VOYAGES OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON. (continued 3)

To take away all suspicion of our innocency from thinking to build any shipp, which if it had come to their knowledge had don a great prejudice to our former designe, a shippe then uppon the docke almost finished. Heere we made a double floore in the hall where the shippe was abuilding, so that the wild men, being ignorant of our way of building, could not take any notice of our cuningnesse, which proved to our desire. So done, finding nothing that was reported, all began to be quiet and out of feare. By this we weare warned from thencefoorth, mistrusting all that came there, so preserved ourselves, puting nothing in fight that should give the least suspition. Both shipps weare accomplished; we kept them secretly & covered them with 12 boats of rind that we kept for fishing and hunting. The wildmen knewed of these small things, but suspected nothing, believing that the french would never suspect to venture such a voyage for the difficultie of the way and violence of the swiftnesse of the rivers and length of the way. We stayed for opportunity in some quietnesse, devising to contrive our game as soone as the spring should begin. The winter we past not without apprehensions, having had severall allarmes, false as [well] as true; for often weare we putt to our armes, in so much that one of our sentryes was once by force drawen from the doore of the fort. He, to avoid the danger, drawes his sword & wounds one of them & comes to the fort, crying, "To your armes." This was soone appeased; some guifts healed the wound.

The season drawing nigh we must think of some stratageme to escape their hands and the rest of ours that weare among them; which was a difficulty, because they would have some of us by them allwaye for the better assurance. But all their contrivances & wit weare too weake to strive against our plotts which weare already invented to their deceipt that would deceave us. We lett them understand that the time drew neere that the french uses to trait their friends in feasting and meriment, and all should be welcome, having no greater ffriends then they weare. They, to see our fashions as well as to fill their gutts, gave consent. By that means the considerablest persons are invited, the ffather & 2 ffrench. There they weare made much of 2 dayes with great joy, with sounds of trompetts, drumms, and flageoletts, with songs in french as wild. So done, they are sent away, the ffather with them. He was not a mile off but fains to gett a falle and sighed that his arme was broken. The wild men being much troubled att this accident brings the father back and makes guifts that he may be cured. A plaster was sett to his arme, which done [he is] putt into a bed. Then all the wildmen came to see him; he incouraged them that he should soone recover and see them. The french that knewed not the plott cryed for the ffather, which confirmed the belief of the wildmen. They all retyred to their village and we [sought] the meanes to embarke ourselves.

We resolved once more to make another feast when we should have everything ready for our purpose; that is, when the father should be well of his fayned sicknesse, ffor they allso doe delight in feasting, which was to be done for the safe recovery of the ffather's health. We dayly had messengers from the elders of the country to know how he did, who (after the lake was opened from the ice that was covered with ice) should be in good disposition. Many wished to have the suneshine ardently, their desire was so great to be gone. Att last our patient begins to walke with a scharfe about his armes.

When the shippes and boats weare ready, we sent them word that the father was well, & for joy would make a feast. The elders are invited. They weare sure not to faile, but to be first. Being come, there are speeches made to incourage them to sing and eat. It's folly to induce them to that, for they goe about it more bould then welcome. They are told that the morow should be the day of mirth. Heare is but play and dances, the ffrench by turns, to keepe them still in exercise, shewing them tricks to keepe them awake, as the bird-catcher doth to teach the bird to sing and not to fly away, as we then intended. Not one wildman was admitted to come into the fort that day, saying it was not our coustomes to shew the splendour of our banquetts before they should be presented att table. The wildmen have no other then ground for their table.

In the meantime we weare not idle, the impatient father exercising himselfe as the rest. The evening being come, the wildmen are brought to the place destinated, not far from our fort. Every one makes his bundle of provisions & marchandises & household stuff, gunns, &c., some hid in the ground, and the rest scattered because we could not save them. We made excellent bisquetts of the last year's corne, & forgott not the hoggs that weare a fatning. Att last the trumpetts blowes, putt yourselves in order; there is nothing but outcryes, clapping of hands, & capering, that they may have better stomach to their meat. There comes a dozen of great kettles full of beaten Indian corne dressed with mince meate. The wisest begins his speech, giving heaven thanks to have brought such generous ffrench to honnour them so. They eate as many wolves, having eyes bigger then bellies; they are rare att it without noise. The time was not yett com'd to acknowledge the happinesse we received from such incompareable hosts. Heare comes 2 great kettles full of bussards broyled & salted before the winter, with as many kettles full of ducks. As many turtles was taken in the season by the nett. Heere att this nothing but hooping to man's admiration whilst one was a eating, and other sort comes, as divers of fish, eels, salmon, and carps, which gives them a new stomach. Weare they to burst, heere they will shew their courage. The time comes on. The best is that we are sure none will forsake his place, nor man nor woman. A number of french entertaines them, keeping them from sleepe in dancing & singing, for that is the custome. Their lutrill, an instrumentall musick, is much heere in use. Yett nothing is done as yett, ffor there comes the thickened flower, the oyle of bears, venison. To this the knif is not enough; the spunes also are used. Wee see allready severall postures: the one beats his belly, the other shakes his head, others stopp their mouthes to keepe in what they have eaten. They weare in such an admiration, making strange kinds of faces, that turned their eyes up and downe. We bid them cheare up, & tould them it was an usuall custome with the ffrench to make much of themselves & of their friends. "They affect you, and yee must shew such like to them by shewing your respects to them that they so splendidly trait you. Cheere up like brave men. If your sleepe overcomes you, you must awake; come, sound [the] drumme, it is not now to beat the Gien; [Footnote: "To beat the gien," probably meaning the guitar, as Charlevoix mentions that at the feast to the Indians one of the French young men played upon that instrument for their amusement.] come, make a noise. Trumpett blow and make thy cheeks swell, to make the belly swell alsoe."

In the end nothing [is] spared that can be invented to the greater confusion. There is a strife between the french who will make the greatest noise. But there is an end to all things; the houre is come, ffor all is embarked. The wildman can hold out no longer; they must sleepe. They cry out, Skenon, enough, we can beare no more. "Lett them cry Skenon; we will cry hunnay, we are a going," sayes we. They are told that the ffrench are weary & will sleepe alsoe awhile. They say, "Be it so." We come away; all is quiet. Nobody makes a noise after Such a hurly-burly. The fort is shutt up as if we had ben in it. We leave a hogg att the doore for sentery, with a rope tyed to his foot. He wanted no meat for the time. Here we make a proposition, being three and fifty ffrench in number, to make a slaughter without any difficulty, they being but 100 beasts not able to budge, & as many women. That done, we could goe to their village att the breake of the day, where we weare sure there weare not 20 men left, nor yong nor old. It was no great matter to deale with 5 or 600 women, & may be 1000 children; besides, the huntsmen should not be ready this 2 moneths to come home. Having done so, we might have a great hole in the skirts of that untoward & pervers nation, that it was in way of revenge, because of their disloyalty, breaking the peace & watching an opportunity to doe the like to us, that we should by that means have a better opportunity to escape; shewing by this whosoever intends to betray, betrays himselfe. The ffathers' answer was to this, that they weare sent to instruct the people in the faith of Jesus Christ and not to destroy; that the crosse must be their sword; moreover that they are told that we weare able to keepe the place, having victualls for the space of 4 yeares, with other provisions. [Footnote: The new Governor, Viscount d'Argenson, who arrived in Canada a few months after, disapproved of the evacuation of Onondaga. "The location of this fortification was probably about three quarters of a mile below Green Point, on the farm now occupied [in 1849] by Mr. Myrick Bradley, in the town of Salina, where the embankment and outlines were plain to be seen fifty years ago." History of Onondaga, by J. V. H. Clarke, Vol. I. p. 161, n., 1849.] So done, in the meanewhile some 16 french should goe downe to the french & tell the news; ffor the rest they weare able to oppose all the Iroquoits, having such a strong fort, and before the time could be expired some succour was to be expected out of ffrance, as well as with the helpe of some of the wildmen, their allies, make an assault, and so free ourselves of such a slavery & the many miseries wherin we weare dayly to undergoe, that by that means we might save the lives of many french and cleare a way from such inhumans. It was in vaine to think to convert them, but the destroying of them was to convert them. So discover nations and countryes, and that the ffrench finding some fourty resolut brothers that would have ventured themselves full liberty & assurance of their lives to preserve them from the cruelest enemy that ever was found uppon the earth. All these sayings could prevaile nothing uppon people that will avoid all slaughter.

