A NARRATIVE OF ITALIAN TRAVELS IN PERSIA. (continued 2)

This Giacuppo, who had slain his elder brother, reigned a long time, and at last, as they say, was killed by an intrigue of his wife, who was not a very virtuous woman. After him Allamur,[274] his son, reigned, who, besides Persia, possessed Diarbec, and part of Greater Armenia, near the Euphrates; in his time the faction of the Black Cacari[275] was held in such credit, through Secheaidare, that the other of the White Cacari declined altogether. Secheaidare was a Saint or Master or Prophet,[276] as we should call him, who, by preaching a new Dogma in the Mahometan creed, that Ali was superior to Omar, obtained many disciples and people who favoured his doctrine. So great was his success, that at this time he was considered by all a Saint, and a man almost divine. He had by Marta, the daughter of Despina, and of Ussun Cassano, six children: three sons and three daughters; and, although his wife was the daughter of a Christian lady, he nevertheless remained an enemy to our faith; as, having made himself captain[277] of a foraging party, he made frequent hostile inroads as far as Circassia, plundering everywhere and bringing back an immense number of slaves into Persia to Arduil,[278] his city. These incursions, in addition to the advantages he reaped from his booty, raised his reputation so high, that he soon had the support of all the chiefs of his faction, and having raised a large army marched on another similar invasion of Circassia, and passing Sumachi[279] in eight days’ journey from Arduil, arrived at Berbento,[280] which is five days distant from Sumachi, having with him a force of between five and six thousand men, all warriors and brave, well-trained soldiers. Berbento is a city which was built in the passes of the Caspian Mountains by Alexander, to resist the incursions of the Scythians, where the pass is so narrow that one hundred resolute soldiers could bar with their pikes the passage of a million of men. Its site is considered the strongest of all the cities of the East, as it is situated on the summit of some mountains and has two walls[281] as far as the sea enclosing the town and the port, where the vessels lie, in a space not exceeding three hundred paces in extent; and this space is so strong and well fortified that, by keeping guard, no one can enter. It is the only pass by which one can enter Circassia, and the people of the country call it Amircarpi,[282] which signifies gates of iron, not because there are any, but because the place is so strong and secure against attack. For this reason, being safe themselves, the inhabitants would neither give free passage to Secheaidare,[283] nor let anyone enter, from fear of the men he had with him; then, immediately despatching letters and messages to the King Alamur to inform him of these things, they prepared to defend themselves, if Secheaidare tried to force a passage.

The king, greatly disturbed by these designs of Secheaidare, entertained no slight suspicion of him, as it seemed to him that he, by the esteem in which he was held, and his numerous followers whom he enriched from the great booty he made, might make himself so great in time as to be able to overthrow the kingdom, and establish a dynasty of his own firm and safe against any attack.

Secheaidare, seeing the passage barred to him, being greatly enraged against the people of Berbento, commenced attacking the country, and used all his power to get them into his hands. Alamur hearing this, did not think fit to hold back any longer, as too much procrastination might be productive of some misfortune. Therefore, having hastily collected an army, he advanced towards Berbento, and by marching quickly arrived in time for the support of his people. Secheaidare, when he heard of the approach of the army of Alamur, left off attacking the place, and set himself in array against him; and, the fray beginning fiercely on both sides, a stubborn fight was kept up for several hours before either side appeared to be getting the best of it. At length Secheaidare, overcome by the number of his enemies, was cut to pieces, and his men, although but few, performed prodigies of valour, and there was not one who was not dead or mortally wounded. The head of Secheaidare, fixed on the point of a lance, was sent to Tauris and kept in a public place that it might be seen by everyone; and after rejoicing and celebrating the victory obtained over him, they threw him to the dogs. And this news being brought to Arduil, where the wife of Secheaidare and his children were, all those of the Sufi faction lamented greatly; nevertheless, they kept silence and dissimulated in order not to give the king cause for anger against them. But his sons, seized with fear for themselves and their lives, as in sudden emergencies one is afraid of everything, fled, one to Natolia, another to Aleppo, and the third to an island in the lake Attamar,[284] inhabited by Armenian Christians and called by the name of the Holy Mother of God, where he remained four years concealed in the house of a priest, without anything being known of it in Persia.[285]

This youth, who was called Ismail, was thirteen years old,[286] of noble presence and a truly royal bearing, as in his eyes and brow there was something, I know not what, so great and commanding, which plainly showed that he would yet some day become a great ruler. Nor did the virtues of his mind disaccord with the beauty of his person, as he had an elevated genius, and such a lofty idea of things as seemed incredible at such a tender age. Therefore the good priest, who professed to be an astrologer and to know the course of events from the aspect of the heavens, cast his horoscope, and foresaw that he would yet become lord of all Asia. On this account he set himself with greater solicitude to serve him, and treated him to the extent of his power with every sort of indulgence and courtesy, thus laying up a debt of the greatest gratitude from him.

Ismail, longing to recover his paternal possessions, left this place before he had reached the age of eighteen years, and went to Carabac,[287] and then to Gillon,[288] finding out the house of a very old friend of his father’s, named Pircale. He, moved with compassion for the condition of Ismail, as he had once seen his father a great ruler, wrote secretly to Arduil to all those of the Suffavean faction,[289] who he knew had lost fathers, brothers, or kinsmen in the battle of Derbent against the opposing faction of the white Cacari, in order that when they were reminded of all that Secheaidare had done for them, they might assist his son Ismail, who had come to him from his place of concealment, both to gain his father’s inheritance, and to restore the party. Also that, if ever one could expect great things from a young man as handsome and nobly-born as he was, he would promise wonderful things from him, as he saw that he had vigour of mind, quickness of perception, and a personal valour which he had never yet seen equalled by any of his contemporaries.

Gained over by these letters, the people of Arduil offered for this object and for any other, which would help Ismail, all their power and influence. Therefore, he having sent secret orders as to what they would have to do, and having collected two hundred men of his faction in Gillon, and another two hundred given by the people of Arduil, with whom he was prepared to bring, by a prosperous start, his affairs to a happy termination, took up a position in a valley favourably situated for an ambush, whence at a favourable moment he hurried in the direction of the Castle Marmurlagi,[290] and having made a sudden assault cut to pieces all the garrison; then, having set it in order and left a better guard, he entered the town and gave it up to his soldiers to sack, putting all the inhabitants to the edge of the sword. This fortress was very rich from its position on a harbour of the sea of Baccu, eight days’ journey distant from Tauris, and to this harbour came ships from Namiscaderem[291] and other places, laden with merchandise for Tauris, Sumachi, and the whole of Persia.

Having captured the fortress, Ismail caused the booty to be brought into it, and distributed freely among his soldiers, not keeping anything for himself from so many precious things, as he wished by this liberality to gain over as much as possible the affections of his men; knowing that in this devotion consists the whole stability of kingdoms and empires. Thus the fame of his liberality and boldness was quickly rumoured abroad, and the memory of his father, who was considered a saintly man, came out more bright and illustrious than ever, and the Suffavean faction, which since his death had been greatly reduced, began to agitate and rise, attracting adventurers in great numbers to it. Thus he, having assembled five thousand good soldiers, began to hope that he might safely attempt greater things than he had yet done.

Then seeing how easy it would be to make himself master of the town of Sumachi, as there was no suspicion of war in the country,[292] and consequently few people in the garrison, he hurried towards it by forced marches. The King Sermendole, who ruled over it, hearing of this, and seeing that defence was hopeless against Ismail, fled to the impregnable fortress of Culifan,[293] in the same country of Sumachi. Thus Ismail found the city without defenders, took it without loss, and having cut to pieces the Sumachians all over the place, enriched himself with the immense treasure he found there; this was divided by him, and, as before, bestowed on his men, who thus became very rich.

This second enterprise, so successfully accomplished, raised him to the highest credit; so that the army being reinforced from all the neighbouring regions was greatly augmented in number.

For this reason Alamur, being more alarmed than he ever was in the time of his father, summoned all the great Persian lords to court, and, having collected fighting men, marched with his army against Ismail. The latter, finding his forces too weak to take the field, and, if an opportunity offered, to give battle to the king, sought the aid of some Georgian Christian chiefs whose land bordered on that country, whose names were Alexander Beg, Gurgurabet, and Mirabet. These, as they had an ancient enmity against Alamur, and wished to overthrow his power, availing themselves of the opportunity given by Ismail, decided to assist him against Alamur, and therefore each of them sent three thousand horse, so that they were altogether nine thousand excellent soldiers; these are the people who were anciently called Iberians, and as they then were, and still are, Christians, have continually waged war with the Turks on the frontiers of Trebizond. They were joyfully welcomed, and received many presents from Ismail, who, with these Georgian auxiliaries, found himself with an excellent army of sixteen thousand men in the field.

Thence he advanced with the intention of giving battle to Alamur, if he had an opportunity, and thus both approached each other between Tauris and Sumachi, near a great river,[294] where Alamur, who had an army of thirty thousand men, infantry and cavalry, having placed himself on his guard, occupied the only two bridges by which Ismail could cross into the territory in which he was posted. He did it with the intention that the enemy, finding the passage barred to them, might not, with the daring which they say is often favoured by fortune, stake all on one throw, and force him to fight against his will.

