Volume 2 — NOTES (continued 2)

Ripley (op. cit., ii, 472) remarks that even after taking Chapultepec Scott was “yet at a distance of two miles from the city, with the positive certainty of running upon the citadel if the direct route were pursued.” But two miles on a broad, good causeway signified little, it was unnecessary to take the direct route, and Scott had no intention of taking it. Ripley admits (p. 473) that Scott reasonably supposed that the defences at S. Cosme were comparatively weak.

The southeastern corner of the rectangle was irregularly cut off. A bullet-proof wall, about fifteen feet high, protected the eastern end, and ran along the southern line of the rectangle with platforms or scaffolds for infantry on its inner side, while a stone aqueduct—its arches filled in here with heavy masonry—extended (in the Anzures causeway) along the northern side of the rectangle, and continued via S. Cosme to the city. Cultivated fields, adjacent to El Molino, occupied about a third of the rectangle. On each side of the north-and-south drainage ditch there was an embankment. The next section—perhaps one sixth—of the rectangle was occupied by the swamps and cypresses, and then came the hill—extremely steep except at the west, and steep there. A road or wide path led east through the grove to the foot of the hill. The opening in the south wall, covered by the exterior, unarmed redan (B), had a ditch outside of the redan for additional protection. The road that went up to the college was defended inside the main gateway with a 9-pounder (placed here Sept. 12). The circular (arc of a circle) redoubt (C) was at the glorieta (an open space furnished with seats, etc.). One or two other slight fortifications probably existed.

The south wall of the terre-plein had a parapet except near the southeast corner. Along the base of the west wall ran a fosse about twelve feet wide and ten deep. Rather extensive mines (to be fired by powder-trains laid on or just under the surface of the ground) lay below the fosse; and beyond them—about half-way down the slope—stood a redan (E) for some fifty men, which seems to have been about 125 feet from the wall. This west wall was a priest-cap: i.e., it was indented like a shallow V, so that its two halves could afford support to each other. In the central portion of the terre-plein stood the masonry edifice of the military college with an open terrace at its eastern end and some stone buildings with flat, parapeted roofs, at its western end. A half-round bastion on each of the long sides afforded room for a heavy gun commanding in each case a semicircle. (The one in the southern bastion seems to have been disabled on Sept. 8.) East of the southern bastion, in a smaller projection, stood a lighter gun looking toward the lower gateway; behind the somewhat zigzag parapet westward two or three smaller pieces covering the road and the southwest approach; on the terre-plein commanding the upper gateway a couple of light howitzers; and at the western end, specially screened with timber and sand-bags, two heavy pieces, which swept the approach from El Molino. (One of the pieces was a 68-pound howitzer. Ripley is precise in his account of the size and the placing of the guns, but the evidence is against him. He says there were eleven. There seem to have been thirteen; but one of them was not mounted, and two were now disabled.) Timbering, proof against bullets, covered much of the lower story, the parapeted azotea of the main edifice and some other parts of the buildings; and sand-bags afforded further, though inadequate, protection at a number of peculiarly exposed points.

Remarks on the battle of Chapultepec. Chapultepec had been a protected summer palace, not a fortress. At this time the upper stories that one sees now did not exist. There were perhaps three times as many large trees in the grove as at present. For military reasons the small trees had recently been cleared away. Scott had a small map of the city, apparently purchased from the British courier (Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 25). The Twelfth Infantry guarded the stores at Mixcoac, and Sept. 10 Harney was sent there with a body of dragoons. Sumner was then placed in command of all the dragoons at Tacubaya (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 421). P. F. Smith’s brigade remained at Mixcoac until the morning of Sept. 13. Lee, Beauregard, Stevens and Tower reconnoitred the southern front. Scott was there nearly all day Sept. 9, and on the morning of the eleventh. The purposes in view were to study the Mexican preparations, ascertain the nature of the ground, and find places for batteries. In general the ground, even where covered with water, appeared to be firm enough for infantry, and suitable places for batteries were found.