So to be obedient to our superiours, without noise of trompet or drum, but zeal with griefe, we left that place. We are all embarked, and now must looke for the mouth of the river; and weare put to it, ffor it frized every night and the Ice of good thicknesse, and consequently dangerous to venture our boats against it. We must all the way breake the ice with great staves to make a passage. This gave us paines enough. Att the breake of day we weare in sight att the mouth of the river, where we weare free from ice. If those had but the least suspicion or had looked out, they had seene us. We soone by all diligence putt ourselves out of that apprehension, and came att the first rising of the river, where freed from ice tenne leagues from the fort, where we kept a good watch.

The day following we came to the Lake d'Ontario. The wind being boisterous, could goe no further. There we sought for a place to make cottages, which was in an Island very advantageous, where we stayed 2 dayes for the weather. We weare not without feare, thinking that the wildmen should follow us. They contrary wise stayed (as we heard) seaven nights, thinking that we weare asleepe, onely that some rose now and then, and rung the litle bell which stooke to the hogg's foot. So mystifying the businesse affaire, [they] went & brought news to the village, which made them come and looke over the pallisados, and saw in good earnest the Anomiacks weare gone.

In our journey [we had] bad weather, high winds, snow, and every day raine on our backs. We came to the river att last, where was difficulty enough by reason of the goeing out of the lake, which is hard to find, by the many isles that are about the opening of the river. We weare in a maner of sheepe scattered. After many crossings to and fro we find ourselves att the first streame; the watters high, went on without danger, but the navigation proved worse & worse because we came into a coulder country and into the most dangerousest precipices. Now the river [was] covered over with ice and snow which made the river give a terrible noise. The land also covered all over with snow, which rendered us incapable of knowledge where we weare, & consequently found ourselves in great perils. It was well that the river swelled, for not a mother's son of us could else escape; ffor where we might have made carriages we [would] innocently have gone uppon those currents. One of our greatest vessells runned on sand and soone full by reason of the running of the stream, but by tournings, with much adoe we gott it out againe, and by all dexterity brought to a harbour, which is hard to find in that place, ffor the ice and the streame continually cutts the coasts steepe downe, & so no landing thereabouts.

Heere a boat of 4 men made shipwrake. Heere every one for himselfe & God for all. Heere is no reliefe. There the 3 that could swime weare drowned, because they held not [to] the boat, but would swime to land. The other that had held it was saved with much adoe. Afterwards we came where the streame was not so swifte at all, but as dangerous for its ice. We cutt the ice with hattchetts & we found places where [it] was rotten, so we hazarded ourselves often to sinke downe to our necks. We knewed the isle of murder againe because of the woman that runn'd away was with us. Shee had reason to know it, though all covered with snow. The ffathers some dayes before our departur caused her to come to the fort to deliver her out of the hands of her ennemy, because she was a Christian. In short time after her arrivall att Quebecq [she] was marry'd, and died in childbed.

Six weeks being expired we came to the hight of St Louis, 3 leagues from mont royal, the first habitation of the ffrench. We went all that hight without making carriages, trusting to the depth of the watter, & passed it by God's providence, that have made us that passage free; ffor if we had come there the day before we could not possibly passe (by the report of the ffrench), by reason that underneath the water was mighty swift, the river was frozen and covered with ice, and could not have turned back, for the streame could bring us against our will under the ice. It was our lott to come after the ice was melted. The french inquire who is there with astonishment, thinking that it should be the charge of the Iroquoits. We thanked God for our deliverance.

Heere we had time to rest ourselves awhile att ease, which was not permitted by the way. About the last of March we ended our great paines and incredible dangers. About 14 nights after we went downe the 3 rivers, where most of us stayed. A month after my brother and I resolves to travell and see countreys. We find a good opportunity. In our voyage wee proceeded three yeares. During that time we had the happinesse to see very faire countryes.

The ende of the second voyage made in the Upper Country of the Iroquoits.

Now followeth the Auxoticiat Voyage into the Great and filthy Lake of the Hurrons, Upper Sea of the East, and Bay of the North.

Being come to the 3 rivers, where I found my brother who the yeare before came back from the lake of the Hurrons with other french, both weare upon the point of resolution to make a journey a purpose for to discover the great lakes that they heard the wild men speak off; yea, have seene before, ffor my brother made severall journeys when the ffathers lived about the lake of the hurrons, which was upon the border of the sea. So my brother seeing me back from those 2 dangerous voyages, so much by the cruelties of the barbars as for the difficulties of the wayes, for this reason he thought I was fitter & more faithfull for the discovery that he was to make. He plainly told me his minde. I knowing it, longed to see myselfe in a boat. There weare severall companies of wild men Expected from severall places, because they promissed the yeare before, & [to] take the advantage of the Spring (this for to deceive the Iroquoits, who are allwayes in wait for to destroy them), and of the rivers which is by reason of the melting of the great snows, which is onely that time, ffor otherwise no possibility to come that way because for the swift streams that runs in summer, and in other places the want of watter, so that no boat can come through. We soone see the performance of those people, ffor a company came to the 3 rivers where we weare. They tould us that another company was arrived att Mont Royal, and that 2 more weare to come shortly, the one to the Three Rivers, the other to Saegne, [Footnote: Saegne, Sacgnes, Sacquenes, or the River Saguenay.] a river of Tudousack, who arrived within 2 dayes after. They divided themselves because of the scant of provision; ffor if they weare together they could not have victualls enough. Many goes and comes to Quebecq for to know the resolution of mr. Governor, who together with the ffathers thought fitt to send a company of ffrench to bring backe, if possible, those wildmen the next yeare, or others, being that it is the best manna of the countrey by which the inhabitants doe subsist, and makes the ffrench vessells to come there and goe back loaden with merchandises for the traffique of furriers who comes from the remotest parts of the north of America.

As soone as the resolution was made, many undertakes the voyage; for where that there is lucre there are people enough to be had. The best and ablest men for that businesse weare chosen. They make them goe up the 3 rivers with the band that came with the Sacques. There take those that weare most capable for the purpose. Two ffathers weare chosen to conduct that company, and endeavoured to convert some of those foraigners of the remotest country to the Christian faith. We no sooner heard their designe, but saw the effects of the buisnesse, which effected in us much gladnesse for the pleasure we could doe to one another, & so abler to oppose an ennemy if by fortune we should meet with any that would doe us hurt or hinder us in our way.

About the midle of June we began to take leave of our company and venter our lives for the common good. We find 2 and 30 men, some inhabitants, some Gailliards that desired but doe well. What fairer bastion then a good tongue, especially when one sees his owne chimney smoak, or when we can kiss our owne wives or kisse our neighbour's wife with ease and delight? It is a strange thing when victualls are wanting, worke whole nights & dayes, lye downe on the bare ground, & not allwayes that hap, the breech in the watter, the feare in the buttocks, to have the belly empty, the wearinesse in the bones, and drowsinesse of the body by the bad weather that you are to suffer, having nothing to keepe you from such calamity.

Att last we take our journey to see the issue of a prosperous adventure in such a dangerous enterprise. We resolved not to be the first that should complaine. The ffrench weare together in order, the wildmen also, saving my brother & I that weare accustomed to such like voyages, have foreseene what happened afterwards. Before our setting forth we made some guifts, & by that means we weare sure of their good will, so that he & I went into the boats of the wild men. We weare nine and twenty french in number and 6 wildmen. We embarked our traine in the night, because our number should not be knowne to some spyes that might bee in some ambush to know our departure; ffor the Iroquoits are allwayes abroad. We weare 2 nights to gett to mont royall, where 8 Octanac stayed for us & 2 ffrench. If not for that company, we had passed the river of the meddowes, which makes an isle of Mont royall and joines itselfe to the lake of St Louis, 3 leagues further then the hight of that name.

We stayed no longer there then as the french gott themselves ready. We tooke leave without noise of Gun. We cannot avoid the ambush of that eagle, which is like the owle that sees better in the night then in the day. We weare not sooner come to the first river, but our wildmen sees 5 sorts of people of divers countrys laden with marchandise and gunns, which served them for a shew then for defence if by chance they should be sett on. So that the glorie begins to shew itsselfe, no order being observed among them. The one sings, the other before goes in that posture without bad encounter. We advanced 3 dayes. There was no need of such a silence among us. Our men composed onely of seaven score men, we had done well if we had kept together, not to goe before in the river, nor stay behind some 2 or 3 leagues. Some 3 or 4 boats now & then to land to kill a wild beast, & so putt themselves into a danger of their lives, & if there weare any precipice the rest should be impotent to helpe. We warned them to looke to themselves. They laughed att us, saying we weare women; that the Iroquoits durst not sett on them. That pride had such power that they thought themselves masters of the earth; but they will see themselves soone mistaken. How that great God that takes great care of the most wild creatures, and will that every man confesses his faults, & gives them grace to come to obedience for the preservation of their lives, sends them a remarquable power & ordnance, which should give terrour and retinue to those poore misled people from the way of assurance.

