarsus on the Cydnus, celebrated for the worship of Artemis (Diana), Cic. Verr. I. 20.

875 ‒ On the perils of robbers and rivers incident to the Pisidian Highlands, see C. and H., I. 154, 155. Some think he wished to join Peter and those Apostles who were preaching in Palestine. We shall find him not unwilling to accompany the Apostles on a second missionary journey (Acts xv. 37).

876 ‒ See above, p. 10, and notes. Its site was discovered by Arundell in 1833, at Valobatch, six hours distant from Akshar.

877 ‒ The peculiarities of the constitution of a Roman colonia will be treated of when we come to Philippi.

878 ‒ For a description of the synagogue service, see above, pp. 111, 112.

879 ‒ Comp. above, p. 368.

880 ‒ On the duration here assigned to this period see Wordsworth’s note in loc.; Humphry’s Comm. on the Acts; Biscoe’s History of the Acts.

881 ‒ Compare the importance attached to these appearances by the Apostle in 1 Cor. xv. 1–12.

882 ‒ Ps. ii. 7, LXX; Isai. lv. 3, LXX; Ps. xvi. 10, LXX trans.

883 ‒ Compare this address with those of Peter in Acts ii. 27, &c. and x. 30–43, above, pp. 351, 2. In both the chief stress is laid on the Saviour’s resurrection (comp. Acts i. 22, iv. 33). We can hardly fail to observe in Acts xiii. 39 the first germ of the deeper teaching of St Paul respecting the insufficiency of the Mosaic Law, developed afterwards in the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians.

884 ‒ Lachmann and Tischendorf omit the τὰ ἔθνη inserted in Acts xiii. 42 in the Textus Receptus.

885 ‒ Comp. Isai. xlii. 6, xlix. 6; Lk. ii. 32.

886 ‒ Mtt. x. 14, 15; Mk. vi. 11; Lk. ix. 5.

887 ‒ C. and H., I. 195.

888 ‒ Now called Konieh, situated on the western part of an extensive table-land of Asia Minor, not far north of Mount Taurus. This region was anciently called Lycaonia, and thus Iconium “was on the great line of communication between Ephesus and the western coast of the peninsula on one side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the Euphrates on the other.” See C. and H., I. 174, 175. From its position it was clearly a well chosen spot for missionary operations.

889 ‒ Its site is unknown. There are strong reasons, however, for identifying its site with that of Kir-bir-Kilisseh at the base of the Kara-dagh.

890 ‒ Like Lystra the exact situation of Derbe is unknown. It is certain, however, that it was in the eastern part of the great upland plain of Lycaonia, which stretches from Iconia eastwards along the north sides of the chain of Taurus. For the various conjectures respecting its site, see Smith’s Bibl. Dict., and C. and H., I. 178, n. Cicero passed through it on his road from Cilicia to Iconium. Cic. ad. Fam. XIII. 73: Cum Antipatro Derbete mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas intercedit.

891 ‒ According to some a Syrian dialect, according to others a corrupt form of Greek. Lycaonia is one of those ethnological rather than political districts of Asia Minor mentioned in the N. T.; politically it was sometimes in Cappadocia, sometimes in Galatia.

892 ‒ Compare the story of Baucis and Philemon in Ovid’s Metam. VIII. 611, &c.

893 ‒ Comp. Ovid, Fasti, V. 495.

894 ‒ Ἐπὶ τοὺς πύλωνας in Acts xiv. 13, does not denote the gates of the city, but the vestibule or gate which gave admission from the public street into the court of the house. So it is used Mtt. xxvi. 71 (on which see note above, p. 290); Lk. xvi. 20; Acts x. 17; Acts xii. 13. C. and H., I. 182, n.; Neander’s Planting, 113, n.

895 ‒ Compare the Apostle’s language in Rom. iii. 25.

896 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xii. 24.

897 ‒ This is the occasion alluded to in 2 Cor. xi. 24, 25, “Once I was stoned.” At Iconium the design had been formed of stoning him: “Had the assault been completed, had the history related that a stone was thrown, as it relates that preparations were made both by Jews and Gentiles to stone Paul and his companions, or even had the account of this transaction stopped, without going on to inform us that St Paul and his companions were aware of the danger and fled, a contradiction between the history and the Epistle would have ensued. Truth is necessarily consistent; but it is scarcely possible that independent accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus advance to the very brink of contradiction without falling into it.” Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ.

898 ‒ One was certainly Timothy, the son of a Jewess named Eunice, his father being a Greek (Acts xvi. 1), whom Paul afterwards found at Lystra, already a disciple, and of good report among the brethren (Acts xvi. 2). In 1 Tim. i. 2, i. 18; 2 Tim. ii. 1, he calls him his own son in the faith, and in 2 Tim. iii. 10, 11, reminds him of his intimate and personal knowledge of the sufferings he had endured at Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra (note the accurate order of the places). There is the strongest reason, therefore, for believing that he was now converted to the faith. See Birks’ Ed. of Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, p. 153, and note on p. 155.

899 ‒ See above, p. 404, n.

900 ‒ On the Jewish feeling of jealousy and suspicion even towards proselytes, see above, p. 400, n. 2.

901 ‒ C. and H., I. 197.

902 ‒ Lightfoot On the Galatians, p. 286.

903 ‒ They were converted Pharisees who had imported their dogmas into the Christian Church.

904 ‒ Compare the words παρεισάκτους, παρεισῆλθον in Gal. ii. 4. “The metaphor is that of spies or traitors introducing themselves by stealth into the enemy’s camp.” See the passages quoted by Lightfoot.

905 ‒ For an exhaustive note on the identity of the journey mentioned in the Epistle to the Galatians and in Acts xv., see Lightfoot, Com. on the Gal. 110–113.

906 ‒ The historian St Luke naturally records the external impulse, which led to the mission; the Apostle himself states his inward motive: “What I did,” he says, “I did not owing to circumstances, not as yielding to pressure, not in deference to others, but because the Spirit of God told me it was right.” The very stress which he lays on this revelation seems to shew that other influences were at work. Lightfoot, Com. p. 111.

907 ‒ Compare the combination of the natural and the supernatural in the case of Peter’s journey to Cæsarea; see above, pp. 398, 399; and in St Paul’s reasons for leaving Jerusalem, above, pp. 391, 392.

908 ‒ Neander’s Planting, p. 115.

909 ‒ The great Roman road followed the Phœnician coast-line. On the previous mention of Phœnicia, see Acts xi. 19, 20; above, p. 373.

910 ‒ Κατ᾽ ἰδίαν δὲ τοῖς δοκοῦσι, Gal. ii. 2.

911 ‒ See Neander’s Planting, I. 115, n. “The private consultation was a wise precaution to avoid misunderstanding: the public conference was a matter of necessity to obtain a recognition of the freedom of the Gentile churches.” Lightfoot in loc.

912 ‒ Neander’s Planting, I. 117; Baumgarten’s Apostolic History.

913 ‒ Ἀφ᾽ ἡμερῶν ἀρχαίων, Acts xv. 7, refers to the whole period of the Gospel up to that day, and especially to the conversion of Cornelius about 12 years before.

914 ‒ Compare the Lord’s own words, Mtt. xxiii. 4.

915 ‒ See above, p. 410; for indications in the New Testament of his important position comp. (1) Gal. i. 19; (2) Acts xii. 17; (3) Gal. ii. 9; (4) Acts xxi. 18.

916 ‒ From 1 Cor. ix. 5 we gather that, like Samuel, he was married, but in other respects a strict observer of the Nazarite rule; Euseb. H. E. II. 23.

917 ‒ Διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς δικαιοσύνης αὐτοῦ, ἐκαλεῖτο Δίκαιος καὶ Ὠβλίας· ὅ ἐστι Ἑλληνιστὶ περιοχὴ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ δικαιοσύνη. Hegesippus quoted in Euseb. H. E. II. 23.

918 ‒ See Stanley’s Apostolical Age, pp. 302, 331; Con. and Howson, I. 205; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.

919 ‒ He characteristically uses the Jewish form of the Apostle’s name, Acts xv. 14, as Peter does himself 2 Pet. i. 1.

920 ‒ The citation is made freely from the LXX version.