Bravo was appointed to the command of Chapultepec on August 27. Sept. 9 Alvarez was ordered to take the cavalry to Guadalupe. According to 76Bravo, Sept. 14, the garrison of Chapultepec on the morning of Sept. 12, aside from gunners and engineers, was the Tenth Line Infantry (250), Mina battalion (277), Unión battalion (121), Querétaro battalion (115), Toluca battalion (27), Patria battalion (42). These 832 men were disposed as follows: defending the road to Tacubaya, 160; redoubt on south side of hill (apparently at B), 215; glorieta redoubt (C), 92; entrenchment at the right of the glorieta (D), 42; north side of the hill, 80; buildings at summit, 243 (76Bravo, report, Sept. 14). The buildings near the gateway batteries were defended principally by the Matamoros de Morelia battalion.

At the conference of Sept. 11 Engineers Smith, Lee, Stevens and Tower favored attacking San Antonio, and Quitman, Shields, Cadwalader and Pierce took that view. Pillow did the same. Riley and Twiggs sided with Scott though not for positive reasons. Hitchcock and Trist do not seem to have expressed opinions. Worth and P. F. Smith were engaged elsewhere. Scott’s attacking Chapultepec against the advice of Lee illustrated the fact that his success in Mexico was not due to that officer, as the value of Lee’s services and his later fame have led some to imagine.

Gen. U. S. Grant regarded the battles of Sept. 8 and 13 as wholly unnecessary (Mems., i, 154). But here, as elsewhere in referring to the Mexican War, he seems to have been merely recording youthful impressions. He says that, had Scott gone round those positions, the Mexicans would have evacuated them; but Scott did not wish the Mexicans to evacuate El Molino and Casa Mata, taking with them their gunpowder and (supposed) foundry material: i. e., Grant failed to understand the question. With regard to Chapultepec also it is an issue between a lieutenant and the major general commanding. Scott did not overlook the idea of going round (Worth: Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 199); and hence, as he understood the case far better than Grant did at the time or when he wrote his Memoirs, one concludes that his judgment was correct. He stated (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 377) that [Grant’s] plan would have required too wide and hazardous a circuit. The following other objections against it may be suggested. Grant’s plan would have required the army to abandon the roads for difficult fields and marshes, limited the practicability of defending the rear in case of attack, weakened greatly the effective feinting upon which Scott counted (ibid., 376), produced a bad moral effect—especially in view of the recent battle—by suggesting that he dared not attack Chapultepec, exposed our assaulting troops to a cannonade from the rear, and left behind them a menace of other uncertain but alarming possibilities. The capture of Chapultepec, on the other hand, worked morally as well as physically in our favor, and was thought by Scott likely to have an even greater effect than it had (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 169); and it was stated by our engineers that mortars planted there would command a large part of the city. It has been said that our batteries were too far from the target; but it was not known what guns Chapultepec had, and no doubt our engineers and artillery officers ventured as far as appeared expedient. Clearly, however, too much was expected of our batteries.

Battery No. 1, to play on the south side of the fort, was laid out by Lee; No. 2, opposite the southwest angle of the fort, by Huger. The batteries did not fire accurately at first (179Diario Esactísimo). This seems to have been due to a lack of platforms for the guns. Quitman’s division supported No. 1, which was particularly exposed, and in the afternoon he made a bold reconnaissance of the road, discovering artillery and a ditch in his front (Claiborne, Quitman, ii, app., 308). The Mexicans made advances toward No. 1 on Sept. 12, but canister repelled them. To hinder reinforcements from reaching Chapultepec, Quitman by Scott’s order placed fifty men well forward on the road in the night of Sept. 12–13, and some skirmishing occurred. A 9-pounder protected with sand-bags was planted just in front of No. 1. The intention had been to establish an advanced battery, but the Mexicans prevented this. Two New York companies supported No. 2. Battery No. 3 had a brass 16-pounder. This, becoming unserviceable, was replaced with an iron 24-pounder. Batteries 1, 2 and 3 commanded the south and west fronts of Chapultepec fort, and No. 4 commanded its interior. No. 1 stood about 1000 yards from the south front of the fort; No. 2 about 1400 yards from its southwestern angle; No. 3 about 1140 yards from its west front; and No. 4 a little nearer than No. 3 (Hardcastle’s map in Sen. 1; 30, 1).