But Ismail, who was fearful of losing his reputation by any check or loss of time, and the more so, as he saw that Alamur, by his occupation of the bridges, was safe in his position from any attack, and looked slightingly on any skirmish, having by great good luck found a ford of the river, crossed it silently by night, and forming into a heavy column attacked the enemy and caused great slaughter. This happened, as the king’s men being half-naked, and not having time to seize their arms, were cut to pieces in immense numbers by armed and ferocious soldiers; and if here and there some bolder spirits made head, so fierce was the onset of the Suffaveans, that they were driven back in an instant by a continuous shower of blows, and forced to share the fortunes of the others. And never has a more horrible nocturnal struggle than this been recorded; because, in the greatest darkness of the night, the whole field of battle was lighted up with the flash of arms, and throughout the whole region were heard the clash and din and confusion caused by the rout and massacre of so large an army, which fled before the pursuit of the enemy. Alamur, having escaped with difficulty with a few friends, retired to Amir,[295] fortifying himself in that city.

And Ismail having, to his great reputation, put that great army to the edge of the sword, caused all the booty to be collected and divided among his men, without keeping a single thing for himself. The second day he appeared before Tauris,[296] and, meeting with no resistance, took it and gave it up to plunder, cutting to pieces those of the opposing faction; and then, in order to avenge his father on those captains and chiefs who were said to have opposed Secheaidare in the battle of Berbent, and to have had a hand in his death, he caused their bodies to be disinterred and burnt in the market-place. And, while they were carrying them there, he drew up a procession before them of two hundred harlots and four hundred thieves; and to show a greater indignity to those chiefs, he ordered the heads of the thieves and harlots to be cut off and burnt with the bodies. And, not satisfied with this, he had his stepmother brought before him, who after the death of his father had married a certain great lord, who was on the side of the king in the same action of Berbent, abused her to her face, insulted her in every possible way, and at last commanded that she should be decapitated as the vile and worthless woman she was, in revenge for the slight estimation she had held his father in.

All the people and neighbouring chieftains being terrified by the capture of Tauris and the rout of the king, sent in their allegiance to Ismail, except those of Alangiacalai, a fortress two days’ distant above Tauris towards the north, which place, with ten adjacent towns, is inhabited by Catholic Christians, who at last, having remained faithful to Alamur for five years, hearing of his death, surrendered it on conditions to Ismail with its immense treasure. When he had gained possession of this castle, Ismail caused himself to be proclaimed sovereign of Persia under the new title of Sofi.

But Moratcan,[297] son of Alamur, having assembled an army of thirty thousand men with some Turkish auxiliaries, endeavoured to recover the throne which rightly belonged to him, with the design of regaining his father’s dominions, and at the same time to avenge the defeat of his relative on the Suffavean faction. Ismail, hearing this, quickly assembled an army and advanced to meet Moratcan, when these two young princes came to blows in the plain of Tauris, and for a time both performed great feats with arms in their hands; but the Suffaveans were brave, and being veteran soldiers and accustomed to be victorious under the fortunate generalship of their commander, routed the soldiers of Moratcan with great slaughter, and this unhappy young man seeing no hope of re-establishing his affairs, fled to Diarbeca[298] with a few soldiers who escaped from the rout. These things happened in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-nine, Ismail gaining a great reputation for good fortune, but more for courage, so that from that time he began to become a terror to all the East.

The following year Ismail made an enterprise against Diarbeca, which was still in the allegiance of Moratcan, and made himself master in that region of some important places. And since Aladuli[299] had assisted Moratcan from distrust of Ismail and his greatness, he collected an army of more than sixty thousand men and marched against him, not, however, without great fear of exciting against himself the Soldan and the Turk, as the country of Aladuli was situated between these two powers. Then, taking the road of Arsenga and Seras, he arrived in Maseria, through the dominions of the Turk, paying for provisions and tolls, without molesting the inhabitants in any way, showing himself desirous of being on a good footing with the Ottoman. Thus, having arrived in Aladuli’s country, at the town of Alessat,[300] he crossed some mountains in one day, in this way reaching Amaras,[301] putting all the country to fire and sword and rapine. But Aladuli, who had escaped to the mountains of Catarac,[302] and fortified himself there, not wishing to stake all his power at once, took particular care not to give battle to Ismail. Instead, he sent out some bands of good cavalry and, by attacking the Suffaveans, sometimes by day and sometimes by night, and retiring to the mountains, kept continually harassing the hostile army, wherefore Ismail having remained from the twenty-ninth of July to the middle of November, without succeeding in his undertaking, was forced to retreat from want of supplies, the winter, and dearth, to Malatia, a city of the Soldan’s, from whence he passed on to Tauris, having lost on the road many soldiers and an almost countless number of his horses and camels, through the bitterness of the cold and the quantity of the snow.

But, not being in the least cast down by this repulse, the following year, assembling an army of forty thousand men, he attacked Casan, a town in Babylonia belonging to Moratcan, to free himself from all apprehension of his ever doing him any harm. On this account, Moratcan having collected an army of thirty-six thousand infantry and cavalry, advanced to Sevas,[303] to draw the enemy off from attacking Casan; then Ismail following him, advanced to Spaám[304] to join battle with Moratcan, staking the whole of his fortune on this battle, knowing well the valour of his men, and that already the Persians and all the others who had been under the sway of Alamur began to desire that he should rule over them. This move of Ismail’s cast such terror into the hostile army, that gradually they began to desert and to escape into the Suffavean camp; hence, Moratcan being thrown into consternation, attempted to make peace with Ismail, and sent ambassadors to announce his willing submission, if he would only leave him Bagadet;[305] but, as neither the ambassadors nor the conditions of peace were received by Ismail, who aspired to become sole master, Moratcan, despairing of his life if he fell into his hands, fled with a squadron of three thousand cavalry towards Aleppo. As he was not received here from the fear the Soldan had of irritating Ismail, he went on to Aladuli, and was most graciously received by that lord, who had formerly been his great friend and who gave him hopes of re-establishing him in his power, if an opportunity showed itself; and, in order to increase his hopes, gave him one of his daughters as his wife.

Ismail having in the manner related, defeated Moratcan, came with his whole army to Bierbeca,[306] and made himself master of Bagadet and Seras,[307] cutting to pieces many of the opposing sect in that region, and then having established laws and settled a garrison, returned to Tauris. The following year, which was 1508, after making great preparations for war, he advanced in person against the Tartar Leasilbas,[308] ruler of Samarcant, whose subjects are the Zagatai, otherwise called the Green Caftans.[309] This chief was at that time on the frontier of Persia with a victorious army, having performed many feats of arms in the vicinity, as, after seizing the country of the Saracens, he had then taken the great town of Eri[310] and Caradisca, and Cara,[311] and, last of all, Sanderem[312] and Sari,[313] two large cities situated on the Sea of Baccu,[314] and close to the dominions of Ismail; by these conquests he had thrown all the East into the greatest alarm, and particularly raised great apprehension in the Sofi, who was an enemy of those of the Green Caftans. On this account he retired to Spaàm,[315] and encamped with his whole army, but the victorious Lasilbas,[316] in order to gain a pretext for coming to blows with the Suffaveans, demanded a free passage from Ismail, in order that he might pay his vows at Mecca. This demand made Ismail still more apprehensive; therefore, having refused point blank, he strengthened all the region on the frontiers of Lasilbas with a strong force of cavalry, keeping his army the whole year, 1509, in those parts with the intention of opposing the Tartar if he attempted to force a passage. At length, by the intervention of some Tartar and Persian lords friendly to both, they concluded a peace between them.

And Ismail, who, from one war was urged on to another, in the following year went against the Ruler of Siraan,[317] who had refused the tribute which he paid every year, and having entered the plains of Carabac,[318] which are more than one thousand miles in extent, in the midst of which is the territory of Chianer,[319] whence come the Canary silks, he sent to take Sumachi, and having attacked Culofan,[320] a very strong fortress situated in the same region as Sumachi, he reduced it, together with Mamurcagi,[321] a castle of great importance in those parts, from its strength. And then, marching by the shores of the Sea of Baccù, he took many other strong castles, since the country of Servan is seven days’ journey in extent along the coast of this same sea, beginning at Mamurcagi as far as Berbento, in which tract there are three large cities and three castles. With this conquest he returned in triumph to Persia, and feasted several days in honour of the victory he had obtained, with almost all the great lords and princes of the realm.

And a short time after there broke out a fierce war with the above-mentioned Tartar Lasilbas, from a certain ambition and rivalry which existed between them; when Lasilbas came with a great army against the Suffaveans, and, joining in a fierce and sanguinary contest,[322] bore himself as a valiant man for many hours; nevertheless, the forces of the enemy prevailing, he was repulsed and routed, and saved[323] himself by flight to Samarcant.

This victory was the most illustrious that Ismail ever obtained, as he fought against enemies who were great warriors and famous in all the East. For this reason the Turk and the Soldan became greatly apprehensive of the power of Ismail, both considering, that if after all the Tartar happened to be conquered, the road would be opened for Ismail to acquire Asia and Egypt, as in all the East there were no princes more powerful than they, but the Tartar Lasilbas.