As we wandered in the afforesaid maner all a sunder, there comes a man alone out of the wood with a hattchett in his hand, with his brayer, & a cover over his shoulders, making signes aloud that we should come to him. The greatest part of that flock shewed a palish face for feare att the sight of this man, knowing him an ennemy. They approached not without feare & apprehension of some plot. By this you may see the boldnesse of those buzards, that think themselves hectors when they see but their shadowes, & tremble when they see a Iroquoit. That wild man seeing us neerer, setts him downe on the ground & throwes his hattchett away & raises againe all naked, to shew that he hath no armes, desires them to approach neerer for he is their friend, & would lose his life to save theirs. Hee shewed in deed a right captayne for saveing of men that runned to their ruine by their indiscretion & want of conduct; and what he did was out of meere piety, seeing well that they wanted wit, to goe so like a company of bucks, every one to his fancy, where his litle experience leads him, nor thinking that danger wherin they weare, shewing by their march they weare no men, for not fearing. As for him, he was ready to die to render them service & prisoner into their hands freely. "For," saith he, "I might have escaped your sight, but that I would have saved you. I feare," sayth he, "not death"; so with that comes downe into the watter to his midle. There comes many boats about him, takes him into one of the boats, tying a coard fast about his body. There is he fastned. He begins to sing his fatal song that they call a nouroyall. That horrid tone being finished, makes a long, a very long speech, saying, "Brethren, the day the sunne is favourable to mee, appointed mee to tell you that yee are witlesse before I die, neither can they escape their ennemys, that are spred up and downe everywhere, that watches all moments their coming to destroy them. Take great courage, brethren, sleepe not; the ennemy is att hand. They wait for you; they are soe neare that they see you, and heare you, & are sure that you are their prey. Therefore I was willing to die to give you notice. For my part that what I have ben I am a man & commander in the warrs, and tooke severall prisoners; yet I would put meselfe in death's hands to save your lives. Believe me; keepe you altogether; spend not your powder in vaine, thinking to frighten your enemys by the noise of your guns. See if the stoanes of your arrowes be not bent or loose; bend your bowes; open your ears; keepe your hattchetts sharpe to cutt trees to make you a fort; doe not spend soe much greas to greas yourselves, but keep it for your bellies. Stay not too long in the way. It's robbery to die with conduct."

That poore wretch spake the truth & gave good instructions, but the greatest part did not understand what he said, saving the hurrons that weare with him, and I, that tould them as much as I could perceive. Every one laughs, saying he himself is afraid & tells us that story. We call him a dogg, a woman, and a henne. We will make you know that we weare men, & for his paines we should burne him when we come to our country. Here you shall see the brutishnesse of those people that think themselves valliant to the last point. No comparison is to be made with them for vallour, but quite contrary. They passe away the rest of that day with great exclamations of joy, but it will not last long.

That night wee layd in our boats and made not the ketle boyle, because we had meat ready dressed. Every boat is tyed up in the rushes, whether out of feare for what the prisoner told them, or that the prisoner should escape, I know not. They went to sleepe without any watch. The ffrench began to wish & moane for that place from whence they came from. What will it be if wee heare yeatt cryes & sorrows after all? Past the breake of day every one takes his oare to row; the formost oares have great advantage. We heard the torrent rumble, but could not come to the land that day, although not farr from us. Some twelve boats gott afore us. These weare saluted with guns & outcrys. In the meane while one boat runs one way, one another; some men lands and runs away. We are all put to it; non knowes where he is, they are put to such a confusion. All those beasts gathers together againe frighted. Seeing no way to escape, gott themselves all in a heape like unto ducks that sees the eagle come to them.

That first feare being over a litle, they resolved to land & to make a fort with all speed, which was done in lesse then two houres. The most stupidest drowsy are the nimblest for the hattchett & cutting of trees. The fort being finished, every one maketh himselfe in a readiness to sustaine the assult if any had tempted. The prisoner was brought, who soone was despatched, burned & roasted & eaten. The Iroquoits had so served them, as many as they have taken. We mist 20 of our company, but some came safe to us, & lost 13 that weare killed & taken in that defeat. The Iroquoite finding himselfe weake would not venture, & was obliged to leave us least he should be discovered & served as the other. Neverthelesse they shewed good countenances, went & builded a fort as we have done, where they fortified themselves & feed on human flesh which they gott in the warres. They weare afraid as much as we, but far from that; ffor the night being come, every one imbarks himselfe, to the sound of a low trumpet, by the help of the darknesse. We went to the other side, leaving our marchandises for our ransome to the ennemy that used us so unkindly. We made some cariages that night with a world of paines. We mist 4 of our boats, so that we must alter our equipages. The wildmen complained much that the ffrench could not swime, for that they might be together. The ffrench seeing that they weare not able to undergo such a voyage, they consult together & for conclusion resolved to give an end to such labours & dangers; moreover, found themselves incapable to follow the wildmen who went with all the speed possible night & day for the feare that they weare in. The ffathers, seeing our weaknesse, desired the wildmen that they might have one or two to direct them, which by no means was granted, but bid us doe as the rest. We kept still our resolution, & knowing more tricks then they, would not goe back, which should be but disdainful & prejudiciall. We told them so plainly that we would finish that voyage or die by the way. Besides that the wildmen did not complaine of us att all, but incouraged us. After a long arguing, every one had the liberty to goe backwards or forwards, if any had courage to venter himselfe with us. Seeing the great difficulties, all with one consent went back againe, and we went on.

The wildmen weare not sorry for their departure, because of their ignorance in the affaire of such navigation. It's a great alteration to see one and 30 reduced to 2. We encouraged one another, both willing to live & die with one another; & that [is] the least we could doe, being brothers. Before we [went] to the lake of the hurrons we had crosses enough, but no encounter. We travelled onely in the night in these dangerous places, which could not be done without many vexations & labours. The vanity was somewhat cooler for the example we have seene the day before. The hungar was that tormented us most; for him we could not goe seeke for some wild beasts. Our chiefest food was onely some few fishes which the wildmen caught by a line, may be two dozens a whole day, no bigger then my hand.

Being come to the place of repose, some did goe along the water side on the rocks & there exposed ourselves to the rigour of the weather. Upon these rocks we find some shells, blackish without and the inner part whitish by reason of the heat of the sun & of the humidity. They are in a maner glued to the rock; so we must gett another stone to gett them off by scraping them hard. When we thought to have enough [we] went back again to the Cottages, where the rest weare getting the litle fishes ready with trips, [Footnote: Trips,—meaning "tripe des boiled resolves itself into a black glue, roche, a species of lichen, which being nauseous but not without nourishment." Discovery of the Great West, by Parkman.] gutts and all. The kittle was full with the scraping of the rocks, which soone after it boyled became like starch, black and clammie & easily to be swallowed. I think if any bird had lighted upon the excrements of the said stuff, they had stuckt to it as if it weare glue. In the fields we have gathered severall fruits, as goosberyes, blackberrys, that in an houre we gathered above a bushell of such sorte, although not as yett full ripe. We boyled it, and then every one had his share. Heere was daintinesse slighted. The belly did not permitt us to gett on neither shoos nor stockins, that the better we might goe over the rocks, which did [make] our feet smart [so] that we came backe. Our feet & thighs & leggs weare scraped with thorns, in a heape of blood. The good God looked uppon those infidels by sending them now & then a beare into the river, or if we perceived any in an Isle forced them to swime, that by that means we might the sooner kill them. But the most parts there abouts is so sterill that there is nothing to be seene but rocks & sand, & on the high wayes but deale trees that grow most miraculously, for that earth is not to be seene than can nourish the root, & most of them trees are very bigg & high. We tooke a litle refreshment in a place called the lake of Castors, which is some 30 leagues from the first great lake. Some of those wildmen hid a rest [Footnote: "Hid a rest," or cache.] as they went down to the ffrench; but the lake was so full of fishes we tooke so much that served us a long while.