Pillow reoccupied El Molino early Sept. 12 and his division slept there the following night. Early Sept. 13 Twiggs resumed operations at La Piedad, and the Mexicans endeavored to draw him on. Steptoe had two 12-pounders and two 24-pound howitzers. The weakness and gradual discontinuance of his fire and the fact that Twiggs did not expose his infantry rendered this feint ineffective. Scott states that Taylor’s battery also was at La Piedad, but it does not seem to have been used at this time. Perhaps, as the Mexicans were likely to attack, it was held in reserve.

The storming parties were composed of volunteers. In some and possibly in all cases some slight reward was offered. In a number of regiments so many volunteered that it became necessary to draw lots. Scott thought Pillow would need one brigade; but Pillow sent for Worth’s whole division and received one (Clarke’s) brigade of it. Ripley (op. cit., ii, 420) states that Pillow asked for only one of Worth’s brigades, but against him is the testimony of Scott, of Worth and of Semmes, who bore Pillow’s message. Some of Clarke’s men arrived in time to fight. After the battle Pillow admitted that not over 1000 of his men took part in the assault (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 408). He had too many. They were in one another’s way. Pillow stated that the garrison was 6000, thus probably reckoning almost every Mexican soldier within a mile of the hill. Pillow wrote (180Oct. 18): I led “to the very Cannon’s mouth, where I was cut down—Then my men picked me up and carried me forward under my orders and with a shout of exultation and triumph, scaled the ditches and wall.” In fact he seems to have received a painful wound on the ankle from a glancing grapeshot at the foot of the hill (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 378), and was not carried to the summit until serious fighting had ended (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 156, 172, 204, 217, 222, 224). Cadwalader succeeded him in command. Lt. Col. Hébert with the Eleventh Infantry, assisted by Sumner’s dragoons and in effect by Trousdale and Jackson, kept off a strong force of lancers that menaced the American rear from the direction of Los Morales.

Sept. 13 when Santa Anna finally sent the San Blas battalion (perhaps 400) toward the summit, the approach of the Americans forced it to halt—apparently at the entrenchment (D) near the glorieta. The Third Ligero was ordered to reinforce this battalion, but the college fell before it arrived, and it retired. Other troops were sent to the lower parts of the hill. Some perished, some retreated, some were captured. The Hidalgo battalion fought on the Tacubaya road. Reserves of 2–5000 were on the Belén causeway near Chapultepec.

A Mexican lieutenant of engineers named Alemán had charge of firing the mines, and he was ordered to do his work. At his trial he said that he found his way blocked by Mexican troops, and that before he could reach his post the Americans were there. Some, if not all, of the canvas pipes containing the trains had already been found and cut by our troops. The Americans got over the fosse by laying ladders across it. The man who first reached the Mexican flagstaff appears to have been Capt. Kimball, a Vermonter but born in New Hampshire. He stood on guard there till Seymour, who commanded his regiment after Ransom’s fall, arrived. Sept. 13 the Americans took revenge for the atrocities perpetrated upon our wounded on the eighth.

The second in command in Casey’s party was Capt. Paul, but Capt. B. S. Roberts, whose company stood at the head of it, led the successful charge. Gen. Rangel reported that by this time the Mexican muskets had become useless and the one cannon that directly enfiladed the road had been accidentally disabled. It is quite clear, particularly in the light of Mexican evidence, that the fort on the summit was carried before the gateway batteries. Quitman rendered no essential service in the capture of Chapultepec, though he kept many Mexicans occupied. His troops that went up the hill were not needed. (Even Clarke’s brigade was a greater reinforcement than the situation called for.) Shields states that the three regiments turned off to the left because the Mexicans in Quitman’s front were found too strong, and if these could not be beaten before those three regiments were detached, evidently the remainder of Quitman’s command was not strong enough to beat them. When Roberts led the successful charge, Worth (whom Clarke rejoined), Trousdale and Jackson had appeared at the northeast of Chapultepec and menaced the rear of the gateway batteries. Except thirty to fifty under Capt. Terrett the Marines did not distinguish themselves. Their commander, however, said that their ammunition failed, and other officers stated that Quitman ordered the corps to halt. This was their first battle.