On this account Selim, the Grand Turk, having heard that Ismail was engaged with the war waged against the city of Samarcant,[324] which was the largest in the possession of the Tartar prince, brought together an immense army of Turks, and advanced in person against Persia, in the year 1514; he marched towards the river of Sivas,[325] which is six hundred miles distant from Constantinople and six hundred and forty from Tauris: so that one may say that it is about half way between the two cities, and having passed the river Lai,[326] he marched forward quickly through the country of Arsenga.[327] Ismail, who was in Tauris without his regular troops, who were engaged in besieging Samarcant, hearing of this, began to levy other forces in haste, and having collected a tolerably good army placed it under two of his most valiant captains, one named Stàcàlu Amarbei and the other Aurbec Samper, and sent them against Selim, in order, by skirmishing, to retard his advance until he had assembled sufficient men to oppose his enemy openly in the field. This army consisted of fifteen thousand horsemen, all good soldiers, and, so to speak, the flower of the Persian people, as the kings of Persia are not accustomed to give pay on the occasion of war, but to a standing force, which is called the “porta” of the king. Thus it is that the Persian gentlemen, to be well brought up, pay great attention to horsemanship, and when necessity calls, go willingly to war, and bring with them, according to their means, a certain number of servants as well armed and mounted as themselves; nevertheless, they do not come out except for the defence of the country; so that, if the Persian soldiery were paid, as is the Turkish, there is no doubt but that it would be far superior to that of the Ottoman princes. This thing has been observed by all those who have had anything to do with both these nations.

The Persian ladies themselves follow in arms the same fortunes as their husbands, and fight like men, in the same way as those ancient Amazons who performed such feats of arms in their time.

Now, the two captains, Amarbei and Samper, marched ahead, and hearing that Selim had crossed the Euphrates and was advancing by forced marches, retreated to Coi,[328] where Ismail, who had come from Tauris, was in person. Being informed of the large forces Selim was bringing with him on this enterprise, he caused his army to be strongly entrenched, and returned to Tauris to collect more troops, and then to show front to the enemy.[329] Coi is a city which they say was built on the ruins of the ancient Artasata,[330] not more than three days’ journey distant from Tauris; on this account, it appeared likely to Ismail, from its proximity, that he might in a very short time find himself engaged in a battle, and therefore expressly commanded the above-mentioned captains to wait, and when he arrived with fresh forces they would drive back the enemy together. However, shortly after the departure of Ismail, the Turkish army came up in array, on the 24th of August, and spread itself over the plains called Calderane, where the Persians also had their encampment.

The latter, seeing the enemy behave with such audacity and provoke them to battle, could not refrain from attacking them, as they had been victorious in so many past wars under the auspices of the greatest monarch of the East: hence, having been joined the night before by some bands of horse from Tauris, making them in all twenty-four thousand men, divided in two deep columns, of which one was led by Stacàlu Amarbei and the other by Aurbec Samper, signal of battle being given, they attacked the enemy bravely. Amarbei, who was foremost, assaulted the troops of Natolia with such a terrific rush, that he broke and routed them utterly, and the Persians made such a slaughter of the Turks, that in that quarter they already had the victory in their hands, if it had not been that Sinan Pasha, to aid that side of the conflict advanced the Caramanian troops, and, taking the Persian force in flank, enabled those who were routed and preparing to fly to make head again. The Persians, resisting Sinan, bore themselves as valiantly as before; nor even when Amarbei was cut to pieces did they fail to keep up the fight courageously.

Samper, seeing the Caramanians change their positions and attack Amarbei, also closed his column and attacked Sinan on his flank, routed the Caramanians, and in a moment was on the royal forces, and the cavalry, though in disorder and badly led, cut to pieces the foremost ranks of the janissaries, and cast into confusion that famous infantry, so that it appeared a thunderbolt cleaving that large and mighty army. The monarch, seeing the slaughter, began to retreat, and to turn about, and was about to fly, when Sinan, coming to the rescue at the time of need, caused the artillery to be brought up and fired on both the janissaries and Persians. The Persian horses hearing the thunder of those infernal machines, scattered and divided themselves over the plain, not obeying their riders’ bit or spur any more, from the terror they were in. Sinan, seeing this, made up one squadron of cavalry from all that which had been routed by the Persians, and began to cut them to pieces everywhere, so that, by his activity, Selim, even when he thought all lost, came off the victor. It is certainly said, that if it had not been for the artillery, which terrified in the manner related the Persian horses which had never before heard such a din, all his forces would have been routed and put to the edge of the sword; and if the Turk had been beaten, the power of Ismail would have become greater than that of Tamerlane, as by the fame alone of such a victory he would have made himself absolute lord of the East.

As it happened, the Persians being discomfited, in the manner related, by Selim, not without great loss on his side, Aurbec Samper was led before him covered with wounds, and on his hearing that Ismail had not been in the action, he said to him, full of indignation, “Dog that thou art, thou hast had the audacity to come against me, who am in the place of a prophet, and hold the post of God on earth.” To this, without any sign of fear, Samper replied, “If you held the post of God on earth, you would not come against my master; but God has saved you from our hands, that you may fall alive into his, and then he will avenge his and our wrongs.” Selim, being greatly enraged by his words, said, “Go and kill this dog.” And he replied, “I know that this is my hour; but do you prepare your soul to pay the sacrifice of mine; since my master will meet you in a year, and will do the same to you, which you order to be done to me”; whereupon he was immediately cut to pieces. Having done this, Selim raised the camp and came to Coi, in which city he rested with his whole army some days; he then published abroad, and wrote in many letters sent to different places, that he had gained the victory, and that Ismail had been in person in the battle which had taken place in the Calderani[331] plains. This, however, was written falsely, as Ismail was not there in person, nor even the corps of his veteran soldiers, who were then round Samarcant, investing that city. Ismail, hearing the news of the rout of his army, collected some of the men who had escaped from the action and had made head in Tauris. With his wife and all his riches he left the city and went to Caseria,[332] which is six days’ journey distant from Tauris towards the East, assembling another army to try again in person the fortune of battle.

After his departure the Turk leaving Coi, arrived at Tauris, and was received with favourable and courteous demonstrations by those of the city, because it did not seem fit to them to peril their lives, as they had no chance against the enemy, before whom so many valiant men who had armed in defence of Persia had not been able to make head; and remaining there only three days, and not seeing that any of the people or neighbouring chiefs came to give in their submission to him,[333] Selim began to be apprehensive lest Ismail should be more powerful than he had thought him, as he in truth was, since all the principal men of Persia began to join him with their forces for the safety of the kingdom. Therefore, taking with him different men skilled in arts and five hundred loads of treasure, without injuring the city in any other way, he left it and marched towards the Euphrates, being continually harassed on the road by the Georgians,[334] who, with some troops of light cavalry, pillaged the baggage of the army, and cut to pieces all those who quitted the ranks ever so short a way. Their assaults were so frequent, that the Acangi[335] who were accustomed to range forty or fifty miles at least from the army, did not dare to forsake it as these fierce guerilla foes made a great slaughter of them everywhere; nor did they fall by the sword alone, but also by hunger; since, as they were accustomed to forage for the army, and not being able to perform this office from fear, it followed that in avoiding one miserable death, they perished by another still more wretched one.

Ismail, in the meanwhile, had greatly strengthened his army, and therefore, hoping soon to fall in with the enemy, advanced to Tauris, where, hearing that the Turk had departed, and was retreating in such haste that he would not be able to overtake him, thought fit to remain and to take steps with more caution in this enterprise. He therefore wrote letters and sent ambassadors to the Soldan, to Prince Aladuli, and to the King of Gorgora, to show them the great peril they ran if they did not take up arms with him against Selim, since if Persia were subdued, all their States would become a prey to the enemy. These ambassadors were willingly listened to, from the fear these princes entertained on account of Selim’s victory over the Suffaveans. On this account they formed a league, into which Ismail, the King of Gorgora, the Soldan,[336] and Aladuli entered, these monarchs promising to aid one another in case of need against the Ottoman, with the express condition that they should not receive any ambassador from the Turk; this condition not being observed by the Soldan, was afterwards his ruin, and that of all the power of the Mamelukes. As, the Turk having sent an ambassador a short time later, he received and heard him against the condition of the league; therefore, when Selim entered Soria[337] to fight against the Soldan, Ismail would not give him his assistance from fear of being left in the lurch.[338]

The league being concluded in the manner related, Ismail, who was fully prepared for the enterprise against the Turks, sent ambassadors to Selim, who was then in Amasia,[339] with presents, a bâton of massive gold, a saddle and richly-mounted sword, with a letter to this effect:—“Ismail, great Sovereign of the Persians, sends to you Selim these gifts, quite equal to your greatness, as they are worth as much as your kingdom; if you are a brave man, keep them well, because I will come and take them from you, together with your head and kingdom, which you possess against all right, as it is not proper that the offspring of peasants should bear rule over so many provinces.” This letter so enraged the haughty spirit of Selim, that he wished to kill the ambassadors, but refrained, being kept back by his Bashas. However, in his rage he could not restrain himself from having their ears and noses cut off, and sent them back in this state with a letter written to Ismail, saying:—“Selim, great Sovereign of the Turks, replies to a dog without taking the least notice of his baying; telling him that if he will show himself, he will find that I will do to him what my predecessor Mahomet did to his predecessor Ussun Cassano.”