921 ‒ Only a portion of the victims was offered in sacrifice to the heathen gods, the rest was consumed by the offerer with his family and friends, or was sold in the shambles. Hence most public entertainments and many private meals were more or less remotely connected with heathen sacrifices, which, as Thucydides relates (II. 38), became the chief means of social enjoyment. Such meat the more scrupulous Jewish converts would not touch, according to the warning of Malachi (i. 7–12), or the good example of Daniel (i. 8). See Stanley On the Cor. I. 150, 151. Hence the doubt and the contention between the Gentile and Jewish converts alluded to in 1 Cor. viii. ix.

922 ‒ See Levit. xvii. 13, 14; Comp. above, p. 118, n.

923 ‒ See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 156.

924 ‒ C. and H., 207; Gibbon, XXIII.

925 ‒ See above, p. 412, n.; Milman, Hist. of Christianity, I. 394; Neander’s Planting, I. p. 121.

926 ‒ Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ Τίτος ὁ σὺν ἐμοὶ Ἕλλην ὢν ἠναγκάσθη περιτμηθῆναι, Gal. ii. 3. But not even Titus, though (1) the pressure exerted in his case was so great, though (2) as my fellow-labourer he would be brought constantly in contact with the Jews, see Acts xvi. 3, though (3) a Gentile, was compelled to be circumcised. See Lightfoot and Ellicott in loc.

927 ‒ Στῦλοι, Gal. ii. 9, a title applied by the Jews to the great teachers of the Law, see Wetstein in loc.: and, the Church being regarded as the house or temple of God, in the New Testament to Christians; comp. Rev. iii. 12; 1 Tim. iii. 15.

928 ‒ This the Apostle had already done, see Acts xi. 29, 30, above, p. 404; this also he did on the occasion of his last journey to Jerusalem, Rom. xv. 26, 27; Acts xxiv. 17.

929 ‒ John Mark appears to have accompanied them. Comp. Acts xv. 37; Neander’s Planting, I. p. 125.

930 ‒ Derived from the Latin silva, a wood: this seems to hint that he was a Hellenistic Jew, and from Acts xvi. 37 we gather that he was a Roman citizen; by some he is identified with the Silvanus mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12.

931 ‒ The refusal to eat meat with the impure was one of their leading principles: comp. Lk. xv. 2, and see above, p. 247.

932 ‒ Lightfoot in loc., who deems this not altogether improbable, and compares Acts xv. 24, xv. 1. See also Ellicott’s note.

933 ‒ Ὑπέστελλεν καὶ ἀφώριζεν ἑαυτόν, Gal. ii. 12: “the words describe forcibly the cautious withdrawal of a timid person who shrinks from observation, ὑπέστελλεν denoting the partial, ἀφώριζεν the complete and final separation.” Lightfoot in loc.

934 ‒ Τοὺς ἐκ περιτομῆς, Gal. ii. 12. Comp. Acts x. 45, xi. 2; Rom. iv. 12; Col. iv. 11; Tit. i. 10.

935 ‒ Οἱ λοιποὶ Ἱουδαῖοι See Lightfoot’s note.

936 ‒ Τῇ ὑποκρίσει, their acting, assuming a part, which veiled their genuine feelings, and made them appear otherwise than they were.

937 ‒ That is, his conduct, if persevered in, would have this effect.

938 ‒ Almost a synonym for Gentiles: see 1 Macc. ii. 44; and comp. Lk. vi. 32, 33; Mtt. v. 47; Mtt. xxvi. 45; Lk. xviii. 32.

939 ‒ Con. and Howson, I. 215.

940 ‒ Ibid. See Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Peter.

941 ‒ The breach between them, however, appears to have been but temporary. St Paul afterwards mentions his former friend with commendation, see 1 Cor. ix. 6. At Salamis the tomb of Barnabas is shewn.

942 ‒ Mark, too, though now the cause of this sharp contention, afterwards won the Apostle’s confidence. He appears to have been with Paul during his first imprisonment at Rome (Philem. 24), and was acknowledged to be profitable to the ministry (2 Tim. iv. 11), and a cause of comfort (Col. iv. 10, 11).

943 ‒ Comp. Rom. xv. 20; 2 Cor. x. 16. Neander’s Planting, I. 170.

944 ‒ For their planting, see above, p. 391.

945 ‒ The journey was probably undertaken in the early part of the year A.D. 51.

946 ‒ See above, p. 421, n. His father, whose name is unknown, was a Ἕλλην (Acts xvi. 3), a Gentile, and probably died during his son’s infancy. If in any sense a proselyte, he could only have been a Proselyte of the Gate. Such mixed marriages, though strictly forbidden by the Mosaic Law (Deut. vii. 3), and always condemned by the stricter Jews, were not uncommon in the later periods of Jewish history. The children of such marriages were termed Mamzerim (bastards). But even such a child, if a wise student of the Law, “was, in theory, above an ignorant high-priest.” Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. on Mtt. xxiii. 14, quoted in Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Timothy. The education, therefore, Timothy received, may possibly “have helped to overcome the prejudice the Jews would have against him on this ground.” “It is not improbable that the mother and grandmother of Timothy may have been connected with those Jews from Babylonia whom Antiochus settled in Phrygia three centuries before.” C. and H., I. 243, and see above, p. 10.

947 ‒ They knew that his father was a Greek, and that he had been allowed to grow up to the age of manhood without the sign of circumcision—that his “condition was that of a negligent, almost an apostate Israelite.” They might “tolerate a heathen, as such, in the synagogue or the church, but an uncircumcised Israelite would be to them a horror and a portent. With a special view, therefore, to their feelings, and making no sacrifice of principle, the Apostle took and circumcised him” (Acts xvi. 3). The parents of Titus, on the other hand, were both Gentiles, and in his case the Apostle maintained the principle that the Gentiles did not need circumcision (Gal. ii. 3). See Smith’s Bibl. Dict. “According to the Jewish rules, the child should follow the mother; and the son of a mixed marriage, whose mother was a Jewess, was bound to be circumcised, otherwise the marriage would not have been recognised by the Jewish law.” Kitto’s Bibl. Illustr.

948 ‒ Probably at Iconium, C. and H., I. 246. From 1 Tim. vi. 12 we gather that on this occasion he witnessed a good confession before many witnesses; from 1 Tim. i. 18, that prophecies sanctioned his dedication to the work; from 1 Tim. iv. 14, that the bestowal of gifts accompanied the laying on of hands of the Church and the Apostle himself.

949 ‒ Not at this time the large and populous province of Asia Minor, which it afterwards became in the age of Constantine, but a “geographical expression denoting a debateable country of indeterminate extent, diffused over the frontiers of the provinces of proconsular Asia and Galatia, but belonging chiefly to the former.” C. and H., I. 248.

950 ‒ Galatia—the “Gaul of the East”—is a somewhat ambiguous expression, and might denote either (i) the Roman province of that name, or (ii) Galatia proper. The former comprised nearly all the centre of Asia Minor, and was bounded by Bithynia and Pontus on the north, proconsular “Asia” on the west, Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south, and Cappadocia on the east, including south-eastern Phrygia, Lycaonia, Isauria, and part of Pisidia. The latter (and the more probable area of the Galatian churches) was a comparatively small district, having for its three chief towns, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium or Tavia, and occupied by the Gauls, who poured down into Italy and Greece in the third century B.C. Repulsed at Delphi (B.C. 279) a considerable body of these invaders of southern Europe forced their way into Thrace, occupied the coast of the Propontis, crossed over into Asia Minor, and before long conquered the whole of the peninsula north of the Taurus. After ravaging the country far and wide they were signally defeated by Attalus king of Pergamus, B.C. 230, and penned up “in a strip of land in the interior of Asia Minor, about 200 miles in length, and stretching from N.E. to S.W.,” which was divided among the three invading tribes, the Tectosages, the Trocmi, the Tolistoboii. Hence they increased rapidly in numbers and prosperity, took part as mercenaries in all the wars of the time, and acted as body-guards to the king of Syria and Egypt, and even Herod the Great. After their power had been materially curtailed by neighbouring monarchs, they attracted the notice of the Romans during the campaign against Antiochus the Great, and were subjugated by the consul Manlius; during a century and a half they were then governed by native princes, and finally reduced to a Roman province by Augustus. See C. and H., I. 222–225; and the Introduction to Lightfoot’s Commentary on the Galatians, pp. 4–7.