P. F. Smith had the Mounted Rifles (minus two companies detached), First Artillery and Third Infantry (minus two companies detached). It was hoped that he could strike the Belén aqueduct, break through, and take the Mexican flank and rear. Smith’s brigade not being strong enough—under the difficulties of the ground and in view of Quitman’s halt—to attack Santa Anna’s reserves, veered toward the causeway, and under the partial shelter of maguey opened fire. His right companies took part in the final charge against the gateway batteries. Had Quitman given Smith the pioneer party with planks, etc., for bridging the ditches, and a storming party, and supported him with two of the regiments that went up the hill, Smith could have struck the Mexicans effectively on the Belén route, while Quitman himself was doing what he could on the Tacubaya road with the rest of his command. A great number of prisoners could probably have been captured in this way (Stevens, Stevens, i, 214–5). Gen. Rangel reported that the corps which defended the work on the Tacubaya causeway lost one third, and that almost every member of his staff was wounded Sept. 8 or 13. The serious fighting inside the fort lasted only four or five minutes. When the final assault occurred, the effective defenders, all told, probably did not number more than 275. Bravo’s sword was returned to him. He was charged by Santa Anna with bad conduct, but when tried was fully exonerated. In reference to Chapultepec the author was kindly assisted by Señor D. Ignacio Molina, head of the cartography section of the Mexican government, who was a student at the military college in Sept., 1847, and, being an engineer by profession, could be relied upon.

Remarks on the Belén operations. The Mexicans retiring by this road were commanded by Gen. Lombardini. The principal corps was the Activo regiment of Morelia. The ditch across the Tacubaya causeway at the gateway batteries was promptly filled in by the Americans to permit passage. A part of the men who captured the gateway batteries pursued the fleeing Mexicans, but not far. A part of the Sixth Infantry, having gone astray, joined Quitman. It has been suggested that Scott made a mistake in not giving orders, before the attack upon Chapultepec, for subsequent operations, and thus left the troops to their own devices; but it was impossible for him to calculate in advance what the situation would be, and he went as soon as possible to the summit of the hill, which was the proper place for surveying the field and issuing suitable commands.

The Belén garita presented a hard problem because, having been more threatened than the San Cosme garita, it seemed likely to be more strongly guarded, because, being nearer to the forces protecting the southern front, it could be more quickly and effectively reinforced, and because it was supported by the citadel, which could only be approached over open ground. Scott, therefore determined to make only a feint at Belén (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 382). Quitman, however, owing to the abortive Alvarado expedition, had not figured at Cerro Gordo. Aug. 20 and Sept. 8 his duty had been to guard the rear. Hence he had won no éclat under Scott, and, feeling that Scott was unfriendly to him, he apparently resolved at this time to take the bit in his teeth (Davis, Autobiog., 232). During his operations against the city Scott repeatedly signified his disapproval of them, but Quitman refused to retire without a positive order (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 386), and, since Quitman had committed him, Scott, although extremely annoyed (Davis, Autobiog., 234–5), wisely refrained from giving this. Gen. U. S. Grant said, “It is always, however, in order to follow a retreating foe, unless stopped or otherwise directed” (Mems., i, 152). This principle authorized Quitman’s moving toward the city but not the later part of his operations. At the expense of his men, therefore, Quitman was guilty of virtual insubordination—though not of positive disobedience—for personal reasons. This fact it is necessary to make clear. But his men were no doubt as willing as he to risk their lives, and it was only natural that Quitman should seek to distinguish himself. That motive had to be recognized, for without it probably few volunteer officers would have been in the field. Ripley (op. cit., ii, 549) says that according to Scott’s report orders were repeatedly sent to Quitman to prevent his too rapid advance, but Quitman did not receive them and could not find the staff officer who had borne them. What Scott said (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 382) was that he repeatedly communicated his “views” to Quitman, and Davis (Autobiog., 234–5) supports this statement. The purpose of Ripley’s remark apparently was to hint that Scott’s statement was untrue.