FOOTNOTES

DISCOURSE OF

MESSER GIOVAN BATTISTA RAMUSIO

ON THE

WRITINGS OF GIOVAN MARIA ANGIOLELLO AND OF A MERCHANT WHO WENT THROUGH THE WHOLE OF PERSIA; IN WHICH ARE NARRATED THE LIFE AND DEEDS OF USSUN CASSANO.

DISCOURSE OF MESSER GIOVAN BATTISTA RAMUSIO.

INTRODUCTION.

Everyone who considers the various changes brought by the course of events to human affairs, will, on reflection, be filled with wonder; but I think that those who read ancient history have greater reason to be so, seeing many republics and many great and powerful kingdoms, so to speak, collapse without, in certain cases, leaving even a name, or any memorial behind. The same course of events has caused many races to leave their native countries, and, like proud and rapid rivers, invade those of others, chasing away the ancient inhabitants, and, not content with that, even change their names. So it happens that, nowadays, there are many races whose origin is not known, of which miserable Italy is an example, as, after the ruin of the Roman empire, a multitude of strange and barbarous nations entered from the North, ousted the inhabitants, changed the vulgar tongue, the names of the provinces, rivers, and mountains, moved the towns from their proper sites, and built them up afterwards at a distance from the spots where they first stood. This has not happened to Italy alone, but also to the province of Gallia, which, on its occupation by the fierce nation of the Franks, lost its name as well as its inhabitants. The same happened to Britain, now called England; to Pannonia, which is now Hungary; and to many other countries which it would be tedious to enumerate. But I cannot hold my peace about poor, afflicted Greece, celebrated by all classic writers, which was anciently the home of science and the example of humanity, but now fallen low indeed, being subjected to the empire of the Turks, and inhabited only by barbarous and unlettered tribes. This same calamity has fallen also on the whole of Asia, since (as one reads in the books of M. Marco Polo and the Armenian), great hordes of Tartars issued from the regions of Cathay and overran the countries, and, having settled in their new abodes, changed the names of the provinces to others familiar to the conquerors. Thus Margiana, Bactriana, and Sodiana, provinces near the Caspian Sea, being taken by Zacatai, brother of the Great Can, were called instead the country of Zacatai, from the province of Turquestan, which is beyond the rivers Jaxartes and Oxus.

There came another great multitude of people, who settled themselves in Asia Minor,—that is, in Bithynia, Phrygia, Cappadocia, and Paphagonia, and called it Turkey. At the same time, Hoccota Can[340] having made himself master of the provinces of Media, Parthia, and Persia, now named Azemia;[341] his successors gave them different names; and even in our times the Sophi, who was the son of a daughter of Ussun Cassano, King of Persia, had these provinces named after him. As there have come into my hands some carefully composed writings, in which are narrated the life and acts of the above-mentioned Ussun Cassano, or Assambei,[342] which are synonymous, and of Sheikh Ismail, who is the Sophi, I thought them suitable to follow the books of M. Marco Polo, and of the Armenian. Moreover, they treat of the same matter, and though agreeing, are different versions, so I think they will greatly amuse my readers. I find that the first author, who speaks of the life of Ussun Cassano, was named Giovan Maria Angiolello, who relates in his history that he served Mustafà, son of Mahomet II, Grand Turk, and that he was in the action[343] with the same Grand Turk, in which he was routed on the islands in the bed of the river Euphrates by the army of Ussun Cassano. The name of the second author is not known; but it is evident that he was of a cultivated intellect, and that in the course of his business he went through almost the whole of Persia. To these two authors we have added two Travels, one of the Illustrious M. Josapha Barbaro, and the other of the Illustrious M. Ambrosio Contarini, Venetian gentlemen, who treat of the same matters; so that of the affairs of Persia of late times, we have a history, if not continuous, at least leaving little to be desired. I wish that fortune had been favourable enough to allow me to get into my hands the Travels of the Illustrious M. Caterino Zeno, knight, who was the first ambassador who went into that region to the monarch Ussun Cassano; but, although printed, it has been lost, owing to the length of time that has elapsed. And truly the above-mentioned M. Caterino was one of the rare and worthy gentlemen who existed at that time in this most excellent Republic. Therefore, in the year 1471 he was elected ambassador to the King Ussun Cassano, to incite him to attack the Turk, with whom the Republic was then engaged in the fiercest war. He, moved by the love he bore to his country, like a good citizen, not considering the length or danger of the journey, accepted the charge cheerfully, and went the more willingly as he hoped to be a more fitting instrument for good than anyone else. Since Caloianni,[344] Emperor of Trebizond, having given one of his daughters, named Despinacaton,[345] in marriage to Ussun Cassano, King of Persia, married another of them called Valenza to the Duke of the Archipelago, named the Lord Nicolo Crespo, by whom the duke had four daughters and a son, Francesco, who succeeded his father, and whose descendant, Giacomo Crespo, the twenty-first Duke of Naxo, is still living. The daughters were all honourably married at Venice: one named Firunza was mother of the Queen of Cyprus and of the most Illustrious M. Giorgio Cornaro, knight, and his brother, the Procurator, from whom are descended many reverend Cardinals. Another named Lucretia was married to the noble M. Jacomo Prioli, who was the father of M. Nicolo Prioli, the Procurator. Valenza, the third, was the wife of the noble M. Gio. Loredano, and Violante, the fourth, was the wife of the above-mentioned M. Catharin Zeno. Now this Despinacaton, though she was in Persia and at a distance, continually kept up the remembrance of her relatives, her affection for her sister Valenza, wife of the Duke of the Archipelago, and her nieces at Venice. For this reason, this gentleman went readily and was not deceived in his opinion, as, after many hardships and dangers, when he arrived at Tauris in the presence of Ussun Cassano and Despinacaton his wife, he was recognised by her as her nephew, and had great honours and favours paid him; and by the influence he acquired with that monarch he was able to perform many things for his Republic, described in his book, which, as we have said above, we have not been able to get into our hands. King Ussun Cassano, to do greater honour to the noble M. Catharin, chose him for his ambassador to the Christian princes, to incite them against the Turk, and principally to the Kings of Poland and Hungary; but, when he came to them and found them at war with each other, he passed on to others. At this time, the most Illustrious Government hearing of the departure of M. Catharino, elected in his place M. Josapha Barbaro, and after him M. Ambrosio Contarini, whose travels, on his return journey to Venice, by the Caspian Sea, the river Volga, and the country of Tartars, I think will greatly amuse his readers from their novelty and the account of the various accidents that befel him from day to day.

A SHORT NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE AND ACTS OF THE KING USSUN CASSANO.

BY GIOVAN MARIA ANGIOLELLO.

Chap. I.

Assambei, King of Persia, takes as wife the daughter of the Christian Emperor of Trebizond, and after he has had sons by her, she, with two daughters, goes to lead a solitary life in the Christian faith; her father is taken prisoner to Constantinople.

Assambei,[346] the most powerful King of Tauris and Persia, had several women as his wives; and, among others, one named Despinacaton, who was the daughter of an Emperor of Trebizond, named Caloianni, who feared the might of the Ottoman, Mahomet II, and hoped in this way to strengthen himself, with the assistance of Assambei, in case of need, so gave her to him as his wife, with the condition that she might hold to the Christian faith, employing chaplains to perform the sacred offices. By this lady Assambei had one male and three female children. The first of these daughters, named Marta, was married to Sachaidar,[347] father of Ismail Sophi. The other two remained with their mother, who, after a certain time, determined to lead a solitary life apart from her husband, who consented and gave her a large income, assigning as a residence a city named Iscartibiert,[348] on the frontiers of the land of Diarbet.[349] This lady remained in this place a long time, and with her her two daughters, leading a Christian life, and after her death was buried in the city of Amit,[350] in the church of San Giorgio, where her tomb is to be seen even to this day. The son, Jacob or Juibic, remained with his father, Assambei, and, when about twenty years of age, the very night on which his father died, was strangled by three other brothers by another mother. His sisters, named the one Eliel and the other Eziel, hearing of their brother’s death, decided to fly; and, after packing up their goods, went to Aleppo, and thence to Damascus; where they have been often seen by our countrymen, one of them being still alive. Now, to return to Caloianni, who thought, by giving his daughter as wife to Assambei, that he would strengthen his country against the enemy and remain in possession of Trebizond, I will mention that the Turk quickly came down upon him with his army, before he could obtain succour. The unhappy monarch,[351] not finding help on any side, was constrained to give himself up to the enemy. Thence he was taken to Constantinople and treated honourably enough, but died before a year was over, in 1462.[352]

Chap. II.

Pirahomat makes war on Abrain, his brother, in order to take from him the kingdom of Caramania, and obtains his end by the aid of the Grand Turk, against whom he afterwards rebels, and flies to Persia.