951 ‒ Lightfoot, Galatians, p. 21.

952 ‒ Comp. 2 Cor. xii. 7 with Gal. iv. 13, 14. Many and various are the opinions respecting the σκόλοψ τῇ σαρκί, the thorn, or rather stake, here alluded to by the Apostle. The following are the chief: (1) persecution from his enemies, the opinion of the Greek fathers; (2) carnal thoughts, the opinion of mediæval writers; (3) spiritual trial, temptation to despair and doubt, &c., the opinion of the Reformers; (4) bodily ailment of some kind, an opinion first expressed by Irenæus, and since adopted by most modern expositors. Combining the two passages cited above we infer (1) that it was marked by extremely acute pain, whence it could be compared to a “stake driven through the flesh;” (2) that it was of a very humiliating nature; (3) that it could not be concealed from others, and exposed him to contempt and even loathing; (4) that it was a grievous hindrance to his constancy and resolution; (5) that it was (possibly) connected with that meanness of personal appearance to which he alludes, 2 Cor. x. 10; and (6) that it was recurring (comp. Gal. iv. 13, 14 with 1 Thess. ii. 18; 1 Cor. ii. 3; 2 Cor. i. 8, 9). See the interesting reference to the mysterious malady of Alfred the Great, quoted in Lightfoot’s Galatians, pp. 173, 174. Amongst bodily afflictions, (a) acute pains in the head, (b) epilepsy, (c) a complaint in the eyes, have found the chief supporters. See Lightfoot’s Excursus, and Stanley on 2 Cor. xii. 7.

953 ‒ Δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν τῆς σαρκὸς εὐηγγελισάμην ὑμῖν τὸ πρότερον = On account of an infirmity in my flesh I preached the Gospel amongst you on the former of my two visits.

954 ‒ It is not improbable that St Paul founded the earliest churches of Galatia (Lightfoot, p. 19). Pessinus was the seat of the primitive worship of Cybele, the “Great Mother,” superintended by her fanatical and effeminate priests, the Galli (Cic. Fam. II. 12. 2; Pliny, III. 32, 45). Ancyra was the capital of the Roman province, the site of a magnificent temple of marble built by Augustus, the meeting-place of all the great roads in the north of the peninsula, and the resort of many Jews. C. and H., I. 520.

955 ‒ This, however, did not prevent their being afterwards carried away into apostasy. With their wonted fickleness they rapidly changed their sentiments (Gal. i. 6). Compare Cæsar’s words concerning the Gauls, Mobilitate et levitate animi, B. G. II. 1. Infirmitatem Gallorum veritus quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles et novis plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum ratus, B. G. IV. 5. Comp. Tac. Germ. XXIX.

956 ‒ C. and H., I. 252.

957 ‒ Ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ: see above, p. 344, n. Paley (Horæ Paulinæ, 1 Cor. No. 2) well compares the relation of proconsular Asia to the rest of the peninsula with that of Portugal in relation to Spain.

958 ‒ Ἐλθόντες κατὰ τὴν Μυσίαν = having come over against Mysia.

959 ‒ Εἰς τὴν Βιθυνίαν is the reading in the edition of Lachmann and Tischendorf.

960 ‒ Τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰησοῦ is the better reading here.

961 ‒ Vulgate transeuntes. This seems to be the force of παρελθόντες here. They passed along the frontier of Mysia, as it was popularly understood, and they passed by the whole district without staying to evangelise it.

962 ‒ This was its full name (Liv. XXXV. 42); sometimes it was called simply Alexandria, sometimes simply Troas. Its first founder, Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander, called it Antigoneia Troas, and peopled it with the inhabitants of some neighbouring cities. Lysimachus, who succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased and adorned it, but altered its name to Alexandria Troas. It was a sea-port town at the north-west corner of Asia Minor, near the site of ancient Troy, and opposite the south-eastern extremity of the island of Tenedos, and its site is now marked by the modern village of Eski Stamboul, Old Constantinople. Under the Romans, in consequence partly of the legend of their origin from Troy, partly of its connection by good roads with the interior, and its being the chief point of arrival and departure for those who sailed between western Asia and Macedonia, it became a place of great importance, and Augustus made it a colony, and conferred upon it the Jus Italicum, i.e. exempted its land from taxation. Con. and Howson, I. 257, 258; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.

963 ‒ See Baumgarten’s Apost. History, II. 107.

964 ‒ Comp. the vision of St Peter at Joppa, above, pp. 397, 398.

965 ‒ C. and H., I. 260.

966 ‒ Comp. the return voyage, Acts xx. 6.

967 ‒ “The ancient city, and therefore probably the usual anchorage, was on the N. side, which would be sufficiently sheltered from a S.E. wind.” Samothrace is a lofty conspicuous island, visible at Troas towering over Imbros. Smith’s Bibl. Dict.

968 ‒ The full and proper name was Colonia Augusta Julia Philippensis. The father of Alexander built it in a place called Krenides, or the Place of Fountains, situated in a plain of extraordinary fertility between the ranges of Pangæus and Hæmus, about nine miles from the sea, and on a spot watered by numerous streams. Augustus made it a colony, to be at once a perpetual memorial of his victory over Brutus, and a border-garrison of the province of Macedonia.

969 ‒ The word first denotes the first city in its geographical relation to St Paul’s journey, not the first politically either of Macedonia or a part of it. The chief city of the province was Thessalonica, and that of Macedonia Prima was not Philippi but Amphipolis.

970 ‒ Like Antioch in Pisidia (see above, p. 414), and Alexandria Troas (above, p. 438, n.), Philippi was a Roman colony, a miniature resemblance of imperial Rome. Originally designed as military safeguards of the frontiers, and to check insurgent provincials, the colonies were parts of the fortifications of the empire. The colonists, veteran soldiers, freedmen, or Italians, went thither with all the pomp of a Roman army, and were enrolled in one of the tribes. They were amenable only to their own magistrates, called duumviri or, as they delighted to style themselves, proprætors (comp. Hor. Sat. I. v. 34–36; Cic. de Lege Agr. II. 34), were governed by Roman laws, and had Latin inscriptions stamped upon their coins. See Art. Colonia in Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities.

971 ‒ C. and H., p. 270.

972 ‒ Ἔξω τῆς πύλης is the better reading in Acts xvi. 13.

973 ‒ See above, p. 440, n.

974 ‒ Σεβομένη, τὸν Θεόν, Acts xvi. 14.

975 ‒ A city on the Lycus, founded by Seleucus Nicator, on the confines of Mysia and Ionia, about midway between Pergamus and Sardis; now called Ak-hissar. It is mentioned in connection with the dyeing trade in Hom. Il. IV. 141, for which it has still a considerable reputation.

976 ‒ Comp. Acts xiii. 14; Lk. iv. 20. Comp. above, p. 112.

977 ‒ High up in Hæmus, among the tribe of the Satræ. Comp. Ὁ Θρῃξὶ μάντις, Eurip. Hecub. 1267. Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Philippi.

978 ‒ Acts xvi. 16, Ἔχουσαν πνεῦμα Πύθωνος (the better reading is Πύθωνα). Πύθων = (1) the prophetic serpent at Delphi, (2) the Pythian Phœbus or Apollo, from whom all who claimed the powers of divination received their title, and were called Pythons, exercising their arts by means of internal mutterings and ventriloquism.

979 ‒ These men, said they, are throwing the whole city into confusion, being Jews to begin with; and they are inculcating new customs, which it is not lawful for us to receive or adopt, being Roman citizens (Acts xvi. 21). The force of the accusation that they were Jews to begin with (Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες) will be more fully apprehended by remembering (1) that Judaism was a religio licita for Jews, but that they were forbidden to make proselytes among the Romans; (2) that the Jews had lately been driven out of Rome in consequence of an uproar, and that Philippi would naturally imitate the mother-city; Judæos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit; Sueton. Claud. xxv.

980 ‒ Ῥαβδίζειν = to beat with rods, as in 2 Cor. xi. 25.