We came to a place where weare abundance of Otters, in so much that I believe all gathered to hinder our passage. We killed some with our arrows, not daring to shoote because we discovered there abouts some tracks, judging to be our ennemy by the impression of their feet in the sand. All knowes there one another by their march, for each hath his proper steps, some upon their toes, some on their heele, which is natural to them, for when they are infants the mother wrapeth them to their mode. Heer I speake not of the horrid streams we passed, nor of the falls of the water, which weare of an incredible height. In some parts most faire & delicious, where people formerly lived onely by what they could gett by the bow & arrows. We weare come above 300 leagues allwayes against the streame, & made 60 carriages, besides drawing, besides the swift streams we overcame by the oares & poles to come to that litle lake of Castors which may be 30 or 40 leagues in compasse. The upper end of it is full of Islands, where there is not time lost to wander about, finding wherewithall to make the kettle boyle with venison, great bears, castors & fishes, which are plenty in that place. The river that we goe to the great lake is somewhat favorable. We goe downe with ease & runing of the watter, which empties itsselfe in that lake in which we are now coming in. This river hath but 8 high & violent streams, which is some 30 leagues in length. The place where we weare is a bay all full of rocks, small isles, & most between wind and water which an infinite [number] of fishes, which are seene in the water so cleare as christiall. That is the reason of so many otters, that lives onely uppon fish. Each of us begins to looke to his bundle & merchandizes and prepare himselfe for the bad weather that uses to be on that great extent of water. The wildmen finds what they hid among the rocks 3 months before they came up to the french. Heere we are stiring about in our boats as nimble as bees and divided ourselves into 2 companys. Seaven boats went towards west norwest and the rest to the South.

After we mourned enough for the death of our deare countrymen that weare slained coming up, we take leave of each other with promise of amitie & good correspondence one with another, as for the continuance of peace, as for the assistance of strength, if the enemy should make an assault. That they should not goe to the french without giving notice one to another & soe goe together. We that weare for the South went on severall dayes merily, & saw by the way the place where the ffathers Jesuits had heretofore lived; a delicious place, albeit we could but see it afarre off. The coast of this lake is most delightfull to the minde. The lands smooth, and woods of all sorts. In many places there are many large open fields where in, I believe, wildmen formerly lived before the destruction of the many nations which did inhabit, and tooke more place then 600 leagues about; for I can well say that from the river of Canada to the great lake of the hurrons, which is neere 200 leagues in length & 60 in breadth, as I guesse, for I have [been] round about it, plenty of fish. There are banks of sand 5 or 6 leagues from the waterside, where such an infinite deale of fish that scarcely we are able to draw out our nett. There are fishes as bigg as children of 2 years old. There is sturgeon enough & other sorte that is not knowne to us. The South part is without isles, onely in some bayes where there are some. It is delightfull to goe along the side of the watter in summer where you may pluck the ducks.

We must stay often in a place 2 or 3 dayes for the contrary winds; ffor [if] the winds weare anything high, we durst not venter the boats against the impetuosity of the waves, which is the reason that our voyages are so long and tedious. A great many large deep rivers empties themselves in that lake, and an infinit number of other small rivers, that cann beare boats, and all from lakes & pools which are in abundance in that country.

After we travelled many dayes we arrived att a large island where we found their village, their wives & children. You must know that we passed a strait some 3 leagues beyond that place. The wildmen give it a name; it is another lake, but not so bigg as that we passed before. We calle it the lake of the staring hairs, because those that live about it have their hair like a brush turned up. They all have a hole in their nose, which is done by a straw which is above a foot long. It barrs their faces. Their ears have ordinarily 5 holes, where one may putt the end of his finger. They use those holes in this sort: to make themselves gallant they passe through it a skrew of coper with much dexterity, and goe on the lake in that posture. When the winter comes they weare no capes because of their haire tourned up. They fill those skrews with swan's downe, & with it their ears covered; but I dare say that the people doe not for to hold out the cold, but rather for pride, ffor their country is not so cold as the north, and other lakes that we have seene since.

It should be difficult to describe what variety of faces our arrivement did cause, some out of joy, others out of sadnesse. Neverthelesse the numbers of joyfull exceeded that of the sorrowfull. The season began to invite the lustiest to hunting. We neither desire to be idle in any place, having learned by experience that idlenesse is the mother of all evil, for it breeds most part of all sicknesse in those parts where the aire is most delightfull. So that they who had most knowledge in these quarters had familiarity with the people that live there about the last lake.

The nation that we weare with had warrs with the Iroquoits, and must trade. Our wildmen out of feare must consent to their ennemy to live in their land. It's true that those who lived about the first lake had not for the most part the conveniency of our french merchandise, as since, which obliged most of the remotest people to make peace, considering the enemy of theirs that came as a thunder bolt upon them, so that they joyned with them & forgett what was past for their owne preservation. Att our coming there we made large guifts, to dry up the tears of the friends of the deceased. As we came there the circumjacent neighbours came to visit us, that bid us welcome, as we are so. There comes newes that there weare ennemy in the fields, that they weare seene att the great field. There is a councell called, & resolved that they should be searched & sett uppon them as [soon as] possible may be, which [was] executed speedily. I offered my service, soe went and looked for them 2 dayes; finding them the 3rd day, gave them the assault when they least thought off it. We played the game so furiously that none escaped.

The day following we returned to our village with 8 of our enemys dead and 3 alive. The dead weare eaten & the living weare burned with a small fire to the rigour of cruelties, which comforted the desolat to see them revenged of the death of their relations that was so served. We weare then possessed by the hurrons and Octanac; but our minde was not to stay in an island, but to be knowne with the remotest people. The victory that we have gotten made them consent to what we could desire, & because that we shewed willing [ness] to die for their defence. So we desired to goe with a company of theirs that was going to the nation of the stairing haires.

We weare wellcomed & much made of, saying that we weare the Gods & devils of the earth; that we should fournish them, & that they would bring us to their ennemy to destroy them. We tould them [we] were very well content. We persuaded them first to come peaceably, not to destroy them presently, and if they would not condescend, then would wee throw away the hattchett and make use of our thunders. We sent ambassadors to them with guifts. That nation called Pontonatemick without more adoe comes & meets us with the rest, & peace was concluded. Feasts were made & dames with guifts came of each side, with a great deale of mirth.

We visited them during that winter, & by that means we made acquaintance with an other nation called Escotecke, which signified fire, a faire proper nation; they are tall & bigg & very strong. We came there in the spring. When we arrived there weare extraordinary banquetts. There they never have seen men with beards, because they pull their haires as soone as it comes out; but much more astonished when they saw our armes, especially our guns, which they worshipped by blowing smoake of tobacco instead of sacrifice. I will not insist much upon their way of living, ffor of their ceremonys heere you will see a pattern.

In the last voyage that wee made I will lett you onely know what cours we runned in 3 years' time. We desired them to lett us know their neighboring nations. They gave us the names, which I hope to describe their names in the end of this most imperfect discours, at least those that I can remember. Among others they told us of a nation called Nadoneceronon, which is very strong, with whome they weare in warres with, & another wandering nation, living onely uppon what they could come by. Their dwelling was on the side of the salt watter in summer time, & in the land in the winter time, for it's cold in their country. They calle themselves Christinos, & their confederats from all times, by reason of their speech, which is the same, & often have joyned together & have had companys of souldiers to warre against that great nation. We desired not to goe to the North till we had made a discovery in the South, being desirous to know what they did. They told us if we would goe with them to the great lake of the stinkings, the time was come of their trafick, which was of as many knives as they could gett from the french nation, because of their dwellings, which was att the coming in of a lake called Superior, but since the destructions of many neighboring nations they retired themselves to the height of the lake. We knewed those people well. We went to them almost yearly, and the company that came up with us weare of the said nation, but never could tell punctually where they lived because they make the barre of the Christinos from whence they have the Castors that they bring to the french. This place is 600 leagues off, by reason of the circuit that we must doe. The hurrons & the Octanacks, from whence we came last, furnishes them also, & comes to the furthest part of the lake of the stinkings, there to have light earthen pots, and girdles made of goat's hairs, & small shells that grow art the sea side, with which they trim their cloath made of skin.

We finding this opportunity would not lett it slippe, but made guifts, telling that the other nation would stand in feare of them because of us. We flattered them, saying none would dare to give them the least wrong, in so much that many of the Octanacks that weare present to make the same voyage. I can assure you I liked noe country as I have that wherein we wintered; ffor whatever a man could desire was to be had in great plenty; viz. staggs, fishes in abundance, & all sort of meat, corne enough. Those of the 2 nations would not come with us, but turned back to their nation. We neverthelesse put ourselves in hazard, for our curiosity, of stay 2 or 3 years among that nation. We ventured, for that we understand some of their idiome & trusted to that.