The King Assambei afterwards had a war with the Ottoman monarch on account of the kingdom of Caramania, to which both preferred a claim. This kingdom was anciently called Cilicia, but afterwards, and to the present time, called Caramania, from an Arab chief named Caraman, who, in course of time, had a descendant named Turuan, who had seven sons. After his death these sons came to blows amongst themselves, and five of them dying, there were two left, Abrain and Pirahomat. Abrain,[353] by having more adherents, made himself master, and Pirahomat[354] fled to the Grand Turk, who claimed relationship with them. Pirahomat, while in Constantinople, continually solicited the Turkish monarch to give him aid to oust his brother and to make him king, offering, in return, to be his subject. The Ottoman monarch, seeing that this offer suited his purpose, agreed, and gave him sufficient forces. Abrain, Prince of Caramania, hearing this, made preparations to defend his State. In the year 1467 the two armies met between Carasar[355] and a city called Aessar,[356] a great slaughter taking place on both sides. However, at length Pirahomat gained the victory, and remained master of the country without any opposition; his brother turning to fly, fell from his horse, and breaking his ribs, died from it. Pirahomat, however, remained in peaceable possession of the throne for two years only; for it being the custom for all the Turkish barons to go to visit the monarch once a year and to kiss his hand, giving him presents in proportion to their incomes and dignity, and for the monarch to caress them, and to give them many presents, Pirahomat, not caring to observe this custom like the others, the Turk sent to tell him to come to his assistance with part of his forces, as he wished to march against the Christians. But Pirahomat would not obey; wherefore the Turk, enraged at his disobedience, went in person to attack him, and took from him part of the country as far as the Cogno,[357] putting in command his second son, named Mustafá Celebi,[358] leaving a large force with him and sending a good commander with a number of men to go on occupying the rest of the country. Pirahomat, seeing that he could not resist the Turkish forces, left some governors in certain fortresses, departed from the country, and went to Persia to the King Assambei. On his arrival in Tauris he was greatly welcomed, and his prayers for aid against the enemy being favourably listened to, a force of about forty thousand men was set in order. The commander was named Yusuf,[359] a man of great reputation, ability, and courage, who, taking the field with the army, soon arrived at the city of Toccat,[360] and put the whole country to fire and sword, burning the towns belonging to that city, not delaying to attack fortresses, but went plundering and devastating the country, so that every one fled to the fortresses. At this time Mustafà, the son of the Turk, was sent with one of his father’s generals, named Agmat Bassa,[361] to take the fortresses of Caramania, and was encamped before a strong city named Lula, the inhabitants of which, unaccustomed to hear the terrible sound of artillery, surrendered, and were cruelly treated by Mustafà. Having placed a garrison in the city and hearing that the Persian camp was in the neighbourhood, but that Ussun Cassano was not there in person, he retired to the Cogno, and sent his women and goods away for safety, to a place four days’ journey to the west, towards Constantinople, named Sabi Carrahasar,[362] situated on a high mountain. The camp remained some days at the Cogno, when they, hearing of the approach of the Persians, and not considering themselves strong enough for resistance, retired to the city of Cuthey,[363] where Daut[364] Bassa, Beglerbeg of Natolia, happened to be collecting men to resist the Persians. The Grand Turk also had crossed the strait with all his court and part of the Rouman troops to join his other camp, being deceived as to the strength of the enemy, who had been joined by some Caramanians and were marching boldly through the country.

Chap. III.

Mustafà comes to an engagement with the Persians who had come with Pirahomat to defend Caramania, and routs them. Ussun Cassano exhorts the Venetians to make war on the Turk and to send him artillery.

Mustafà, hearing that Ussun Cassano was not there in person, and that in all, both cavalry and infantry, there were about fifty thousand men, taking leave of his father with Agmat Bassà,[365] and a force of sixty thousand men, the greater part cavalry, set out against the Persians. The enemy, hearing of this movement, advanced no further, but retired to the country of Caramania to get reinforcements and provisions. Now, the Turkish army riding forward in great haste for several days, arrived not very far from where the enemy were encamped. A force of four thousand cavalry under a captain named Arnaut was sent in advance, and at the dawn of day attacked the Persian camp, and during the engagement the rest of the Turkish army came up to the aid of the four thousand horse who had already been roughly handled, Arnaut and more than two thousand of his men being slain. The Persians, seeing their advantage met the Turkish squadron boldly and showed great courage in the contest. But after a great number had been slain on both sides, about the third hour the Persians began to yield, and were routed by the Turks; Yusuf, the commander, and other chiefs, were taken prisoners, while many others were slain. The tents and baggage were captured with a great booty in horses, camels, and other plunder. Pirahomat, Prince of Caramania, having the country in his favour, found means to escape, but not feeling safe in his own dominions, returned to Ussun Cassano in Persia. The Turkish sovereign, hearing of this victory, caused great feasts and rejoicings to be held in Constantinople, sending many presents to his son Mustafà and his captains. After this defeat the King Assambei sent an ambassador to persuade the Venetian rulers to make war on the Turk, since the latter was coming in person against him. And, in addition, he requested artillery from them, which a short time after was sent to Cyprus with their fleet, but arrived too late, after Assambei had come to blows with the Turks, in which action he had suffered a defeat and retired to Tauris, where he was followed by Messer Josaphat Barbaro and the artillery.

Chap. IV.

The preparations made by the Turk to go in person against Ussun Cassano and the array of his army in the camp and on the march.

The Turk having gained the victory and made himself master of Caramania, perceiving that Ussun Cassano was hostile to him, by giving aid to Pirahomat, in the year 1473 determined to show him that he was not in the least afraid of him. This he had already done in the battle, but he resolved to do more, and make him feel his immense power. Therefore, the following spring, he made preparations for going in person against Ussun Cassano, ordering great musters of men to be made. And when the time for opening the campaign was come, in the above-mentioned year he crossed the Strait of Constantinople, with his whole court, into Asia. On arriving in Cappadocia he halted in a plain near a city called Amasia,[366] the residence of Baiesit[367] Celebi, the eldest son of the Turk. This plain is called Casouasi,[368] which, in our language, signifies the plain of the goose; it can support great armies, and has great resources of water and forage, as there are many towns round it. As this was on the route the Sultan intended to take, it was determined on as the rendezvous for the grand army. Having (as we have already mentioned) ordered all his generals and captains to be prepared, and at the appointed time, with everything in readiness, to appear in this place,—it was done as he commanded. But the Turkish monarch, knowing that this enterprise was of the greatest importance, determined to make all the preparations that the number of his men, the scarcity of necessaries, and the safety of his country and himself required. Therefore, of his three sons, he wished the two elder ones to come on this enterprise, namely, Baiesit the eldest, and Mustafà his second son; the third, by name Gien,[369] remained at Constantinople with good advisers to watch over the safety of his realm. The army being mustered and arranged in this plain of the goose, he resolved on the order it was to hold in the camps and on the road, and the means by which there might be no want of any necessaries or comforts.

It was first resolved to make five principal commanders, one of whom was the Turkish monarch at the head of his court, and other troops to the number of thirty thousand infantry and cavalry. The second was his eldest son, Baiesit, who had a following of another thirty thousand, with his position on the right of his father. The third was his second son, Mustafà, who also had thirty thousand men, among whom were twelve thousand Wallachians from the Basha of Wallachia, under a chief named Bataraba, and this column had its position on the left of the Turk. The fourth was the Beglerbeg of Roumania, named Asmurat,[370] of the family of the Palæologi; and, as he was young, Maumet Bassà was given him as an adviser, as he was the first, and considered the most prudent man of the whole empire of the Turk; he was a counsellor of the sovereign, as he had also been of Amurat, the father of the present monarch. This column was sixty thousand strong, comprising many Christians, Greeks, Albanians, and Sorians in their number; and this column had its post in front of the Turk. The fifth commander was the Beglerbeg of Natolia, named Daut Bassà, a man of authority and mature discretion. The column was forty thousand strong, including Mussulman infantry and cavalry, and their post was behind the Grand Turk; so that the Sultan, with his court, remained in the midst surrounded by the four abovementioned columns. And the commands were that they should pitch their tents, which are very numerous, according to their rank, but without disturbing the order of the march, or leaving their own divisions, arranging close together like a fortified place; but, that they should always leave roads for passage in the camp, and in the middle of each column a large space for a square, since in each column was a market for cooked foods, forage, and other comforts. There were besides in each column seneschals and marshals with full powers for keeping order and providing against disturbances. Each of these four commanders was obliged to send out sentinels and to keep guard in his division. Besides the five columns we have mentioned, there was also another of the Aganzi,[371] who are not paid, except by the booty they may gain in guerilla warfare. These men do not encamp with the rest of the army, but go traversing, pillaging, and wasting the country of the enemy on every side, and yet keep up a great and excellent discipline among themselves, both in the division of the plunder and in the execution of all their enterprises. In this division were thirty thousand men, remarkably well mounted, and as a commander they had given them a valiant chief named Maumut Aga.

Chap. V.

The supplies of provisions made by the chief, Arphaemiler, that the army might be in plenty.

In the matter of provisions great care and diligence were required to keep the army in plenty, and for this, two Arphaemiler (as the chief commissariat officers are called, who have two hundred and fifty men under each) were appointed. Their duty is, when the Grand Turk takes the field to send word on a day in advance, to let the people know that the army is about to encamp in that region. And the governors and rulers of those districts provide abundant provisions for the army; and people of every condition come willingly in order to find a market for their produce, as well as for the sake of fellowship and a welcome, being perfectly sure that no violence will be offered them; and woe to anyone who dares to do them violence, as he would be severely punished. There also follow the camp many sutlers, as butchers, bakers, cooks, and many others, who go about buying goods, and bringing them to the camp to make a profit, and in this traffic great and rich men also engage. And those who pursue this trade are favoured and protected by the authorities in all the things they do for the accommodation of the camp; so that at all times when the army is in the field, if the roads are not blocked up by the enemy, there is the greatest abundance.