981 ‒ Probably like the dungeon into which Jeremiah was let down (comp. Acts xvi. 34, ἀναγαγών) with cords (Jer. xxxviii. 6), or the Tullianum at Rome. C. and H., I. 280, n.

982 ‒ Τὸ ξύλον , Acts xvi. 24. Comp. Aristoph. Eq. 1049, 1376; Herod. VI. 75, IX. 37; and the Latin nervus, Plaut. Capt. III. 5. 71.

983 ‒ “Lex Porcia (A.U.C. 306) virgas ab omnium civium Romanorum corpore amovet.” Cic. pro Rabirio, Chap. III. “Facinus est vinciri civem Romanum, scelus verberari.” Cic. in Verr. V. 66.

984 ‒ Amphipolis stood on an eminence on the left bank of the Strymon, about 3 miles from the sea and 33 from Philippi. Originally called “Nine Ways,” from the number of Thracian and Macedonian roads meeting here, it was colonised by the Athenians, and named Amphipolis from being nearly surrounded by the Strymon. For the battle fought under its walls during the Peloponnesian war, in which Cleon and Brasidas were killed, see Thuc. v. 6–11.

985 ‒ Apollonia is laid down in the Itineraries as being 30 miles from Amphipolis. Its exact position is not known, but “it lay somewhere in the inland part of the journey, where the Via Egnatia crosses from the Gulf of the Strymon to that of Thessalonica.” C. and H., I. 295.

986 ‒ Thessalonica, 37 miles distant from Apollonia, is still the most important town of European Turkey, next after Constantinople, and retains to this day the name of Saloniki. Originally named Therma (whence the Thermaic Gulf), it was rebuilt and enlarged by Cassander, son of Antipater, and named Thessalonica after his first wife, the sister of Alexander the Great. Under the Romans, when Macedonia was divided into four governments by Paulus Æmilius, it was made the capital of the second; when the whole was consolidated into one province, it became practically the metropolis of the whole. During the first civil war it was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party and the senate, during the second it took the side of Octavius, by whom it was made a free city (see above, p. 379, n.), a privilege commemorated on some of its coins. Situated on the Thermaic Gulf, and commanding the trade by sea, lying on the Via Egnatia, and connected with other important Roman roads, communicating inland with the wide plains of Macedonia, and possessing all the advantages of a busy commercial town, it formed one of the most appropriate starting points of the Gospel in Europe. Comp. 1 Thess. i. 8; C. and H., I. 295, 297; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.

987 ‒ Ἡ συναγωγή, Acts xvii. 1, the synagogue, not a synagogue, as in our E. V.

988 ‒ A form which the name Joshua seems sometimes to have taken: see 1 Macc. viii. 17; 2 Macc. ii. 23. He was perhaps a Hellenist, and may possibly be alluded to in Rom. xvi. 21.

989 ‒ The general characteristics of a “free city” have been described above, p. 379, n. Their form of government was very various. In some the old magistracies and customs were maintained without any material alteration. In Thessalonica we find an assembly of the people, demus, and supreme magistrates called politarchs (Acts xvii. 8), a title still legible on an archway of the town “in an inscription informing us of the number of these magistrates, and mentioning the very names of some who bore that office not long before the day of St Paul.” C. and H., I. 308.

990 ‒ On the severity of the laws respecting treason, see above, p. 307, n.

991 ‒ Λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανόν, apparently a translation of the Latin law-phrase satis accipere.

992 ‒ Berœa, 60 miles distant from Thessalonica, said to have derived its name from the abundance of its waters, now called Verria, or Kara-Verria, was situated on the eastern slope of the Olympian mountain-range south-west of Pella, and commanded an extensive view of the plain of the Axius and Haliacmon. It still contains 18 or 20,000 inhabitants, and stands second in importance of the cities of European Turkey.

993 ‒ As they had pursued him from Iconium to Lystra; see above, p. 420. See Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, 1 Thess. No. 5.

994 ‒ Ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, Acts xvii. 14, does not imply that any stratagem was used. The words simply “denote the likelihood that in the first instance they had no fixed plan of going to Athens, but merely to the sea: their further course was determined by providential circumstances.” C. and H., I. 315, n.

995 ‒ Dium, near the foot of mount Olympus, was “the great bulwark of Macedonia on the south,” and a Roman colony, like Philippi.

996 ‒ Κατείδωλον (Acts xvii. 16), not given up to idolatry, but full of idols, like κατάδενδρος, full of trees, κατάμπελος, full of vines. “Replete as the whole of Greece was with objects of devotion, there were more Gods in Athens than in all the rest of the country, and the Roman satirist hardly exaggerates, when he says that it was easier to find a god there than a man.” See Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica.

997 ‒ Σπερμολόγος = (1) a bird that picks up seeds from the ground; (2) a pauper prowling about the market-place; (3) a parasite who lives by his wits, “a contemptible and worthless person.” See C. and H., I. 345, n.

998 ‒ For a description of the objects in full view of the Apostle from the summit of Mars’ hill, see Con. and Howson, I. 348, &c.; Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, ch. XI.

999 ‒ It was no formal trial on a charge of introducing foreign religions. Something might have been founded upon it afterwards; for the present it was a hearing only with a view to information. See Neander’s Planting, I. 188, n.

1000 ‒ On the Apostle’s expectation of the arrival of Timothy, see Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, 1 Thess. No. 4.

1001 ‒ Ἀγνώστῳ Θεῷ To the unknown god, however, “would be quite as near the sense of the inscription upon any particular one of such altars,” C. and H., I. 350, n. Altars were erected by the Athenians, not only to particular gods, but to Fame, to Modesty, to Energy, to Persuasion, and to Pity; and besides thus deifying abstractions, it was not unusual, on the occurrence of great public calamities, such as the plague at Athens, when they sought aid in vain from their gods of wood and stone, to erect altars to some unknown god, whom they deemed they had offended.

1002 ‒ Δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ, Acts xvii. 22. The word is here used not in any offensive sense. It points to the extreme carefulness of the Athenians in matters of religion. See δεισιδαίμων in Trench’s Synonyms, Vol. I. pp. 187–197, and Alford in loc.

1003 ‒ Comp. the language of Stephen, Acts vii. 48; above, p. 369.

1004 ‒ In opposition to the well-known boast of the Athenians that they were αὐτόχθονες, and of a nobler origin than that of the “barbarians,” as they styled the rest of the world.

1005 ‒ The words occur (i) in a poem of Aratus, a native of Cilicia, the Apostle’s own country; (ii) in a hymn of Cleanthes, a Lycian poet. There is some doubt from which the Apostle quoted. See above, p. 382.

1006 ‒ Ὑπεριδών, i.e. without inflicting punishment. Comp. Acts xiv. 16; Rom. iii. 25. No such idea as is implied in the words winked at of our version belongs to the original word. See Wordsworth in loc.

1007 ‒ Of Damaris nothing further is known. Dionysius is said by some to have been the first bishop of Athens.

1008 ‒ The city had the constitution of a colony, and was the metropolis of a province. At first it was proconsular, afterwards Tiberius placed it under a procurator of its own, but Claudius restored it to its place among the proconsular provinces. Its full name was Colonia Laus Julia Corinthus. C. and H., I. 389; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.

1009 ‒ Suet. Claud. XXV. Judæus impulsore Chresto, assiduè tumultuantes, Româ expulit.

1010 ‒ See Milman’s Hist. Christ. I. p. 443; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 294. The return of the Italian Jews from Rome after the day of Pentecost (see above, p. 345) would account for the spread of Christianity to Rome.

1011 ‒ See above, p. 381. The name Priscilla appears in 2 Tim. iv. 19 under the form Prisca, a well-known Roman name. “Livia and Livilla, Drusa and Drusilla, are used by Latin authors of the same person.” C. and H., I. 358, n.

1012 ‒ Or he was engrossed with the word; Instabat verbo. Compare Lk. xii. 50. Hitherto he had been labouring day and night with his own hands, determined to be chargeable to no man. Now the pecuniary supplies brought from Thessalonica (2 Cor. xi. 9; and comp. Phil. iv. 15) enabled him to devote himself still more earnestly to his Apostolic work. See Wordsworth’s note in loc.; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 298.

1013 ‒ For illustrations of the Apostle’s feelings at this time, see 2 Thess. iii. 2; 1 Cor. ii. 3.