We embarked ourselves on the delightfullest lake of the world. I tooke notice of their Cottages & of the journeys of our navigation, for because that the country was so pleasant, so beautifull & fruitfull that it grieved me to see that the world could not discover such inticing countrys to live in. This I say because that the Europeans fight for a rock in the sea against one another, or for a sterill land and horrid country, that the people sent heere or there by the changement of the aire ingenders sicknesse and dies thereof. Contrarywise those kingdoms are so delicious & under so temperat a climat, plentifull of all things, the earth bringing foorth its fruit twice a yeare, the people live long & lusty & wise in their way. What conquest would that bee att litle or no cost; what laborinth of pleasure should millions of people have, instead that millions complaine of misery & poverty! What should not men reape out of the love of God in converting the souls heere, is more to be gained to heaven then what is by differences of nothing there, should not be so many dangers committed under the pretence of religion! Why so many thoesoever are hid from us by our owne faults, by our negligence, covetousnesse, & unbeliefe. It's true, I confesse, that the accesse is difficult, but must say that we are like the Cockscombs of Paris, when first they begin to have wings, imagining that the larks will fall in their mouths roasted; but we ought [to remember] that vertue is not acquired without labour & taking great paines.

We meet with severall nations, all sedentary, amazed to see us, & weare very civil. The further we sejourned the delightfuller the land was to us. I can say that [in] my lifetime I never saw a more incomparable country, for all I have ben in Italy; yett Italy comes short of it, as I think, when it was inhabited, & now forsaken of the wildmen. Being about the great sea, we conversed with people that dwelleth about the salt water, [Footnote: "That dwelleth about the salt water;" namely, Hudson's Bay.] who tould us that they saw some great white thing sometimes uppon the water, & came towards the shore, & men in the top of it, and made a noise like a company of swans; which made me believe that they weare mistaken, for I could not imagine what it could be, except the Spaniard; & the reason is that we found a barill broken as they use in Spaine. Those people have their haires long. They reape twice a yeare; they are called Tatarga, that is to say, buff. They warre against Nadoneceronons, and warre also against the Christinos. These 2 doe no great harme to one another, because the lake is betweene both. They are generally stout men, that they are able to defend themselves. They come but once a year to fight. If the season of the yeare had permitted us to stay, for we intended to goe backe the yeare following, we had indeavoured to make peace betweene them. We had not as yett seene the nation Nadoneceronons. We had hurrons with us. Wee persuaded them to come along to see their owne nation that fled there, but they would not by any means. We thought to gett some castors there to bring downe to the ffrench, seeing [it] att last impossible to us to make such a circuit in a twelve month's time. We weare every where much made of; neither wanted victualls, for all the different nations that we mett conducted us & furnished us with all necessaries. Tending to those people, went towards the South & came back by the north.

The Summer passed away with admiration by the diversity of the nations that we saw, as for the beauty of the shore of that sweet sea. Heere we saw fishes of divers, some like the sturgeons & have a kind of slice att the end of their nose some 3 fingers broad in the end and 2 onely neere the nose, and some 8 thumbs long, all marbled of a blakish collor. There are birds whose bills are two and 20 thumbs long. That bird swallows a whole salmon, keeps it a long time in his bill. We saw alsoe shee-goats very bigg. There is an animal somewhat lesse then a cow whose meat is exceeding good. There is no want of Staggs nor Buffes. There are so many Tourkeys that the boys throws stoanes att them for their recreation. We found no sea-serpents as we in other laks have seene, especially in that of d'Ontario and that of the stairing haires. There are some in that of the hurrons, but scarce, for the great cold in winter. They come not neere the upper lake. In that of the stairing haires I saw yong boy [who] was bitten. He tooke immediately his stony knife & with a pointed stick & cutts off the whole wound, being no other remedy for it. They are great sorcerors & turns the wheele. I shall speake of this at large in my last voyage. Most of the shores of the lake is nothing but sand. There are mountains to be seene farre in the land. There comes not so many rivers from that lake as from others; these that flow from it are deeper and broader, the trees are very bigg, but not so thick. There is a great distance from one another, & a quantitie of all sorts of fruits, but small. The vines grows all by the river side; the lemons are not so bigg as ours, and sowrer. The grape is very bigg, greene, is seene there att all times. It never snows nor freezes there, but mighty hot; yett for all that the country is not so unwholsom, ffor we seldome have seene infirmed people. I will speake of their manners in my last voyage, which I made in October.

We came to the strait of the 2 lakes of the stinkings and the upper lake, where there are litle isles towards Norwest, ffew towards the Southest, very small. The lake towards the North att the side of it is full of rocks & sand, yett great shipps can ride on it without danger. We being of 3 nations arrived there with booty, disputed awhile, ffor some would returne to their country. That was the nation of the fire, & would have us backe to their dwelling. We by all means would know the Christinos. To goe backe was out of our way. We contented the hurrons to our advantage with promises & others with hope, and persuaded the Octonack to keepe his resolution, because we weare but 5 small fine dayes from those of late that lived in the sault of the coming in of the said upper lake, from whence that name of salt, which is panoestigonce in the wild language, which heerafter we will call the nation of the salt.

Not many years since that they had a cruell warre against the Nadoneseronons. Although much inferiour in numbers, neverthelesse that small number of the salt was a terror unto them, since they had trade with the ffrench. They never have seene such instruments as the ffrench furnished them withall. It is a proude nation, therfore would not submitt, although they had to doe with a bigger nation 30 times then they weare, because that they weare called ennemy by all those that have the accent of the Algonquin language, that the wild men call Nadone, which is the beginning of their name. The Iroquoits have the title of bad ennemy, Maesocchy Nadone. Now seeing that the Christinos had hattchetts & knives, for that they resolved to make peace with those of the sault, that durst not have gon hundred of leagues uppon that upper lake with assurance. They would not hearken to anything because their general resolved to make peace with those of the Christinos & an other nation that gott gunns, the noise of which had frighted them more then the bulletts that weare in them. The time approached, there came about 100 of the nation of the Sault to those that lived towards the north. The christinos gott a bigger company & fought a batail. Some weare slaine of both sids. The Captayne of these of the Sault lost his eye by an arrow. The batail being over he made a speech, & said that he lost his fight of one side, & of the other he foresee what he would doe; his courage being abject by that losse, that he himselfe should be ambassador & conclud the peace.

He seeing that the Iroquoits came too often, a visit I must confesse very displeasing, being that some [of] ours looses their lives or liberty, so that we retired ourselves to the higher lake neerer the nation of the Nadoneceronons, where we weare well receaved, but weare mistrusted when many weare seene together. We arrived then where the nation of the Sault was, where we found some french men that came up with us, who thanked us kindly for to come & visit them. The wild Octanaks that came with us found some of their nations slaves, who weare also glad to see them. For all they weare slaves they had meat enough, which they have not in their owne country so plentifull, being no huntsmen, but altogether ffishers. As for those towards the north, they are most expert in hunting, & live uppon nothing else the most part of the yeare. We weare long there before we gott acquaintance with those that we desired so much, and they in lik maner had a fervent desire to know us, as we them. Heer comes a company of Christinos from the bay of the North sea, to live more at ease in the midle of woods & forests, by reason they might trade with those of the Sault & have the Conveniency to kill more beasts.

There we passed the winter & learned the particularitie that since wee saw by Experience. Heere I will not make a long discours during that time, onely made good cheere & killed staggs, Buffes, Elends, and Castors. The Christinos had skill in that game above the rest. The snow proved favourable that yeare, which caused much plenty of every thing. Most of the woods & forests are very thick, so that it was in some places as darke as in a cellar, by reason of the boughs of trees. The snow that falls, being very light, hath not the strenght to stopp the eland, [Footnote: Elend, plainly the Moose. "They appear to derive their Dutch appellation (eelanden) from elende, misery, they die of the smallest wound." Documentary History of New York, by O'Callaghan, Vol. IV. p. 77.] which is a mighty strong beast, much like a mule, having a tayle cutt off 2 or 3 or 4 thumbes long, the foot cloven like a stagge. He has a muzzle mighty bigge. I have seene some that have the nostrills so bigg that I putt into it my 2 fists att once with ease. Those that uses to be where the buffes be are not so bigg, but about the bignesse of a coach horse. The wildmen call them the litle sort. As for the Buff, it is a furious animal. One must have a care of him, for every yeare he kills some Nadoneseronons. He comes for the most part in the plaines & meddows; he feeds like an ox, and the Oriniack so but seldom he galopps. I have seene of their hornes that a man could not lift them from of the ground. They are branchy & flatt in the midle, of which the wildman makes dishes that can well hold 3 quarts. These hornes fall off every yeare, & it's a thing impossible that they will grow againe. The horns of Buffs are as those of an ox, but not so long, but bigger, & of a blackish collour; he hath a very long hairy taile; he is reddish, his haire frized & very fine. All the parts of his body much [like] unto an ox. The biggest are bigger then any ox whatsoever. Those are to be found about the lake of the Stinkings & towards the North of the same. They come not to the upper lake but by chance. It's a pleasur to find the place of their abode, for they tourne round about compassing 2 or 3 acres of land, beating the snow with their feete, & coming to the center they lye downe & rise againe to eate the bows of trees that they can reach. They go not out of their circle that they have made untill hunger compells them.