When the Turkish monarch wishes to go against the enemy and begins to leave his territories, and plenty of provisions are not easily obtained, they determine on the road they are to take, as when in this case against Ussun Cassano we entered the country and advanced ten days’ journey from the Turkish frontiers. All safe communication with the frontiers was cut off for three months; so that Gien Sultan, his son, to whom was left the Government of the State at Constantinople, remained more than forty days without news of his father or of the army. At length it was rumoured that we were all routed and cut to pieces, which he believed, and endeavoured to gain over to his allegiance the governors of the fortresses as well as the other magistrates, with which the Turk became so indignant, that he put to death the counsellors who had advised Gien to do so. One of these was named Carestra Solciman and the other Nasufabege. Now, when it happens that the army is past the frontiers and in the enemy’s country, and there is need of provisions, these Arphaemiler have the charge of sending to all parts of their sovereign’s dominions, where they know there is plenty of grain, and of ordering each city to send so many camel loads of corn and barley. The cities, with their territories, are bound to obey and to furnish their overseers with the quantity of corn and barley which has been imposed upon them. Besides, they must send sufficient provisions for the use of the men and animals, who convey it on the way, so that the victuals ordered by these lords for the army be not aught diminished, but that at the time of distribution there be found as much as was ordered, otherwise, the communities would suffer reproofs and loss. When these overseers arrive in the camp at their appointed time, they present themselves to the officials of the abovementioned masters of the camp, who, taking note of their arrival, assign to them their places of encampment. Similarly, they take note of all the loads of provisions, and do not touch them without the order of these Arphaemiler, and do not distribute them while they can obtain provisions in any other way. And when the roads are blocked up, and there is a want of provisions, the seneschals of the camp go to these Saraphaemiler masters of the camp, and mention that such and such districts are in want of corn and barley, and these lords consign one or more of the overseers with his convoy to them, sending one of their clerks with them, while sometimes a commissary of the seneschals of the camp accompanies them, when, putting the provisions into the market with prices set upon them, they thus sell them, taking equally good reckoning of the quantity of grain as of the money received, lest they should be cheated. After the sale, the money is handed over to the overseer in the name of the community, and receipts taken for the quantity of supplies sold, and of the money consigned. When the overseer arrives at his home he hands over the money to the community, which is distributed in proportion to the quantity of supplies each man has forwarded to the camp, and as such good order reigns, the supply of necessaries is easy. And it is a thing almost incredible to those who have not witnessed it, to see the vast numbers of camels carrying provisions, more especially in this expedition against Ussun Cassano; in which the Turk, in addition to the ordinary pay, gave an advance of three months, that is, one quarter, according to the person’s rank. He also gave assistance to the paymasters, as they have the payment of the incomes assigned to them.

Chap. VI.

The Grand Turk holds a consultation as to the route to be followed by the army on leaving Amasia; of the places passed on the way; and of the dromedaries bringing presents from the Lord of Sit and the Soldan.

Everything necessary for the journey being got ready, they held a consultation about the route to be followed in going against Ussun Cassano. There was at this consultation the great chief, Jussuf, with other great captains of Ussun Cassano, who, as I have mentioned before, were taken prisoners the previous year, 1472, when the army was routed at Begisar; the Grand Turk had promised to liberate them, if he found that they told the truth about the things that were asked them of the route to be pursued; nevertheless, they were conducted with the army under a safe escort, and were often questioned about the passes, provisions, water, and encampments. The Turk, also by means of his attendants, treated with and brought to his camp some merchants and other persons accustomed to this journey; and they also were examined separately on these matters. Similarly, the Aganzi,[372] scouring the country and making prisoners of people well acquainted with the country, sent them to the court, where they were likewise examined, and the information given by all being then weighed, they advanced with the greatest caution.

All the necessary preparations being made, the Grand Turk moved the army from the Plain of the Goose and from the city of Amasia,[373] and advanced towards Toccat, a city of Cappadocia; and the army following its route arrived at the city of Civas,[374] situated near the mountains, and near it crossed a large river named the Lais,[375] flowing from the mountains of Trebizond, over which is an immense stone bridge. Leaving this city on the left, and having crossed this river, we entered a valley of Mount Taurus and arrived at a fortress called Nicher,[376] belonging to King Ussun Cassano. Here the Aganzi were attacked by the enemy, and a small skirmish took place, in which as many were killed on one side as on the other, and twelve prisoners were brought to the headquarters of the Turk. The rest of the garrison, not waiting to be attacked, departed, leaving the castle undamaged, where the army arrived, but not delaying to besiege fortified places, proceeded on its way, leaving on the left not very far distant a city called Coiliuasar,[377] situated among mountains in a valley surrounded by many villages. Still advancing, we arrived on the slope of a high mountain at another city named Careafar,[378] where alum is found; the army encamped half a mile from this city, and the cavalry scoured and ravaged the country, so that the greater part of the peasants, with their cattle and goods, fled to the strongholds in the mountains and other safe places. Having raised the camp and continued our march, we arrived at a large plain, in which is the city of Argian,[379] on a site a little elevated above the plain, which is called the country of Arsingan.[380] But, as the city was not fortified, the inhabitants had fled across the river Euphrates. Nevertheless, some few remained, among whom was found, on the arrival of the Aganzi, an aged Armenian, in a church, surrounded by many books; and, although those who found him called to him several times, he did not answer, but continued most attentively reading the books before him, and the anger of the soldiers being aroused, he was killed and the church burnt over him, with which the Grand Turk, on hearing it, was very indignant; as it was said that this man was a great philosopher.

Continuing our journey through this country of Arsingan, which is a part of Lesser Armenia, and approaching the river Euphrates not very far from Malacia,[381] which journey we performed in eight days, and the army having already halted about the hour of nine, behold there arrived eleven dromedaries coming with presents from the lord of Sit, and from the Soldan, and on these dromedaries were men closely wrapped up in white cloth, as otherwise they could not bear riding these animals, as the great pace would shake their persons too much. Of these eleven men some were white, and others black, and the first of them had in his hand an arrow, on the point of which was fixed a note; all the others had before them a covered box, with various sweetmeats inside; others carried bread and cooked meat, which was still hot. When they arrived at the pavilion of the Turk, without alighting or stopping, they put down the note and the boxes, and said that they had come ninety miles in six hours. Their answer was given them without speaking, in another note fixed on the same arrow; and when they departed, it seemed as if they disappeared before our eyes, so marvellous is the speed of those animals.

Chap. VII.

The Grand Turk, arriving at the river Euphrates, determines to cross, and orders Asmurat to force a passage with his men, whereupon he is defeated by the Persians.

Now on arriving at the river Euphrates, and marching north-east along its bank, we perceived that Ussuncassano had arrived with his army on the other side, at the spot where he thought that the Turk would cross. The river was wider in this place—divided into many streams by banks of mud; here the armies encamped opposite each other, with the stream separating them. Ussuncassano had an immense army, and with him were three of his sons, the first named Calul,[382] the second Ugurlimehemet,[383] and the third Zeinel, and also Pirahomat, the prince of Caramania, and many other lords and men of various nationalities, namely, Persians, Parthians, Albanians (?), Georgians, and Tartars. On Ussuncassano’s seeing the Turkish army encamped, he was quite astonished at the multitude, and stood some time without speaking, and then said in the Persian language, “Baycabexen nede riadir,” which means, “O, son of a whore, what a sea!” comparing the Turkish army to an ocean. On the same day that the armies encamped in this place, about nine, it was decided to attempt a passage and to attack the enemy, and that Asmurat,[384] Beglerbeg of Romania should attempt it with all his men, and, as he was young, Mahumut Bassa was given him as a colleague. Then having raised the standards, sounded the drums, the naccare, and other warlike instruments, they began to cross, swimming over certain streams, and going from sandbank to sandbank, and so arrived nearly at the other side of the river.

Ussuncassano, seeing that the Turkish troops began to cross, and were already near his bank, sent a body of his own men against them, who also entered a good way into the river; but as a deep stream separated them, they began the fight with arrows. Still the Turks, wishing to cross, made great exertions; and a part of them crossing the stream, came to blows with the Persians, the fight lasting more than three hours, with great slaughter on both sides. The Persians being nearest their bank of the river, easily received support from their own people; while the Turks, being only able to cross by a narrow ford, arrived a few at a time, swimming over with their horses, many also being drowned by the rush of water which carried them away from the ford. At length the Turks were overcome by the Persians, and made to retreat, recrossing the stream in their flight. Mahumut Bassa, who was on a bank, half a mile distant from the place where they were fighting, not only did not give them assistance, but retreated across several streams to another sandbank. The Persians pursued the Turks, killing and taking prisoners; and the Turks in their flight got into disorder, and blocked up the passage, many being drowned by falling into the whirlpools of which there are a great many in this river, and among others Asmurat, Beglerbeg of Romania. When he, with many others, fell into a large whirlpool, the Turks, and in particular his slaves and retainers, endeavouring to assist him, made head, and attacked the Persians again. And numbers of them being killed and drowned, the Persians crossing several streams in pursuit of the Turks, arrived at a muddy bank on which Mahumut Bassa had formed many squadrons, and where the contest was renewed.