1014 ‒ His original name was Annæus Novatus, and he took the name of Gallio from having been adopted into the family of Junius Gallio.

1015 ‒ Solebam tibi dicere Gallionem fratrem meum (quem nemo non parum amat etiam qui amare plus non potest) alia vitia non nosse hoc etiam odisse.... Nemo mortalium uni tam dulcis est quam hic omnibus. Seneca, Nat. Quæst. IV.

1016 ‒ On the proconsular power and the tribunal, see above, p. 147, n.

1017 ‒ The true reading in Acts xviii. 17 appears to be πάντες, without specifying exactly who they were. It seems, probable, however, that they were Greeks.

1018 ‒ See above, p. 111. It is not certain that this is the same Sosthenes mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1.

1019 ‒ Some would understand this to have been done by Aquila. The form of the sentence is somewhat ambiguous in the original, and the word κειράμενος might be connected either with the nearer Ἀκύλας or the more remote Παῦλος. On the Nazarite vow see Num. vi. 3, 5, 13, 14, 18.—Class-Book of Old Testament History, p. 158.

1020 ‒ Now Kichries, about 8 or 9 miles from Corinth across the Isthmian plain.

1021 ‒ Silas would seem to have remained behind at Jerusalem. We do not meet with him again in connection with St Paul. He is next mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12. It is not improbable that Titus also was now with the Apostle Paul.

1022 ‒ An abbreviated form of Apollonius. On the Jews of Alexandria and their theological influence, see above, p. 364, n.

1023 ‒ It is not improbable that he again worked with them at the same trade: comp. Acts xx. 34, 1 Cor. iv. 11, 12.

1024 ‒ That is, probably, the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost, such as were bestowed on Cornelius and his company after their baptism, see above, p. 399. Note the force of the aorist here.

1025 ‒ Such as Epaphras, Archippus, and Philemon. See Col. i. 7; iv. 7, 12; Philem. 23. C. and H., II. 13, and note.

1026 ‒ It retained even under the Romans its old democratic constitution, and Josephus (Ant. XIV. 10. 12; XVI. 6. 4, 7) mentions the βουλή or γερουσία = the senate, the ἐκκλησία = assembly, the δῆμος = the people. As Thessalonica had its politarchs (see above, p. 447, n., and Athens its archons, so Ephesus had its own magistrates, amongst whom the γραμματεύς (Acts xix. 35) = town-clerk or recorder, held a high position.

1027 ‒ See generally on Ephesus and its temple, Con. and Howson, I. 73–79; Smith’s Bibl. Dict., and Dict. of Classical Geography.

1028 ‒ The head was a mural crown, each hand held a bar of metal, and the lower part ended in a rude block covered with figures of animals and mystic inscriptions. Her image resembled an Indian idol rather than the beautiful forms which crowded the Acropolis of Athens. “Like the Palladium of Troy—like the most ancient Minerva at Athens—like the Paphian Venus and the Cybele of Pessinus (see above, p. 437, n.)—like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned by Cicero (in Verr. V. 187), it was believed to have fallen down from the sky” (Acts xix. 35). C. and H., I. 78. The ceremonies of her worship were conducted by a troop of virgin priestesses called Melissæ, and a number of priests, eunuchs from the interior of Asia Minor, called Megabizi.

1029 ‒ Both the original words used here are Latin. The first, σουδάριον, sudarium, occurs in Lk. xix. 20; Jn. xi. 44, xx. 7, and is translated napkin; the latter, σιμικίνθιον, semi-cinctium, appears to denote a shawl or handkerchief, or perhaps an apron used by workmen. Baumgarten would connect them with the Apostle’s daily labour in his own support. See Wordsworth in loc.

1030 ‒ Or perhaps the head of one of the 24 courses of Priests.

1031 ‒ The Vulgate here has Jesum novi et Paulum scio. Γινώσκω expresses knowledge of a stronger degree than ἐπιστᾶμαι (which only occurs elsewhere in Mk. xiv. 68). The former = I recognise and own His power; the latter = I know, am acquainted with. See Wordsworth’s note in loc.

1032 ‒ About £2000 of our money. The coin called ἀργυρίου in Acts xix. 19, and translated piece of silver, was probably the silver drachma, of the value of about 10d.

1033 ‒ He does not, however, seem to have reached Corinth on this occasion, and St Paul himself doubted whether he would be able to do so. Erastus is probably the “treasurer” of Corinth alluded to in Rom. xvi. 23; 2 Tim. iv. 20.

1034 ‒ From a comparison of 2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 14, 21, xiii. 1, 2, some would infer that the Apostle paid an unrecorded visit to Corinth during his three years’ stay at Ephesus, and on the authority of 1 Cor. v. 9–12 that he afterwards wrote a short letter to the Church there respecting the exclusion of profligates from the Christian body. See C. and H., II. 18–21.

1035 ‒ April or May, A.D. 57. See C. and H., II. 84; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 439; Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Ephesus.

1036 ‒ It is not certain whether these were models of the whole temple or of the shrine. Such models, however, were eagerly purchased by strangers, and carried by devotees on journeys, or set up in their houses. The material might be wood, or gold, or silver. C. and H., II. 78.

1037 ‒ It is not improbable that it was on this occasion he was rescued by Aquila and Priscilla at the risk of their own lives, as mentioned in Rom. xvi. 3, 4.

1038 ‒ The Asiarchs, Ἀσιάρχαι (Acts xix. 31), were officers, generally ten in number, appointed like the ædiles at Rome, to preside over the games held in different parts of the province of Asia, just as other provinces had their Galatarchs, Lysiarchs, Bythiniarchs, &c. “They held for the time a kind of sacerdotal position; and when robed in mantles of purple and crowned with garlands, they assumed the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and controlling the tumultuous crowd in the theatre; they might literally be called the chiefs of Asia.” C. and H., II. 83; Lewin’s Life of St Paul, I. 350–353.

1039 ‒ This officer “had to do with state-papers; he was keeper of the archives; he read what was of public moment before the senate and assembly; he was present when money was deposited in the temple; and when letters were sent to the people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him. Hence we can readily account for his name appearing so often on the coins of Ephesus (see C. and H., II. 89, and p. 79). He seems sometimes to have given the name to the year, like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome.” C. and H., II. 81.

1040 ‒ Νεωκόρον, Acts xix. 35, literally Temple-sweeper, was originally an expression of humility, and applied to the lowest menials engaged in the care of the Temple. Afterwards it became a title of high honour, and was applied not only to persons, but to cities and communities. Thus Ephesus was personified as the “devotee” of Diana, and boastifully stamped the name upon her coins.

1041 ‒ Ephesus was an assize-town (forum or conventus), which the proconsul would visit at stated seasons, attended by his interpreter, for all legal business was conducted in Latin. C. and H., II. 82.

1042 ‒ See above, p. 461, n.; for the Apostle’s own feelings in respect to the tumult, see 2 Cor. i. 8–11, on which see Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, 2 Cor. No. IV.

1043 ‒ Probably by sea: comp. Acts xx. 13, 14, though it is to be remembered that one of the great roads passed by Smyrna and Pergamus between Ephesus and Troas.

1044 ‒ See above, pp. 438, 439.

1045 ‒ See Birks’ Horæ Apostolicæ, p. 237; Neander’s Planting, I. 247.

1046 ‒ See above, p. 440.

1047 ‒ Stanley’s Comm. on 2 Cor. ii. 13.

1048 ‒ See Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ on this passage. Illyricum was an extensive region lying along the Eastern coast of the Adriatic, and contiguous to Mœsia and Macedonia on the East. It included Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10), which was sometimes used for the whole of the district. Both terms are probably used by the Apostle in their most extended sense.

1049 ‒ See Con. and Howson, II. pp. 141–143.

1050 ‒ See above, pp. 436–438.

1051 ‒ Ἐβάσκανεν = fascinated, the metaphor being taken from the popular belief in the power of the evil eye. On the fickleness of the Galatian character, see above, p. 437 and note.

1052 ‒ Professor Lightfoot, while placing the Epistle to the Galatians between the Second to the Corinthians and that to the Romans, and referring its date to the winter of A.D. 57 or the spring of A.D. 58, seems to think it may have been written during the journey between Macedonia and Achaia. See Proleg. to the Comm., pp. 48–54.