We did what we could to have correspondence with that warlick nation & reconcile them with the Christinos. We went not there that winter. Many weare slained of both sides the summer last. The wound was yett fresh, wherfore it was hard to conclude peace between them. We could doe nothing, ffor we intended to turne back to the ffrench the summer following. Two years weare expired. We hoped to be att the 2 years end with those that gave us over for dead, having before to come back at a year's end. As we are once in those remote countreys we cannot doe as we would. Att last we declared our mind first to those of the Sault, encouraging those of the North that we are their brethren, & that we would come back & force their enemy to peace or that we would help against them. We made guifts one to another, and thwarted a land of allmost 50 leagues before the snow was melted. In the morning it was a pleasur to walke, for we could goe without racketts. The snow was hard enough, because it freezed every night. When the sun began to shine we payed for the time past. The snow sticks so to our racketts that I believe our shoes weighed 30 pounds, which was a paine, having a burden uppon our backs besides.

We arrived, some 150 of us, men & women, to a river side, where we stayed 3 weeks making boats. Here we wanted not fish. During that time we made feasts att a high rate. So we refreshed ourselves from our labours. In that time we tooke notice that the budds of trees began to spring, which made us to make more hast & be gone. We went up that river 8 dayes till we came to a nation called Pontonatenick & Matonenock; that is, the scrattchers. There we gott some Indian meale & corne from those 2 nations, which lasted us till we came to the first landing Isle. There we weare well received againe. We made guifts to the Elders to encourage the yong people to bring us downe to the ffrench. But mightily mistaken; ffor they would reply, "Should you bring us to be killed? The Iroquoits are every where about the river & undoubtedly will destroy us if we goe downe, & afterwards our wives & those that stayed behinde. Be wise, brethren, & offer not to goe downe this yeare to the ffrench. Lett us keepe our lives." We made many private suits, but all in vaine. That vexed us most that we had given away most of our merchandises & swapped a great deale for Castors. Moreover they made no great harvest, being but newly there. Beside, they weare no great huntsmen. Our journey was broaken till the next yeare, & must per force.

That summer I went a hunting, & my brother stayed where he was welcome & putt up a great deale of Indian corne that was given him. He intended to furnish the wildmen that weare to goe downe to the ffrench if they had not enough. The wild men did not perceive this; ffor if they wanted any, we could hardly kept it for our use. The winter passes away in good correspondence one with another, & sent ambassadors to the nations that uses to goe downe to the french, which rejoyced them the more & made us passe that yeare with a greater pleasur, saving that my brother sell into the falling sicknesse, & many weare sorry for it. That proceeded onely of a long stay in a new discovered country, & the idlenesse contributs much to it. There is nothing comparable to exercise. It is the onely remedy of such diseases. After he languished awhile God gave him his health againe.

The desire that every one had to goe downe to the ffrench made them earnestly looke out for castors. They have not so many there as in the north part, so in the beginning of spring many came to our Isle. There weare no lesse, I believe, then 500 men that weare willing to venter themselves. The corne that my brother kept did us a world of service. The wildmen brought a quantity of flesh salted in a vesell. When we weare ready to depart, heere comes strang news of the defeat of the hurrons, which news, I thought, would putt off the voyage. There was a councell held, & most of them weare against the goeing downe to the ffrench, saying that the Iroquoits weare to barre this yeare, & the best way was to stay till the following yeare. And now the ennemy, seeing himselfe frustrated of his expectation, would not stay longer, thinking thereby that we weare resolved never more to go downe, and that next yeare there should be a bigger company, & better able to oppose an ennemy. My brother & I, feeing ourselves all out of hopes of our voyage, without our corne, which was allready bestowed, & without any merchandise, or scarce having one knife betwixt us both, so we weare in a great apprehension least that the hurrons should, as they have done often, when the ffathers weare in their country, kill a frenchman.

Seeing the equipage ready & many more that thought long to depart thence for marchandise, we uppon this resolved to call a publique councell in the place; which the Elders hearing, came and advised us not to undertake it, giving many faire words, saying, "Brethren, why are you such ennemys to yourselves to putt yourselves in the hands of those that wait for you? They will destroy you and carry you away captives. Will you have your brethren destroyed that loves you, being slained? Who then will come up and baptize our children? Stay till the next yeare, & then you are like to have the number of 600 men in company with you. Then you may freely goe without intermission. Yee shall take the church along with you, & the ffathers & mothers will send their children to be taught in the way of truth of the Lord." Our answer was that we would speake in publique, which granted, the day appointed is come. There gathered above 800 men to see who should have the glorie in a round. They satt downe on the ground. We desired silence. The elders being in the midle & we in their midle, my brother began to Speake. "Who am I? am I a foe or a friend? If I am a foe, why did you suffer me to live so long among you? If I am friend, & if you take so to be, hearken to what I shall say. You know, my uncles & brethren, that I hazarded my life goeing up with you; if I have no courage, why did you not tell me att my first coming here? & if you have more witt then we, why did not you use it by preserving your knives, your hattchetts, & your gunns, that you had from the ffrench? You will see if the ennemy will sett upon you that you will be attraped like castors in a trape; how will you defend yourselves like men that is not courageous to lett yourselves be catched like beasts? How will you defend villages? with castors' skins? how will you defend your wives & children from the ennemy's hands?"

Then my brother made me stand up, saying, "Shew them the way to make warrs if they are able to uphold it." I tooke a gowne of castors' skins that one of them had uppon his shoulder & did beat him with it. I asked the others if I was a souldier. "Those are the armes that kill, & not your robes. What will your ennemy say when you perish without defending yourselves? Doe not you know the ffrench way? We are used to fight with armes & not with robes. You say that the Iroquoits waits for you because some of your men weare killed. It is onely to make you stay untill you are quite out of stocke, that they dispatch you with ease. Doe you think that the ffrench will come up here when the greatest part of you is slained by your owne fault? You know that they cannot come up without you. Shall they come to baptize your dead? Shall your children learne to be slaves among the Iroquoits for their ffathers' cowardnesse? You call me Iroquoit. Have not you seene me disposing my life with you? Who has given you your life if not the ffrench? Now you will not venter because many of your confederates are come to visit you & venter their lives with you. If you will deceave them you must not think that they will come an other time for shy words nor desire. You have spoaken of it first, doe what you will. For myne owne part, I will venter choosing to die like a man then live like a beggar. Having not wherewithal to defend myselfe, farewell; I have my sack of corne ready. Take all my castors. I shall live without you." & then departed that company.

They weare amazed of our proceeding; they stayed long before they spoake one to another. Att last sent us some considerable persons who bid us cheare up. "We see that you are in the right; the voyage is not broaken. The yong people tooke very ill that you have beaten them with the skin. All avowed to die like men & undertake the journey. You shall heare what the councell will ordaine the morrow. They are to meet privatly & you shall be called to it. Cheare up & speake as you have done; that is my councell to you. For this you will remember me when you will see me in your country; ffor I will venter meselfe with you." Now we are more satisfied then the day before. We weare to use all rhetorique to persuade them to goe downe, ffor we saw the country languish very much, ffor they could not subsist, & moreover they weare afraid of us. The councell is called, but we had no need to make a speech, finding them disposed to make the voyage & to submitt. "Yee women gett your husbands' bundles ready. They goe to gett wherwithall to defend themselves & you alive."

Our equipage was ready in 6 dayes. We embarked ourselves. We weare in number about 500, all stout men. We had with us a great store of castors' skins. We came to the South. We now goe back to the north, because to overtake a band of men that went before to give notice to others. We passed the lake without dangers. We wanted nothing, having good store of corne & netts to catch fish, which is plentyfull in the rivers. We came to a place where 8 Iroquoits wintered. That was the company that made a slaughter before our departure from home. Our men repented now they did not goe sooner, ffor it might be they should have surprised them.