The intermediate battery (at what was called the Bridge of the Insurgents) seems to have been built for four guns but to have had only one, two, three guns in place, or perhaps none. The accounts disagree. Quitman and Smith, both of them volunteer officers, appear distinctly to have colored their reports in favor of the Palmetto regiment, which was second to none in gallantry, but was not enabled by circumstances to do all it would gladly have done here. The First Artillery, on the other hand, did not receive the credit it deserved. It was merely a question of precedence, not of courage, but vigorous protests against their reports were the consequence. Perhaps, however, the real explanation of their inaccuracies is that the reports represent orders of which circumstances (unknown or forgotten by them) prevented the execution.

Sept. 9, believing Scott would attack the southern side, Santa Anna had two guns removed from the Belén garita. The “citadel” had originally been a tobacco factory. Terrés was treated by Santa Anna with the utmost contempt and even subjected to personal violence, but a court martial exonerated him, and he was regarded by Scott with marked respect (Delta, Jan. 11, 1848).

Remarks on the San Cosme operations. The Mexicans retreating by this route were commanded by Gen. Rangel, assisted by Gen. Peña y Barragán and Lt. Col. Echeagaray. It is impossible to be as precise as would be desirable in describing the first part of Worth’s advance, for the reports are both vague and inconsistent. This is mainly, no doubt, because the officers wrote from memory and without the aid of a map. Ripley observes (op. cit., ii, 484) that Worth’s movement “had the great element of success, celerity.” In reality, it was very slow, but unofficial accounts and the Mexican reports contain evidence that the resistance was not only vigorous but more than once temporarily triumphant. The one-gun redoubt seems to have been abandoned when the hill yielded. Ripley observes also (op. cit., ii, 485) that Worth did not need to advance rapidly: “Time was not immediately pressing.” But this is a mistake, for substantially all the Mexican preparations at the S. Cosme garita were made after Worth’s advance began. The fortification (unarmed) near the English cemetery was at the bridge of Santo Tomás. The Mexican infantry was withdrawn from this position because the Americans could have struck the S. Cosme highway (by a cross-road) between it and the city; but a large body of cavalry under Torrejón remained and charged in order to gain time for Rangel to make preparations at the garita.

While Quitman was struggling with the intermediate battery, Duncan of Worth’s command sent a gun from La Verónica causeway into a road that extended some distance toward the right, and fired at the Mexicans. He and Worth believed they gave Quitman material assistance, but this does not appear to have been the fact, for the distance was found to be much greater than they supposed (113Beauregard). The better way to aid Quitman would have been to press forward without loss of time, and threaten the rear of the Mexicans opposing Quitman. Later some of Worth’s guns did aid Quitman by firing at the garita.

With remarkable daring Capt. Terrett of the Marines, Lieuts. Gore and U. S. Grant of the Fourth Infantry, a few other officers and a small party of men captured the unarmed work near the junction of La Verónica and San Cosme roads by moving to the left round the English cemetery, and took the parapet on the San Cosme highway. From the latter Worth recalled them because the American guns behind them were about to open. Cadwalader, sent to Worth by Scott, was placed by the former at the English cemetery to guard Worth’s left and rear. Sumner, after pursuing the Mexicans for some time, was detached to protect Tacubaya. Scott joined Worth near the English cemetery and directed him to carry the garita (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 392), but he soon returned to the base of Chapultepec so as to be within easy reach of all his scattered forces (ibid., 382). By Scott’s order Huger sent to Worth four siege guns and a mortar, but on account of the nature of the ground none of these pieces was used against the garita (ibid., 424). Santa Anna brought four guns to the garita, but only three of them were available. The stampede from the garita seems to have been due in part to a cornet signal for retreat, meant for a single corps. The cavalry under Alvarez entered the city during the afternoon of Sept. 12. Grant was assisted by Lieut. Lendrum of the Third Artillery in handling the mountain howitzer.