1053 ‒ She was probably a widow of consideration and wealth, acting as one of the deaconesses of the Church. See C. and H., II. 166; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.

1054 ‒ On the salutation in Rom. xvi. 3, and the return of Aquila and Priscilla since the dispatch of the First Epistle to the Corinthians, see Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ, No. II.

1055 ‒ The Epistles to the Romans and Galatians relate to the same general question. But the Apostle had founded the Church in Galatia, hence he puts the point in a great measure upon personal authority (comp. Gal. i. 6, 11, 12, v. 2); but he had never been at Rome, hence in his Epistle to that Church he puts the same points upon argument. “This distinction between the two Epistles is suited to the relation in which the Apostle stood to his different correspondents.” See Paley’s Horæ Paulinæ.

1056 ‒ Compare the time spent on the former voyage above, p. 440, and the note.

1057 ‒ Note the force of the imperfect κατεφίλουν, Acts xx. 37.

1058 ‒ C. and H., II. 239: comp. Acts xxi. 1.

1059 ‒ Ἀποσπασθέντας, Acts xxi. 1.

1060 ‒ Distant from Miletus about 40 nautical miles, a passage of about 6 hours: C. and H., II. 239.

1061 ‒ The sea-port of the city of Xanthus, 10 miles distant, devoted to the worship of Apollo, and the seat of a famous oracle. Comp. Hor. Od. III. iv. 64.

1062 ‒ Or rising Cyprus, in English nautical phrase. The word, in reference to sea-voyages, means to see land, to bring land into view, to make land.

1063 ‒ See above, p. 373.

1064 ‒ See above, p. 391.

1065 ‒ The distance being but 28 miles from Tyre. For a notice of this sea-port, see above, p. 37, n.

1066 ‒ See above, p. 378.

1067 ‒ See above, p. 403, and note.

1068 ‒ Compare for similar symbolic prophetical actions Isai. xx. 2, 3; Jerem. xiii. 1–11.

1069 ‒ Comp. above, p. 344, and comp. pp. 162, 163.

1070 ‒ See above, p. 402, and note.

1071 ‒ For the word carriage of our Version here used see Judg. xviii. 21; 1 Sam. xvii. 22. Ἐπισκευασάμενοι is the better reading, and denotes having packed up, made ready for the journey. The Apostle, it is to be remarked, had with him the proceeds of the great collection.

1072 ‒ On his character and influence, see pp. 426, 427, and the notes.

1073 ‒ C. and H., II. 259.

1074 ‒ For notices of the excited and fanatical state of the Jews at this period, see Milman, Hist. of the Jews, II. 166, 172.

1075 ‒ For these, see Class-Book of O. T. History, pp. 158, 159. Agrippa I., it will be remembered, showed his sympathy with Judaism by defraying the expenses of certain Nazarites; see above, p. 405, and the note.

1076 ‒ See above, p. 272, and note. It is clear from that passage that this Court contained the Treasure-Chests, but it also appears to have contained chambers, in one of which the Nazarites performed their vows. C. and H., II. 269.

1077 ‒ “Made of brass and very strong, shut at midnight with difficulty by twenty men.” Jos. B. J. VI. 5. 3. Comp. V. 5. 3, cited in C. and H., II. 269, n.

1078 ‒ On this tower, see above, p. 53, n. and p. 91.

1079 ‒ Comp. Acts xii. 4, 6; see above, p. 406, n.

1080 ‒ He had come from Egypt into Judæa, and giving himself out to be a prophet, collected in the desert upwards of 30,000 men (4000 of whom were Sicarii or “murderers,” Acts xxi. 38), whom he persuaded to follow him to the Mount of Olives, promising that the walls of Jerusalem would fall down at his command, and they would be enabled to seize Jerusalem, and assume the government. Felix, however, marched against him, and easily dispersed his force, slaying 4000, and taking 200 prisoners, but the adventurer himself escaped. See Jos. B. J. II. 13. 5; Milman’s Hist. of the Jews, II. 171.

1081 ‒ For a comparison of the Apostle’s words on this occasion with the account given in Acts ix., see above, pp. 384, 385, and notes.

1082 ‒ Compare the account above, pp. 390, 391.

1083 ‒ See above, p. 309, and the note.

1084 ‒ See above, p. 96. Only a narrow space of the Great Temple-court intervened between the steps of the tower Antonia and this hall. But the Sanhedrin may have met in a place less sacred, into which soldiers might be admitted. C. and H., II. 281.

1085 ‒ Compare with this assertion 2 Tim. i. 3.

1086 ‒ If this was a prophetic denunciation, it was terribly fulfilled when the hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin was murdered by the Sicarii during the Jewish war. See Jos. B. J. II. 17. 9.

1087 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxiii. 27. He compares him to those walls, which composed of mud and other vile materials, made a fair show without, being plastered and whitewashed.

1088 ‒ See above, p. 115.

1089 ‒ The sentence is broken off. The words μὴ θεομαχῶμεν, Acts xxiii. 9, are wanting in the best MSS. See Neander’s Planting, I. 307, and note.

1090 ‒ See above, p. 380.

1091 ‒ Δεξιολάβους, E. V. spearmen, Vulg. lancearios. Whatever is the precise meaning of this singular word, it distinguishes here legionary soldiers from cavalry, and probably means light-armed troops. The word implies the use of some weapon simply carried in the right hand.

1092 ‒ Ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός, Acts xxiii. 23.

1093 ‒ With a view to greater expedition Lysias ordered that more than one horse should be provided for the Apostle: comp. Acts xxiii. 24, κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι.

1094 ‒ For the building of Antipatris, see above, p. 99, and note.

1095 ‒ Lysias had probably sent so large and so mixed a force in view of a possible ambuscade. This was no longer to be feared after leaving Antipatris, but the legionaries might be needed in the fortress of Antonia.

1096 ‒ C. and H., II. 290; Robinson, Bib. Res. III. 46, 60.

1097 ‒ As mentioned above, p. 409, n., on the death of Herod Agrippa I., A.D. 44, Cuspius Fadus was appointed procurator of Judæa. He was succeeded in A.D. 48 by Tiberius Alexander, who in his turn, in A.D. 48, made way for Ventidius Cumanus. During his sway a frightful tumult happened at the Passover, caused by the presence of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia, and resulting in the deaths of more than 10,000 persons (Jos. Ant. XX. 5. 3; B. J. II. 12. 1). Cumanus was recalled in A.D. 52, and succeeded by Felix, a freedman of the Emperor Claudius. From Tacitus (Ann. XII. 54) he would seem to have been joint procurator with Cumanus. He was the brother of the Emperor’s powerful friend Pallas, and is described by Tacitus as ruling his province with meanness, cruelty, and profligacy, per omnem sævitiam et libidinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit. Hist. V. 9: comp. Ann. XII. 54, and see Merivale, VII. 195.

1098 ‒ Compare Pilate’s conduct in reference to the Saviour, above, p. 301.

1099 ‒ The word prætorium properly denotes the residence of the Roman provincial governors, at which they administered justice. Here it seems to denote some palace built by Herod and now appropriated to public uses. As in our old castles, there were prison-chambers in all such buildings. Kitto’s Bib. Illustrations.

1100 ‒ The name is Roman. He was probably an Italian, and pleaded in Latin. “The accuser and the accused could plead in person, as St Paul did here, but advocati (ῥήτορες) were often employed.” C. and H., II. 302.

1101 ‒ On this, see above, p. 303, n.

1102 ‒ Felix during his period of office put down several false Messiahs (Jos. Ant. XX. 8; B. J. II. 13. 4), the followers of the Egyptian pretender (above, p. 486, and n.), riots between the Jews and Syrians in Cæsarea (Ant. XX. 8. 7; B. J. II. 13. 7), and cleared various parts of the country of robbers (B. J. II. 13. 2), see Merivale, VII. 195.

1103 ‒ On the severity of the laws against treason, see above, p. 307, n.

1104 ‒ Acts x. See above, p. 399, and p. 482.

1105 ‒ Διαγνώσομαι, Acts xxiv. 22.