But the Persians, with all their efforts, could gain no ground in the hand to hand fight that ensued with the troops of Mahumut, neither party gaining the least advantage. And as the evening began to come on, and the day to close, the Turk, who the whole time with all the rest of the army had been under arms on the bank of the river, sounded a retreat, and Ussuncassano, who had been also under arms on the other bank, did the same. And the retreat being sounded on both sides, each withdrew without any further attack; still Ussuncassano had the best of the fight, as of his men fewer were killed, but few drowned, and not one taken prisoner. But on our side, when the muster was made, there were twelve thousand men missing, among whom were several persons of note. Sentinels were posted on the banks of the river, the Persians doing the same, as both parties were apprehensive of an attack.

The Turkish monarch was very indignant that Mahumut Bassa had retired from one bank to another instead of giving assistance to Asmurat, and suspected that he had done so on purpose, not being very friendly with him. Nevertheless, the Turk did not at this time show ill-will towards Mahumut, as neither the time nor place appeared convenient, but principally because this Mahumut[385] was beloved by all; dissimulating now, he awaited the time that he could punish him without risk to himself, which happened six months later, when he caused him to be strangled with a bowstring.

Chap. VIII.

Ussun Cassano pursues the Turk, who, after his defeat, returns to his country, and a battle takes place, in which, by the flight of Ussun Cassano from the army, the Persians are routed, and the Grand Turk remains victorious.

Having suffered this defeat, the Turk became very apprehensive, and determined to lead his army back to his country by the shortest route; and, to console his soldiers, besides their usual pay, he gave them another advance, making them a present of the former one which he had given at his departure. Also he liberated all his slaves that were in the camp, on the condition that none should abandon him, but should serve him like the other troops, who are not slaves, and who can do what they like with their own; he made many other concessions to the captains. The army having started, we marched along the bank of the river, and the Persians did the same on the other side, not attempting to cross, but keeping on their guard, seeing that the Turkish army was still larger than theirs; nevertheless, as was afterwards reported, Ussuncassano was incited by his sons and the other commanders to cross the river and attack us, as we were in flight in consequence of the defeat we had sustained, many consultations being held about it. At the end of about ten days the Turkish forces, having turned away from the river, with the city of Baybret[386] on their right, among the mountains which separate Greater and Lesser Armenia, took their way towards the north-west, entering a valley on the route to Trebizond. At the second halt we made after entering the valley, at the end of August, at the fourteenth hour of the day, behold the Persians appeared on the mountains on our right.[387]

Then the Turk faced round towards the enemy, and gained the heights, but first fortified the camp, leaving the brother of the ruler of Scandeloro, named Eustraf, to guard it and the baggage-waggons. All the arrangements being made, he marched by the mountains towards the enemy, placing Daut Bassa Beglerbeg of Natolia, with his whole column, and all those of Romania who remained from the first rout in the van, Bajesit, the Grand Turk’s eldest son, being on the right of his father, and Mustafa, the second, on the left. Thus marching over mountains and rocky ground, we arrived at a valley on the other side of which the Persians were drawn up, with a very extended line, opposite which the Grand Turk had his men arrayed. Then both sides sounded a countless number of naccare, drums, and other warlike instruments, the noise and din being so great that one had to hear it to imagine it. The slopes of the valley where the armies fronted each other were easy of ascent and descent; it was a quarter of a mile wide and rather long, in a wild situation among mountains.

Here began a stubborn contest, first one party and then the other repulsing the enemy, each giving assistance to their own side wherever the need was greatest, until Pirahomat, prince of Caramania, who was on Ussuncassano’s right, after a fierce resistance, was defeated by Mustafa, son of the Grand Turk, and recoiling on the flank of Ussuncassano, who, fearing to be surrounded, which might easily have happened, from the superiority of the Turks on every side, and principally on the right, where the great captain Mustafa fought, began to get very much afraid, mounted an Arab mare, and in a very short time took to flight. In this way they were routed and chased as far as the tents, which were nearly ten miles off in a plain, and some of the prisoners taken at the rout of the fords were rescued.[388] The tents were also plundered and an immense booty taken, and among the slain was a son of Ussuncassano named Zeinel, whose head was presented to the Turk by a foot-soldier who had killed him in the battle; since this prince Zeinel, leaving his father when he mounted the mare, entered among the infantry, and was surrounded and slain with many of his followers. This was a great rout, about ten thousand of the Persians being killed, and many more taken prisoners, of whom some were put to death each day.

The night was all spent in rejoicing, with bonfires, and music, and shouting. But because Mustafà the Sultan’s son had pursued Ussun Cassano, and it was now the second hour of the night, the Turk became anxious, and sent some couriers after him, with whom he returned. His father came out of his tent with a cup of gold full of julep, which he presented to him with his own hand, kissing him and commending him greatly for his bearing and valour. This battle lasted eight continuous hours before the Persians were put to rout, and if it had not been for Mustafà and Ussun Cassano’s cowardly flight, they might not have lost. In this battle, of Turks there were in all about one thousand killed.[389] There were found in the baggage-waggons of Ussun Cassano some vases of gold, with their sheaths covered with copper, and other vases of gold and silver; there were also some fine suits of armour, made at Syras,[390] quite masterpieces, like mirrors, with gilt borders wonderfully polished and a marvel to behold. They also captured a thousand horses and a great number of camels. I must not omit to mention that in this battle Ugurlimehemet, Ussun Cassano’s second son, came with a great number of men to assail our camp, but he also was repulsed by the lord Cusers[391] and the rest of the garrison, and so much so that he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner, but got away through his acquaintance with the country. Thus if Ussun Cassano had remained content with his first victory, the Turk would have gone away ignominiously, and he would not have lost the territories he did.

Having rested the army for three days, the Turk resolved to go back again by the way he had come. Therefore, raising his camp, he marched towards Baibret,[392] where, on account of the rout of Ussun Cassano, he found that the inhabitants of this city and of the surrounding country had fled to the strongholds in the mountains. Nevertheless, the Aganzi took some prisoners and plunder, and some of these Aganzi were assailed by the Persians, and the prisoners and booty recaptured. On being pursued they retired to the city of Baibret. And the Persians following in pursuit, the Aganzi defended the place, the whole of one night and half of the following day, until the news came to the army, when relief was sent to them. The Persians hearing this, went off, not wishing to await the attack. Proceeding on the march, we arrived on the banks of the great river Euphrates, finding the castles and villages all abandoned, and a good many of them burnt. Coming to the ford, the Aganzi crossed without opposition, and traversed the country on the opposite shore for one day’s journey in distance, seizing some small flocks as booty. When they returned to the camp we directed our route towards Erfenia,[393] a city in front, which had been abandoned; here we fixed our camp for one night, and four days after leaving it we arrived at Carassar,[394] which is situated on a black mountain, and has a very strong natural position, from having high precipices all round, except on one side, where there is one place that one can get up to the gate by a tortuous and rocky path. Having encamped here, the people of the place stood silently on the walls provided with sharp pikes and many bows; at first they would not listen or speak to any one, but fired and hit everyone who approached, so that they were obliged to direct five cannon against them. Two of these were drawn up a hill not very far from the city, and did great harm. And after they had bombarded it fifteen days, and killed a considerable number of the people of the place, the latter were obliged to capitulate. The governor of it was named Aarap,[395] a retainer of prince Zeinel, the son of Ussun Cassano, who was killed in the above-mentioned battle, and who possessed this Sangiacato[396] or territory. Aarap, hearing that his master was dead and his head being shown him, wept bitterly, and then, with some of the inhabitants, determined to make sure of his life and property. The Turk promised him the conditions, and the seventeenth day after we encamped they surrendered the place, and we returned, taking Aarap with us, who, however, was shortly afterwards restored to liberty, the Turk giving him a Sangiaccato on the borders of Hungary. In fact, if he had held out eight days longer, we should have been forced to raise the siege from want of provisions, and principally of fodder for the horses, which had to be fed on oak leaves and twigs cut small.

The army, marching thence, came to the city of Coliasar,[397] which town, hearing that the strong fortress of Carcasar had surrendered, and that prince Zeinel had been killed, sent ambassadors and surrendered to the Turk, while Nieser[398] did the same. All necessary provisions having been made for their government, the army proceeded and arrived at Sivas.

Chap. IX.

Assambei, being defeated, returns to Tauris; the following year he goes into the country; his son rebels, and flies to the Grand Turk; but Ussun Cassano, causing a report to be spread of his death, induces him to return to Tauris, where he causes him to be put to death.

After this defeat Assambei returned to Tauris. In 1473 M. Josaphat Barbaro arrived, who relates that the lord Assambei, after remaining quiet that year, in the following year, 1474, determined to go with his people into the country, as was his wont. He accordingly asked this M. Josaphat if he would accompany him, and as he said he would, they therefore set out together. In the month of May, therefore, the lord Ussun Cassano set out with his troops, the number being twenty-five thousand foot-soldiers, eighteen thousand country-people, three thousand tents, six thousand camels, thirty thousand baggage mules, five thousand riding mules, two thousand baggage horses, five thousand women, three thousand boys and maid-servants, and many animals of different kinds. These all went into the country, and found plenty of pasture. This was his standing army; I leave you to judge of the number he could levy on an emergency.