Quitman sent to Scott for heavy cannon and ammunition, and the latter, though offended by Quitman’s course, had them supplied. During the night, under Beauregard’s direction, two batteries inside the Belén garita (for a 24-pounder, an 18-pounder and a 24-pound howitzer) and a breastwork on the right for infantry were made ready. Steptoe, sent here by Scott, was on hand to superintend the firing. To assault the citadel across about 300 yards of open ground, even with the aid of these pieces, would have been a very serious affair, and it was most fortunate for Quitman that Worth’s entering the town where no citadel existed made it unnecessary.

It has been supposed that Huger’s brief bombardment caused Santa Anna to evacuate the city (Semmes, Service, 463); but Santa Anna knew, without being shown again, what the American artillery could do, and he seems to have decided upon his policy before this firing occurred. Santa Anna’s chief published reasons for the evacuation were that he wished to save the city from bombardment, assault and sack, and save the army, arms and cannon for future operations. Gamboa complained that no provision was made before the evacuation for the security of the people, the archives, etc. But Scott’s previous conduct was an adequate pledge, and the council relied upon his regard for international law. Considering Santa Anna’s known love of money, the vast Mexican interests now imperilled, and his summary manner of deciding the question of evacuation, one cannot help suspecting that inducements were offered him. The council was probably held merely to divide the responsibility for what he had resolved to do.

It was charged that Santa Anna let the criminals out of jail expressly to attack the Americans, and to bring odium upon us by committing outrages that could be attributed to our troops. One cannot be sure about this matter; but it is noticeable that Gamboa, in piling up all possible charges against the President, only accused him of failing to prevent the criminals from getting free. Santa Anna must have been completely exhausted, but it seems to be true, as was stated by the British minister (Bankhead, no. 86, 1847), that some one in authority let about 2000 men out of confinement. Very likely it was hoped that the Americans would be guilty of disorder; but the palace at least was sacked before they entered it. Some of the Mexican soldiers acted like brigands, it was reported—even robbing the British consul. No preparations to evacuate the town had been made. Some one might and should have had sentinels posted at the public buildings and offices ready to surrender them in a proper manner. See chap. xxix, note 2.

On account of illness Pierce had no part in the battles of Sept. 8 and 13. Probably in order to occupy a place in the reports he appeared at the Belén garita at about four A.M., Sept. 14 (though he belonged to Pillow’s division) on the ground that the Ninth Infantry was then serving under Quitman. Although Scott refused to grant a capitulation or sign any pledge, he seems to have indicated quite definitely to the commission how the capital would be treated (Negrete, Invasión, iv, 122), and in particular that in consideration of being protected it would have to pay $150,000 for necessaries and comforts to be given our troops. The ayuntamiento attempted to force Scott to make pledges by saying that otherwise it could offer no security to his army or its property. This was ingenious, and so was its solemn Protest (Negrete, Invasión, iv, 108) that it had no intention of submitting voluntarily to any foreign authority.

Scott’s report offended Worth by saying that he did not pass the garita until Sept. 14 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1077). This was technically an error, and Scott so acknowledged in writing (ibid., 1079). But one cannot suppose he intended (though Worth imagined he did) to belittle Worth, for his plan had been to give that officer the glory of capturing the city, and he was displeased to find that Quitman had taken precedence of Worth (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 377). Moreover, Scott stated expressly in his report that Worth, had he not halted in obedience to orders, might have anticipated Quitman (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 383). Scott seems, indeed, to have intended, in giving Worth the command on Sept. 8 and destining him to take possession of the city, to close the breach between that officer and himself, but Worth contrived, by taking needless offence on both occasions, to widen it. Another complaint was that Scott ordered Worth to stop at the Alameda, and thus enabled Quitman to reach the palace first (Semmes, Service, 464); but apparently this was because Scott intended to join Worth there (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 417), for when Scott proceeded from Tacubaya to the city on the morning of Sept. 14 he took the long route via San Cosme, not knowing what Quitman had done.