Att last we are out of those lakes. One hides a caske of meale, the other his campiron, & all that could be cumbersome. After many paines & labours wee arrived to the Sault of Columest, so called because of the Stones that are there very convenient to make tobacco pipes. We are now within 100 leagues of the french habitation, & hitherto no bad encounter. We still found tracks of men which made us still to have the more care and guard of ourselves. Some 30 leagues from this place we killed wild cowes & then gott ourselves into cottages, where we heard some guns goe off, which made us putt out our fires & imbark ourselves with all speed. We navigated all that night. About the breake of day we made a stay, that not to goe through the violent streames for feare the Ennemy should be there to dispute the passage. We landed & instantly sent 2 men to know whether the passage was free. They weare not halfe a mile off when we see a boat of the ennemy thwarting the river, which they had not done without discovering our boats, having nothing to cover our boats nor hide them. Our lightest boats shewed themselves by pursueing the ennemy. They did shoot, but to no effect, which made our two men come back in all hast. We seeing ourselves but merchandmen, so we would not long follow a man of warre, because he runned swifter then ours.

We proceeded in our way with great diligence till we came to the carriage place, where the one halfe of our men weare in readinesse, whilst the other halfe carried the baggage & the boats. We had a great alarum, but no hurt done. We saw but one boat, but have seene foure more going up the river. Methinks they thought themselves some what weake for us, which persuaded us [of] 2 things: 1st, that they weare afraid; andly, that they went to warne their company, which thing warned us the more to make hast.

The 2nd day att evening after we landed & boyled an horiniack which we killed. We then see 16 boats of our ennemy coming. They no sooner perceived us but they went on the other side of the river. It was a good looke for us to have seene them. Our wildmen did not say what they thought, ffor they esteemed themselves already lost. We encouraged them & desired them to have courage & not [be] afraid, & so farr as I think we weare strong enough for them, that we must stoutly goe & meet them, and they should stand still. We should be alltogether, & put our castors' skins upon pearches, which could keepe us from the shott, which we did. We had foure & 20 gunns ready, and gave them to the hurrons, who knewed how to handle them better then the others. The Iroquoits seeing us come, & that we weare 5 to 1, could not imagine what to doe. Neverthelesse they would shew their courage; being that they must passe, they putt themselves in array to fight. If we had not ben with some hurrons that knewed the Iroquoits' tricks, I believe that our wild men had runned away, leaving their fusiques behind. We being neere one another, we commanded that they should row with all their strength towards them. We kept close one to another to persecut what was our intent. We begin to make outcryes & sing. The hurrons in one side, the Algonquins att the other side, the Ottanak, the panoestigons, the Amickkoick, the Nadonicenago, the ticacon, and we both encouraged them all, crying out with a loud noise. The Iroquoits begin to shoot, but we made ours to goe one forwards without any shooting, and that it was the onely way of fighting. They indeed turned their backs & we followed them awhile. Then was it that we weare called devils, with great thanks & incouragements that they gave us, attributing to us the masters of warre and the only Captaynes. We desired them to keepe good watch and sentry, and if we weare not surprized we should come safe and sound without hurt to the ffrench. The Iroquoite seeing us goe on our way, made as if they would leave us.

We made 3 carriages that day, where the ennemy could doe us mischief if they had ben there. The cunning knaves followed us neverthelesse pritty close. We left 5 boats behind that weare not loaden. We did so to see what invention our enemy could invent, knowing very well that his mind was to surprize us. It is enough that we are warned that they follow us. Att last we perceived that he was before us, which putt us in some feare; but seeing us resolut, did what he could to augment his number. But we weare mighty vigilent & sent some to make a discovery att every carriage through the woods. We weare told that they weare in an ambush, & there builded a fort below the long Sault, where we weare to passe. Our wildmen said doubtlesse they have gott an other company of their nation, so that some minded to throw their castors away & returne home. We told them that we weare almost att the gates of the ffrench habitation, & bid [them] therefore have courage, & that our lives weare in as great danger as theirs, & if we weare taken we should never escape because they knewed us, & I because I runned away from their country having slained some of their brethren, & my brother that long since was the man that furnished their enemy with arms.

They att last weare persuaded, & landed within a mile of the landing place, & sent 300 men before armed. We made them great bucklers that the shot could not pearce in some places. They weare to be carryed if there had ben occasion for it. Being come neere the torrent, we finding the Iroquoits lying in ambush, who began to shoot. The rest of our company went about cutting of trees & making a fort, whilst some brought the boats; which being come, we left as few means possible might bee. The rest helped to carry wood. We had about 200 men that weare gallant souldiers. The most weare hurrons, Pasnoestigons, & Amickkoick frequented the ffrench for a time. The rest weare skillfull in their bows & arrows. The Iroquoits perceiving our device, resolved to fight by forceing them to lett us passe with our arms. They did not know best what to doe, being not so munished nor so many men above a hundred and fifty. They forsooke the place & retired into the fort, which was underneath the rapide. We in the meane while have slained 5 of theirs, & not one of ours hurted, which encouraged our wildmen. We bid them still to have good courage, that we should have the victory. Wee went & made another fort neere theirs, where 2 of our men weare wounded but lightly.

It is a horrid thing to heare [of] the enormity of outcryes of those different nations. The Iroquoits sung like devils, & often made salleys to make us decline. They gott nothing by that but some arrows that did incommodat them to some purpose. We foresee that such a batail could not hold out long for want of powder, of shott & arrows; so by the consent of my brother & the rest, made a speech in the Iroquoit language, inducing meselfe with armours that I might not be wounded with every bullett or arrow that the ennemy sent perpetually. Then I spoake. "Brethren, we came from your country & bring you to ours, not to see you perish unlesse we perish with you. You know that the ffrench are men, & maks forts that cannot be taken so soone therefore cheare upp, ffor we love you & will die with you." This being ended, nothing but howling & crying. We brought our castors & tyed them 8 by 8, and rowled them before us. The Iroquoits finding that they must come out of their fort to the watterside, where they left their boats, to make use of them in case of neede, where indeed made an escape, leaving all their baggage behind, which was not much, neither had we enough to fill our bellyes with the meat that was left; there weare kettles, broaken gunns, & rusty hattchetts.

They being gone, our passage was free, so we made hast & endeavoured to come to our journey's end; and to make the more hast, some boats went downe that swift streame without making any carriage, hopeing to follow the ennemy; but the bad lacke was that where my brother was the boat turned in the torrent, being seaven of them together, weare in great danger, ffor God was mercifull to give them strength to save themselves, to the great admiration, for few can speed so well in such precipices. When they came to lande they cutt rocks. My brother lost his booke of annotations of the last yeare of our being in these foraigne nations. We lost never a castor, but may be some better thing. It's better [that one] loose all then lose his life.

We weare 4 moneths in our voyage without doeing any thing but goe from river to river. We mett severall sorts of people. We conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. By the persuasion of som of them we went into the great river that divides itselfe in 2, where the hurrons with some Ottanake & the wild men that had warrs with them had retired. There is not great difference in their language, as we weare told. This nation have warrs against those of [the] forked river. It is so called because it has 2 branches, the one towards the west, the other towards the South, which we believe runns towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave us. Being among these people, they told us the prisoners they take tells them that they have warrs against a nation, against men that build great cabbans & have great beards & had such knives as we have had. Moreover they shewed a Decad of beads & guilded pearls that they have had from that people, which made us believe they weare Europeans. They shewed one of that nation that was taken the yeare before. We understood him not; he was much more tawny then they with whome we weare. His armes & leggs weare turned outside; that was the punishment inflicted uppon him. So they doe with them that they take, & kill them with clubbs & doe often eat them. They doe not burne their prisoners as those of the northern parts.

We weare informed of that nation that live in the other river. These weare men of extraordinary height & biggnesse, that made us believe they had no communication with them. They live onely uppon Corne & Citrulles, [Footnote: Citrulles, pumpkins.] which are mighty bigg. They have fish in plenty throughout the yeare. They have fruit as big as the heart of an Oriniak, which grows on vast trees which in compasse are three armefull in compasse. When they see litle men they are affraid & cry out, which makes many come help them. Their arrows are not of stones as ours are, but of fish boans & other boans that they worke greatly, as all other things. Their dishes are made of wood. I having seene them, could not but admire the curiosity of their worke. They have great calumetts of great stones, red & greene. They make a store of tobacco. They have a kind of drink that makes them mad for a whole day. This I have not seene, therefore you may believe as you please.