1106 ‒ There were three kinds of custody recognised by the Roman law: (1) custodia publica, or confinement in a public gaol, as at Philippi, see above, p. 443, and n.: this was the worst kind; (2) custodia libera, or free custody, usual only in the cases of men of rank who were committed to the charge of some magistrate or senator, who made himself responsible for their appearance on the day of trial; (3) custodia militaris: in this species of custody, introduced at the commencement of the Empire, the prisoner’s right hand was chained to the left hand of a soldier, who was responsible with his life for his safe detention, and kept him either in barracks or a private house. C. and H., II. 308.

1107 ‒ This perhaps included Philip the Evangelist resident there with his family; perhaps Cornelius the centurion; and almost certainly Luke and Aristarchus.

1108 ‒ Her brother was Agrippa, the present king of Trachonitis. On the part Simon Magus is said to have played in persuading her to leave her husband, see above, p. 376 n. She was at this time in the 18th year of her age.

1109 ‒ Acts xxiv. 17. See Birks’ Horæ Apostolicæ, p. 344.

1110 ‒ Such practices were not unusual with some procurators. See the instance of Albinus mentioned in Jos. Ant. XX. 9. 2. The Julian Law strictly forbade taking a bribe from a prisoner.

1111 ‒ C. and H., II. 308.

1112 ‒ See Milman’s History of the Jews, Vol. II. p. 173.

1113 ‒ At this time the high priest was Ishmael the son of Fabi, Jos. Ant. XX. 8. 8. He had been appointed by Agrippa II., to whom the Emperor had entrusted all the ecclesiastical arrangements in the Holy City. Milman, Hist. Jews, II. 172.

1114 ‒ Under the Republic a Roman citizen could appeal to the tribunes. The power of the latter being absorbed by the Emperors, all appeals were transferred to them, and at this time the Imperial tribunal “was a supreme court of appeal from all inferior courts either in Rome or in the provinces.” See Art. Appellatio in Smith’s Dict. Antiq.

1115 ‒ Herod Agrippa II. was the son of Agrippa I. and Cypros, a grand-niece of Herod the Great. After he had been educated at Rome, Claudius, about A.D. 49, appointed him king of Chalcis (Jos. Ant. XX. 5. 2; B. J. II. 12. 1), and afterwards, A.D. 53, promoted him to the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias (Jos. Ant. XX. 7. 1; B. J. II. 12. 8), with the title of king (Acts xxv. 13). In A.D. 55 Nero added several cities to his dominions, and he displayed the lavish magnificence of his family. During the Jewish war he sided with the Romans, and at its conclusion retired to Rome, where he died in the third year of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 100. See Lewin’s Fasti Sacri; Smith’s Bibl. Dict.

1116 ‒ She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. Her first husband was her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she lived with her own brother Agrippa II. (Jos. Ant. XX. 7. 3). Afterwards she married Polemon, king of Cilicia, and ultimately became the mistress of Vespasian and of Titus. See Tac. Hist. II. 81.

1117 ‒ See Blunt’s Scriptural Coincidences, pp. 358–360.

1118 ‒ Τῷ κυρίῳ, Acts xxv. 26. Note the title. Augustus and Tiberius had declined it, but their successors had sanctioned its use. See Sueton. Aug. LIII.; Tiber, XXVII.

1119 ‒ Τὰ πολλὰ γράμματα, Acts xxvi. 24. The Apostle had alluded to “writings” (vv. 22, 23), “and it is reasonable to suppose that in his imprisonment such books and parchments as he wrote for in 2 Tim. iv. 13 were brought to him by his friends.” C. and H., II. 318, n.

1120 ‒ Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις, Acts xxvi. 28. Our version almost cannot stand. The expression might mean, (1) in a little space, or (2) in few words, or (3) in a small measure. Perhaps lightly = “with few words, little pain, as though it were a light thing to take up with so despised a sect,” as suggested by Dean Alford in loc., best suits the text: see also C. and H., II. 319, n.; Neander’s Planting, I., 310, n.

1121 ‒ The better reading here is ἐν μεγάλῳ.

1122 ‒ “From the distance accomplished, 67 geographical miles, we must infer that they had a fair, or at least a leading wind, probably westerly, which is the wind that prevails in this part of the Mediterranean.” Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul, p. 22.

1123 ‒ See above, p. 481.

1124 ‒ “In pursuing this route they acted precisely as the most accomplished seaman in the present day would have done under similar circumstances; by standing to the north till they reached the coast of Cilicia, they might expect when they did so to be favoured by the land-breeze, which prevails here during the summer-months, as well as by the current, which constantly runs to the westward, along the south coast of Asia Minor.” Smith, p. 28.

1125 ‒ A distance of 130 geographical miles, which with a fair wind might have been accomplished in one day. Ibid. p. 34.

1126 ‒ Still retaining the same name. The site of Lasæa, also retaining its old name, was discovered Jan. 18, 1856, about two hours to the eastward of “Fair Havens.” Smith’s Voyage. &c. Ed. 1861; C. and H., II. 341, n.

1127 ‒ Levit. xvi. 29; xxiii. 27, celebrated on the 10th of Tisri, corresponding to the close of September or beginning of October. See Class-Book of O. T. History, p. 155. This was exactly the time when seafaring is pronounced most dangerous by Greek and Roman writers.

1128 ‒ It was a good harbour in some seasons, but, being an open roadstead, or rather two open roadsteads, was not commodious to winter in. Smith, p. 45.

1129 ‒ Literally πλέποντα κατὰ Λίβα καὶ κατὰ χῶρον = looking toward the S.W. wind, and the N.W. wind. The harbour was probably the modern Lutro, sheltered from the above-mentioned winds, and looking from the water towards the land which encloses it in the direction of these winds. C. and H., II. pp. 343, 344, and notes.

1130 ‒ C. and H., II. 345, and notes.

1131 ‒ Rather perhaps Εὐρακύλων = the Latin Euro-Aquilo, an E.N.E. wind.

1132 ‒ Κατ᾽ αὐτῆς scil. Κρήτης. Comp. Mtt. viii. 32, κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ, and see above, p. 196 and note.

1133 ‒ Βοηθείαις ἐχρῶντο, ὑποζωννύντες τὸ πλοῖον (Acts xxvii. 17) = they proceeded to use stays or braces undergirding the vessel. This was lest she should leak and founder. For instances of this procedure, see C. and H., II. 348, n.; Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 106.

1134 ‒ A notoriously dangerous bay between Tunis and the Eastern part of Tripoli.

1135 ‒ Meaning then not merely that portion of the Mediterranean, to which it is now applied, but all that which lay between Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece and Crete on the east. See Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck.

1136 ‒ “They can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship, and run her ashore; but to do it before it was day would have been to have rushed on certain destruction: they must bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on till daybreak.” Smith’s Shipwreck, p. 88. For similar instances of anchoring by the stern, see C. and H., II. 357.

1137 ‒ C. and H., II. 362.

1138 ‒ Ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων (Acts xxvii. 40) = unloosing the lashings of the paddle rudders, which had doubtless been hoisted up and lashed fast when they anchored. C. and H., II. 362, n.

1139 ‒ See Smith’s Shipwreck, &c., p. 153.

1140 ‒ For a summary of the arguments for Malta, and not Melita in the gulf of Venice, as the scene of St Paul’s shipwreck, see Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, and Smith’s Bibl. Dict.

1141 ‒ Compare the conduct of the Lystrians, above, p. 420.

1142 ‒ The chief officer of Malta under the governor of Sicily was called πρῶτος Μελιταίων, or Primus Melitensium, the very title used by St Luke.

1143 ‒ Formerly called Dicæarchia, then from its strong mineral springs (a puteis or putendo) Puteoli, close to Baiæ, and now called Pozzuoli. It was the great landing-place for all travellers to Italy from the Levant.

1144 ‒ “All ships, on rounding into the bay, were obliged to strike their topsails, with the exception of the Alexandrian corn-vessels, which were thus easily recognised, as soon as they hove in sight.” See the quotation from Seneca in C. and H., II. 371. Puteoli from its trade with Alexandria and the East would naturally contain a colony of Jews.