Semmes (Service, 469) states that S. Anna left 40 pieces of artillery behind when he evacuated the city. Gamboa asserted that at the end of the fighting, Sept. 13, there were still 9000 Mexican soldiers besides 4000 National Guards (Impug., 59). The Spanish chargé reported that when the fighting ended Santa Anna had 12,000 troops. As the minister of relations was his guest at the time this would seem almost equivalent to an official estimate (73Lozano, no. 7, Sept. 16). Mounted and unmounted, the Americans found twenty-two cannon at the citadel (304Geary to Quitman, Sept. 14). In spite of Santa Anna’s efforts to prevent the capture of the city, many still believed that he was in league with the Americans (Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 419).

Epitomizing his operations in the Valley, Scott said his army had beaten thirty-odd thousand men, posted behind defences at chosen positions, killed or wounded more than 7000, taken 3730 (one seventh officers), including thirteen generals, and captured more than twenty colors and standards, 75 pieces of ordnance, 57 wall-pieces, 20,000 small arms, and an immense quantity of munitions (Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 384–5). The total American losses on Sept. 12, 13 and 14: note 18.

XXIX. FINAL MILITARY OPERATIONS

The distance from Camargo to Mexico City seems to have been about 820 miles by the direct road. As early as May 11, 1847, Polk remarked to the Cabinet that it was more important to reinforce Scott than Taylor (Diary). In March, 1847, Taylor had: (regulars) 2 cos. of First Dragoons; ditto, Second Dragoons; four artillery cos. (C of 1st; C and E of 3d; B of 4th) with batteries; five artillery cos. as infantry; (volunteers) Arkansas horse regt.; ditto, Kentucky; two cos. Texas horse; two regts. Kentucky foot; three Ohio foot; three Ind. foot; two Ill. foot; two Miss. foot; one each Va., No. Car., So. Car. and Mass. foot (62adj. gen. to ordnance dept., March 24, 1847). June 16 Taylor wrote that Wool would soon have at Buena Vista six regular companies (Second Dragoons, Fourth Artillery), four cos. of volunteer horse (First Arkansas, Third Texas), and Marshall’s brigade (in all about 2500); that there would be a small garrison at Monterey, and that the troops on or coming to the Rio Grande would go to a camp of instruction at Mier. He reckoned that by August 15 he would have about 8000 effectives (Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1177, 1180). The New Orleans Delta of Aug. 3 said Wool had at Buena Vista about 2900, Taylor at Monterey 800, and the posts at Cerralvo, Mier and Matamoros about 3300. In May and June the time of practically all Taylor’s 12-months men (thirteen regts.) was out. Only enough for one company would reënlist. The government intended Taylor should have after losing these men fully 10,000, to wit (Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 924–6): (regulars) Hopping’s brigade consisting of Tenth Infantry (N. Y., N. J.) under Col. Temple; Thirteenth Infantry (Va., Ga., Ala., Fla.) under Col. Echols; Sixteenth Infantry (Ky., Ind., Ill.) under Col. Tibbatts; and also the Third Dragoons; (volunteers) Marshall’s brigade (one regt. each from *Miss., *Va. and *No. Car., five Va. companies—*three of them already in Mexico); Lane’s brigade (Ill. regt., Ill. horse co., Ind. regt., five N. J. cos., one Fla. co., one Ark. horse co., five Texas horse cos.); Cushing’s brigade (*Mass. regt., Ohio regt., Ohio horse co., five D. C. and Md. cos., five Ala. cos., one Ala. horse co.). (The star means “already in Mexico.”) In spite of this it was charged that the government was leaving Taylor with only a corporal’s guard. Troops began to leave Taylor’s for Scott’s field during the latter part of August. Taylor retained the Tenth and Sixteenth regular regts. and the battery of Deas (Co. B, Fourth Artillery) and sent to Scott, besides Hays’s men and a body under Cushing, three regts. of volunteers (Mass., Ohio, Ind.): an aggregate of 2957 (62adj. gen., Oct. 6). He estimated that Hays had about 400. Wool, who had been commanding at Saltillo and Buena Vista, moved to Monterey after Taylor left that place, and Col. John Hamtramck succeeded him. A letter from Buena Vista dated Jan. 17, 1848, said that Hamtramck then had 2600 and Wool at Monterey 1400; and that the total force in that field amounted to five light batteries, four infantry regiments, ten companies of dragoons and four companies of horse (Spirit of the Age, Feb. 17, 1848).