When I came backe I found my brother sick, as I said before. God gave him his health, more by his courage then by any good medicine, ffor our bodyes are not like those of the wildmen. To our purpose; we came backe to our carriage, whilst wee endeavoured to ayde our compagnions in their extremity. The Iroquoits gott a great way before, not well satisfied to have stayed for us, having lost 7 of their men; 2 of them weare not nimble enough, ffor our bulletts & arrows made them stay for good & all. Seaven of our men weare sick, they have ben like to be drowned, & the other two weare wounded by the Iroquoits.

The next day we went on without any delay or encounter. I give you leave if those of mont Royall weare not overjoyed to see us arrived where they affirme us the pitifull conditions that the country was by the cruelty of these cruell barbars, that perpetually killed & slaughtered to the very gate of the ffrench fort. All this hindered not our goeing to the ffrench att the 3 rivers after we refreshed ourselves 3 dayes, but like to pay dearly for our bold attempt. 20 inhabitants came downe with us in a shawlopp. As we doubled the point of the river of the meddows we weare sett uppon by severall of the Iroquoits, but durst not come neare us, because of two small brasse pieces that the shalop carryed. We tyed our boats together & made a fort about us of castors' skins, which kept us from all danger. We went downe the streame in that posture. The ennemy left us, & did well; for our wildmen weare disposed to fight, & our shaloupp could not come neare them because for want of watter. We came to Quebecq, where we are saluted with the thundring of the guns & batteryes of the fort, and of the 3 shipps that weare then att anchor, which had gon back to france without castors if we had not come. We weare well traited for 5 dayes. The Governor made guifts & sent 2 Brigantins to bring us to the 3 rivers, where we arrived the 2nd day of, & the 4th day they went away.

That is the end of our 3 years' voyage & few months. After so much paine & danger God was so mercifull [as] to bring us back saf to our dwelling, where the one was made much off by his wife, the other by his friends & kindred. The ennemy that had discovered us in our goeing downe gott more company, with as many as they could to come to the passages, & there to waite for the retourne of those people, knowinge well that they could not stay there long because the season of the yeare was almost spent; but we made them by our persuasions goe downe to Quebecq, which proved well, ffor the Iroquoits thought they weare gone another way. So came the next day after our arrivall to make a discovery to the 3 rivers, where being perceived, there is care taken to receive them.

The ffrench cannot goe as the wildmen through the woods, but imbarks themselves in small boats & went along the river side, knowing that if the ennemy was repulsed, he would make his retreat to the river side. Some Algonquins weare then att the habitation, who for to shew their vallour disposed themselves to be the first in the poursuit of the enemy. Some of the strongest and nimblest ffrench kept them company, with an other great number of men called Ottanacks, so that we weare soone together by the ears. There weare some 300 men of the enemy that came in the space of a fourteen night together; but when they saw us they made use of their heels. We weare about 500; but the better to play their game, after they runned half a mile in the wood they turned againe, where then the batail began most furiously by shooting att one another.

That uppermost nation, being not used to shooting nor heare such noise, began to shake off their armours, and tooke their bows and arrows, which indeed made [more] execution then all the guns that they had brought. So seeing 50 Algonquins & 15 ffrench keep to it, they resolved to stick to it also, which had not long lasted; ffor seeing that their arrows weare almost spent & they must close together, and that the enemy had an advantage by keeping themselves behind the trees, and we to fall uppon we must be without bucklers, which diminished much our company that was foremost, we gave them in spight us place to retire themselves, which they did with all speed. Having come to the watter side, where their boats weare, saw the ffrench all in a row, who layd in an ambush to receive them, which they had done if God had not ben for us; ffor they, thinking that the enemy was att hand, mistrusted nothing to the contrary. The ffrench that weare in the wood, seeing the evident danger where their countrymen layd, encouraged the Ottanaks, who tooke their armes againe and followed the enemy, who not feared that way arrived before the ffrench weare apprehended, by good looke.

One of the Iroquoits, thinking his boat would be seene, goes quickly and putts it out of sight, & discovers himselfe, which warned the ffrench to hinder them to goe further uppon that score. Our wildmen made a stand and fell uppon them stoutly. The combat begins a new; they see the ffrench that weare uppon the watter come neere, which renforced them to take their boats with all hast, and leave their booty behind. The few boats that the french had brought made that could enter but the 60 ffrench, who weare enough. The wildmen neverthelesse did not goe without their prey, which was of three men's heads that they killed att the first fight; but they left Eleven of theirs in the place, besides many more that weare wounded. They went straight to their countrey, which did a great service to the retourne of our wildmen, and mett with non all their journey, as we heard afterwards.

They went away the next day, and we stayed att home att rest that yeare. My brother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seene or no; and because we had not a full and whole discovery, which was that we have not ben in the bay of the north, not knowing anything but by report of the wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made a discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover anything of it.

The ende of the Auxotacicac voyage, which is the third voyage.

[Fourth Voyage of Peter Esprit Radisson]

The spring following we weare in hopes to meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. Now during the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne; so much that the ffather Jesuits weare desirous to find out a way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the north by the Sacgnes, and so make themselves masters of that trade. They resolved to make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. So to discover our intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which I uterly denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about, because I heard the wild men say that although the way be easy, the wildmen that are feed att their doors would have hindred them, because they make a livelyhood of that trade.

In my last voyage I tooke notice of that that goes to three lands, which is first from the people of the north to another nation, that the ffrench call Squerells, and another nation that they call porquepicque, and from them to the Montignes & Algonquins that live in or about Quebucque; but the greatest hinderance is the scant of watter and the horrid torrents and want of victuals, being no way to carry more then can serve 14 dayes' or 3 weeks' navigation on that river. Neverthelesse the ffathers are gone with the Governor's son of the three rivers and 6 other ffrench and 12 wildmen.

During that time we made our proposition to the governor of Quebuc that we weare willing to venture our lives for the good of the countrey, and goe to travell to the remotest countreys with 2 hurrons that made their escape from the Iroquoits. They wished nothing more then to bee in those parts where their wives and families weare, about the Lake of the stairing haire; to that intent would stay untill august to see if any body would come from thence. My brother and I weare of one minde; and for more assurance my brother went to Mont royall to bring those two men along. He came backe, being in danger. The Governor gives him leave, conditionaly that he must carry two of his servants along with him and give them the moitie of the profit. My brother was vexed att such an unreasonable a demand, to take inexperted men to their ruine. All our knowledge and desir depended onely of this last voyage, besides that the governor should compare 2 of his servants to us, that have ventured our lives so many years and maintained the countrey with our generosity in the presence of all; neither was there one that had the courage to undertake what wee have done. We made the governor a slight answer, and tould him for our part we knewed what we weare, Discoverers before governors. If the wild men came downe, the way for them as for us, and that we should be glad to have the honnour of his company, but not of that of his servants, and that we weare both masters and servants. The Governor was much displeased att this, & commanded us not to go without his leave. We desired the ffathers to Speake to him about it. Our addresses were slight because of the shame was putt uppon them the yeare before of their retourne, besids, they stayed for an opportunity to goe there themselves; ffor their designe is to further the Christian faith to the greatest glory of God, and indeed are charitable to all those that are in distresse and needy, especially to those that are worthy or industrious in their way of honesty. This is the truth, lett who he will speak otherwise, ffor this realy I know meselfe by experience. I hope I offend non to tell the truth. We are forced to goe back without doeing any thing.

The month of August that brings a company of the Sault, who weare come by the river of the three rivers with incredible paines, as they said. It was a company of seaven boats. We wrote the news of their arrivement to Quebuc. They send us word that they will stay untill the 2 fathers be turned from Sacquenes, that we should goe with them. An answer without reason. Necessity obliged us to goe. Those people are not to be inticed, ffor as soone as they have done their affaire they goe. The governor of that place defends us to goe. We tould him that the offense was pardonable because it was every one's interest; neverthelesse we knewed what we weare to doe, and that he should not be blamed for us. We made guifts to the wildmen, that wished with all their hearts that we might goe along with them. We told them that the governor minded to send servants with them, and forbids us to goe along with them. The wild men would not accept of their company, but tould us that they would stay for us two dayes in the Lake of St Peter in the grasse some 6 leagues from the 3 rivers; but we did not lett them stay so long, for that very night, my brother having the keys of the Brough as being Captayne of the place, we embarqued ourselves.