1145 ‒ C. and H., II. pp. 376–379. “The foundation of the Via Appia, which was 13 or 14 ft. broad, was of concrete or cemented rubble-work, and the surface was laid with large polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, and so nicely fitted to each other that the whole seemed the work rather of nature than of art. The distances were marked by milestones, and at intervals of 20 miles were post-stations, where vehicles, horses, and mules were provided for the convenience of travellers and the transmission of government dispatches.” Kitto’s Bibl. Illust. VIII. 501.

1146 ‒ Comp. Hor. Sat. I. v. 3, 4: Inde Forum Appî Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis. On Anxur or Terracina, see the same Satire, line 26: a few miles beyond it was the fountain of Feronia (Hor. Sat. I. v. 24), “the termination of the canal which Augustus had formed to drain the Pomptine marshes, and which continued for 20 miles along the side of the road. Over this distance travellers had their choice, whether to proceed in barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way itself.” C. and H., II. 379.

1147 ‒ Τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ; Burro, præfecto prætorio, Bp Pearson. Tac. Ann. XII. 43; Merivale, VI. 189.

1148 ‒ On the custodia militaris see above, p. 496, n.

1149 ‒ The ignorance of the influential Jews concerning the Christian Church which existed in the same city as themselves, “is not inconceivable, if we only consider the immense size of the metropolis, and the vast confluence of human beings it contained, and if to this we add that the main body of the Roman Church consisted of Gentiles, and that these wealthy Jews busied themselves far more about other objects than about the concerns of religion.” Neander’s Planting, I. 311. “With regard to Paul himself, it might well be true that they had little information concerning him. Though he had been imprisoned long at Cæsarea, his appeal had only been made a short time before winter. After that time (to use the popular expression) the sea was shut; and the winter had been a stormy one; so that it was natural enough that his case should be first made known to the Jews by himself.” C. and H., II. 392.

1150 ‒ See Mtt. xiii. 15; Jn. xii. 40.

1151 ‒ C. and H., II. 395.

1152 ‒ On the three separate heads of the indictment against the Apostle, see above, p. 494.

1153 ‒ See Acts xx. 4; and above, p. 471.

1154 ‒ See above, p. 414, and the note.

1155 ‒ Though the name is probably an abbreviation of Epaphroditus, it seems doubtful whether he is to be identified with the Epaphroditus of Philip. ii. 25.

1156 ‒ Whether he had also robbed his master or not appears somewhat uncertain, and depends on the meaning of the word ἠδίκησε in Philem. 18.

1157 ‒ It is evident from Philem. 19 that he had been converted by the Apostle himself, possibly (i) during his journey through Phrygia (Acts xvi. 6); possibly (ii) during his long stay at Ephesus (Acts xix. 10), when it is recorded that all they who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord Jesus.

1158 ‒ Paley in his Horæ Paulinæ notices that St Paul bids Philemon prepare a lodging for him in expectation of his speedy deliverance, which agrees with Phil. ii. 24. The letter itself is often referred to as a model of delicacy and tact.

1159 ‒ Or Colassæ according to the reading of the best MSS., a city on the Lycus close to Hierapolis and Laodicea. Ethnologically it belonged to Phrygia, but politically was included in the province of Asia.

1160 ‒ See Alford’s Prolegom. to the Greek Test., III. 35.

1161 ‒ The doubt about the persons for whom this Epistle was intended arises (i) from the omission of the words ἐν Ἐφέσῳ from the opening verse in the Sinai and Vatican MSS.; (ii) from the fact that, though St Paul spent nearly three years at Ephesus, it does not contain a single personal greeting; (iii) from the apparent intimation in Eph. i. 15 that he knew only by report of the conversion of those he was addressing, and in iii. 2 that they knew only of his Apostleship by hearsay. Hence some (see C. and H., II. 417–420) consider it was addressed to the Church of Laodicea. On the other hand, the testimony of all the versions and “the universal designation of this Epistle by the ancient Church (except in the case of Marcion) as that to the Ephesians, warrants the retention of the words, and the explanation of the peculiarities in Eph. i. 15 and iii. 2, above alluded to, may probably be explained on the supposition mentioned in the text that it was also intended for other Churches dependent on Ephesus in proconsular Asia.” See Alford’s Prolegom. in Ep., and Ellicott’s Commentary on the Ephesians.

1162 ‒ The various pieces of the Christian armour here alluded to receive vivid illustration from the circumstances of the Apostle at this time, and the fact that he was chained to a Roman soldier.

1163 ‒ By some this has been identified with the palace of Cæsar on the Palatine Hill (comp. Phil. i. 13 with iv. 22). But though the word Prætorium is applied in the N. T. to the residence of Pilate at Jerusalem (see above, p. 298), and of Herod at Cæsarea (see above, p. 493 n.), it is never applied to the Imperial Palace at Rome. It rather seems to denote the quarters of the Imperial guards, who were in immediate attendance on the Emperor, who was prætor or commander-in-chief of the troops, and whose immediate body-guard would naturally be in a prætorium near at hand. See C. and H., II. pp. 438, 439.

1164 ‒ See Tac. Ann. XIV. 51. At his death the influence of Seneca was broken, and under the guidance of Tigellinus, Nero’s public life rivalled the infamy of his private character. On Fenius Rufus, see Tac. Ann. XV. 66, 68; Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, VI. p. 333.

1165 ‒ See Josephus, Ant. XX. 8. 11; Tac. Ann. XV. 23.

1166 ‒ See C. and H., II. 457–459; Merivale’s Romans under the Empire, Vol. VI. pp. 343, 344.

1167 ‒ See the quotations from Clement of Rome, Muratori’s Canon, Eusebius, H. E. II. 22, Chrysostom, and Jerome, in C. and H., II. 462, 463; Alford’s Gk. Test. III. Prolegom. pp. 92, 93.

1168 ‒ Philem. 22; Phil. ii. 24. It was probably about this time, if he was its author, that St Paul wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews. For a synopsis of the various opinions respecting its authorship see Alford’s Prolegom. Vol. IV. Pt. 1, Westcott’s Bible in the Church.

1169 ‒ See Alford’s Prolegomena to the Pastoral Epp. Vol. III. p. 93.

1170 ‒ See C. and H., II. 471. Clement of Rome (1 Ep. ad Cor. c. v.), declares that he went ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως, which some would extend not only to Spain but even to Britain. Dean Alford expresses an opinion that if not spent in Spain, the interval between A.D. 64 and 66 “may have been spent in Greece and Asia and the interjacent islands:” Prolegom. p. 94.

1171 ‒ C. and H., II. 487; and see the Articles Crete and Titus in Smith’s Bibl. Dict. Jews are mentioned as dispersed in Crete in 1 Macc. xv. 23 (see above p. 54), and in Acts ii. 11 (see above, p. 345, and n.). See also Alford’s Gk. Test., Vol. III. Prolegom. p. 108. On the quotation respecting the Cretans, see above, p. 382, n.

1172 ‒ Most probably the Nicopolis in Macedonia, on a peninsula west of the bay of Actium, erected by Augustus in memory of the battle of Actium, and on the ground which his army occupied before the engagement.

1173 ‒ See above, p. 472.

1174 ‒ It was conveniently situated for apostolic journeys in the Eastern parts of Achaia and Macedonia, and also to the north where churches perhaps were founded. On St Paul’s previous preaching on the confines of Illyricum, see p. 474, and n.; and Birks’ Horæ Apostolicæ, pp. 296–304.

1175 ‒ C. and H., II. p. 494.

1176 ‒ Tac. Ann. XV. 44. See Merivale, VI. 351.

1177 ‒ C. and H., II. 499.

1178 ‒ C. and H., II. 514; Smith’s Bibl. Dict., Art. Timothy.

1179 ‒ See Lightfoot on St Paul and the Three in his Commentary on the Galatians, p. 276.

1180 ‒ See above, pp. 425, 426.

1181 ‒ It could not have been written by James, the son of Zebedee, for he was beheaded A.D. 44 by Herod Agrippa, and the notes of time in the Epistle itself point to a later date.

1182 ‒ See above, p. 431.

1183 ‒ See above, p. 7.

1184 ‒ See Alford’s Prolegomena, Greek Test. Vol. IV. Part I.

1185 ‒ See above, p. 431.

1186 ‒ See above, p. 425.

1187 ‒ See above, p. 187.