While the lord Assambei was in the country near Sultania, the news came to him that Ugurlimehemet, his son, had seized Syras. The king Assambei having heard this, immediately raised his camp and marched towards Syras. His son, hearing that his father was coming against him with a large army, fled, and leaving his dominions, escaped with his wife and all his family into the Turkish territory, where he sent messengers to beg a safe-conduct from the Sultan Baiesit, who had his residence not far from Ussun Cassano’s frontiers. Baiesit immediately sent to let his father know, who approved of giving the safe-conduct, but told him that by no means should he go out of the territory of Amasia to meet him, but should show him every other honour, while still keeping an eye upon his actions, from fear of Persian treachery. And you may know that the city of Syras,[399] which this same Ugurlimehemet had taken from his father, is the most important city of Persia on the frontiers near Chirmas,[400] and is walled with stone. It is twenty miles in circumference, and has two hundred thousand inhabitants. It has a great trade, with manufactures of arms, saddles, bridles, and all equipments of men, as well as horses, and supplying Soria,[401] Constantinople, and all the East with them. Ugurlimehemet having thus escaped to Sivas, sent his wife with his small family in advance, to avert every suspicion his coming might awaken, while he himself followed with three hundred horsemen. He was favourably received by Baiesit, who embraced him and made sumptuous feasts in his honour. Some days after, Ugurlimehemet left with his troop, and having arrived at Usuhuder, the Grand Turk sent a guard of honour to meet him, with whom he proceeded to Constantinople. Here he was honourably lodged, and provided with sustenance both for himself and suite at the expense of the Grand Turk, who then opened his court, and arriving at the place in which he was accustomed to give audiences, Ugurlimehemet came to the court to visit the monarch whom he had not yet seen. The Grand Turk sent councillors and captains to meet him, and commanded that he should be permitted to come on horseback into the second seraglio, which it is the custom for no one to enter except the monarch; and that when he dismounted he should be admitted to his presence girt with his sword, which no one is permitted to wear, however great a lord he may be, not even the princes themselves. On the entry of Ugurlimehemet, the Grand Turk rose from his seat, and greeted him kindly, and made him sit down beside him, where they conversed on different subjects for the space of an hour, Mahomet calling him “son”, and making many proposals to him. On this occasion he left without asking any safe-conduct or any other favour; but after visiting the monarch several times, he thought fit to ask for a command on the Hungarian frontiers, promising to be always a good and faithful subject. The Grand Turk replied that he would make him King of Persia in the room of his father, who was his enemy; and giving him troops and means of commencing operations, sent him to Sivas, on the boundary between the Grand Turk and Ussun Cassano. Ugurlimehemet having arrived on the frontiers, was but a short time before he began to make inroads and forays, doing great damage to his father’s territory, who sent troops to protect his dominions, without, however, showing much interest in this expedition against his son. On the contrary, he feigned great grief and mortification on account of his rebellion, and then gave out that he had fallen ill. He then retired to his apartments for some days, and would not allow himself to be visited by anybody but those in whom he could trust. While thus dissembling, a report was spread abroad to Constantinople, that Ussun Cassano had fallen dangerously ill from melancholy, on account of the rebellion of his son, and a rumour of his having got worse being whispered about, some of his most faithful adherents, as had been arranged, announced his death, while messengers were sent to Ugurlimehemet with letters and tokens, as is customary, giving information of the death of his father, and begging him to return and take possession of the throne, before either of his brothers, Halul or Jacob,[402] could do so. And in order to give greater semblance to the affair, funeral rites were paid, and his death was really believed in throughout the country. Ugurlimehemet having received three different messages, with secret pledges such as are used in affairs of state, thought it safe to go to Tauris. He arrived there in a few days with a small escort, and on going to the palace to make himself sovereign, was taken to where his father was in perfect health, who ordered him to be confined, and afterwards put to death, without showing any consideration for his being his son.

Chap. X.

Assambei goes to ravage the country of the Georgians, and having made them pay tribute, returns to Tauris, where he dies. One of his captains defeats the Mamelukes.

These things happening in the year 1475, Assambei remained at peace till 1477, when he assembled a large army, giving out that he was going to attack the Ottoman, when in fact he meant to ravage Georgia. His troops consisted of about twenty or four and twenty thousand horsemen, and about eleven thousand foot soldiers. I have already made mention of the numbers of women, children, camp-followers, and others; so I shall say nothing about them. Marching for seven days in a westerly direction, they turned off to the right towards Georgia, which country the king wished to plunder, because the Georgians had given him no assistance in his war with the Turk. According to their custom, he sent forward his light cavalry, about five thousand strong, who on their march went burning and cutting down the woods, as they had to cross mountains and pass through immense forests. After two days’ journey through Georgia[403] we found a castle named Tiflis, commanding a pass, but deserted, which we took without any resistance. And advancing to Geri[404] and other places in the vicinity, he sacked them and also ravaged a great part of the country. The chief, Pancratio, with the King of Congiurre, which borders on Georgia, and seven other lords, sent to sue for peace, and agreed to pay a tribute of sixteen thousand ducats, while Assambei promised to leave the country free, except Tiflis,[405] which he wished to keep from the importance of its position. The prisoners taken were about five thousand. The peace being made, and the payment of tribute being settled, Assambei returned to Tauris, and died in the year 1478, leaving four sons: three by one mother and one by the Princess of Trebizond. This prince, who was twenty years of age, was strangled by his three brothers, who divided the realm among them, after which the second, named Jacob Patissa,[406] made a coalition with the eldest, named Marco;[407] whereupon the youngest fled, and Jacob made himself sovereign, ascending the throne in 1479.

In the year 1482 (?) it happened that the people of Amit,[408] the principal city of Diarbec, heard that the Mamelukes had seized and plundered Orfà,[409] doing great damage to all the country. The general of Assambei determined to go against them, crossed with his troops some mountains between Amit and Orfà, and entered the plains of Orfà, three days’ journey from Amit. The Mamelukes hearing this put themselves in order of battle, and the two armies marching to meet each other, at length joined battle, the contest lasting till midday. Though both armies in turn repulsed the enemy, the Persians came off victors, cutting to pieces more than half of the Mamelukes, with many lords. The Persians following up their victory, advanced to Albir,[410] and took it with many other fortresses, finding immense booty; they then returned to Tauris, where they found that the King Assambei had died on the eve of Epiphany in the year 1487 (1478).

Chap. XI.

Jacob, the son of Assambei, on ascending the throne takes a wife of a wicked disposition, who, to raise her paramour to the throne, gives the king poison, which also causes her own death and that of her son.

Jacob Patissa, as I have already mentioned, after the death of his father, made himself master of Tauris and Persia, and took for wife a daughter of the lord of San Mutra, who was of a lascivious disposition, and being enamoured of one of the principal lords of the court, sought wickedly to put her husband to death, that after his decease this lord might succeed to the throne. Then, having arranged a plan with her paramour for murdering Jacob, she prepared poison. The adulteress prepared a bath, as usual, with perfumes, knowing her husband’s habits, who, with his son of eight or nine years of age, entered the bath and remained from the twenty-second hour of the day, till sunset. When Jacob Sultan came out and entered the ladies’ seraglio, his wife, who had prepared a poisoned cup, knowing that Jacob was always accustomed to drink on coming out of the bath, came to meet him with a gold cup in which she had put the poison, appearing more friendly than usual. But he, seeing her face rather pale, became suspicious, as he had already seen some evil symptoms in her that day; but the wicked woman had dissimulated and excused herself so well, that he partly believed her, although his suspicions were not altogether cleared up. Therefore, when the lady came to meet him with such a pallid countenance holding the cup, Jacob commanded her to taste it first. The terrified woman could not refuse, and after she had drunk, her husband drank also, giving some to the little boy. This happened at the twenty-fourth hour of the day, and so noxious was the beverage, that by midnight they were all dead. The death of these three personages being announced the following day, all the great lords were thrown into consternation, and also the whole of Persia. Many of Jacob’s relatives seized different places, as you shall hear. After the death of Jacob Patissa, there being no other son of Assambei, the throne was seized by a lord, a relation of Jacob, named Julauer, who, although he reigned three years, did nothing of importance. To him succeeded a Baysingir,[411] who reigned two years. Rustan, a youth about twenty years of age, succeeded him and reigned seven years; in his time the father of the Sophi was killed, as the king himself was afterwards by the hands of a lord with the connivance of his own mother, with whom this lord, named Agmat,[412] was in love, who, after the death of Rustan, made himself king, and reigned five months. After Rustan’s murder his troops joined one of his captains, named Carabes, who lived at Van, and who, hearing of the king’s death and the succession, after biding his time, marched to Tauris, met this Agmat, and cut him to pieces. The kingdom now came to a youth named Aluan,[413] a relation of Ussun Cassano, who lived at Amit, whence he was summoned by the popular voice, and made king, but reigned only a short time, being expelled by the Sophi.