About 200 American prisoners (privates), who were supposed by themselves and other Americans to have been exchanged for Mexicans captured at Cerro Gordo, were sent by the Mexican government in May, 1847, to Huejutla, about 120 miles from Tampico on the road to Mexico, in order to prevent them from escaping or being recaptured, and suffered terrible privations in the mountains. July 7, 1847, Gates, commanding at Tampico, sent Col. De Russey of the Louisiana volunteers, with 126 men (including 35 mounted men) and a 6-pdr. under Capt. F. O. Wyse to endeavor peaceably to obtain the release of these prisoners, or, if that could not be done, to rescue them. De Russey sent word to Gen. F. de Garay, the Mexican commander in that district, regarding his mission, but was ambushed near Huejutla. With some loss he beat off his assailants, and after fighting more or less three days on his retreat, succeeded, after receiving aid from Tampico, in reaching that place. His loss was 12 killed and 7 wounded. Later the prisoners were released on parole. The garrison of Tampico at this time was only about 650 effectives; but July 31 five companies of Ill. vols. were ordered to go there from N. Orleans. In April, 1848, Gen. Shields was ordered to take command at Tampico. (For this paragraph: Encarnacion Prisoners, 70; 65Gates, special orders 41, July 7; 61Id.., July 21, Aug. 24; 365Wyse, May 15, 1876; 61adj. gen. to Gates, July 31; Ho. 24; 31, 1; Tampico Sentinel, extra, July 18; 76Garay, July 19, 28; 76V. de Mora, Sept. 10; Apuntes, 380–4; Niles, Aug. 7, p. 357; 61adj. gen. to Shields, Mar. 30, 1848.)

In the summer of 1847 discipline at Buena Vista was in a bad state (76Filisola, Aug. 10; 76report of a trustworthy spy). In August a mutiny occurred (Sen. 62; 30, 1), and Wool discharged dishonorably two lieuts. and two privates (Ho. 78; 30, 1). Polk countermanded this discharge on the ground that Wool had exceeded his authority (256Marcy to Wool, Jan. 17, 1848). A court of inquiry was ordered (Ho. 60; 30, 1, 1207–8). This fully vindicated Wool (Sen. 62; 30, 1).

By the autumn of 1847 the Americans occupied Tamaulipas and Nuevo León pretty effectively, but in Coahuila held only Saltillo and its vicinity. In Feb. and March, 1848, that state was overrun (61Wool, Mar. 2, 1848; 76gov. Coahuila, Mar. 29, 1848), and on March 7 Mazapil in northern Zacatecas was made an American outpost (61Wool to Price, Apr. 5, 1848; 76comte. gen. Zacatecas, Mar. 10). The Americans tried repeatedly without success to apprehend Gov. Aguirre, who was known to be hostile. Finally, about the middle of Dec., 1847, they burned his house and destroyed the clothing of his family who were there (76report to comte. gen. Durango, res., Dec. 21, 1847).

Valencia’s plan of combined operations appears to have been an elaboration of a suggestion of Filisola. By June 22 Filisola, then at Durango, was ready to advance. July 31 he feared his men would disband from lack of means. About Aug. 1 he moved. Many deserted or fell sick. August 11 he had 634 available privates. Avalos was in a similar condition, and his brigade shrank rapidly. Most of the troops placed under Filisola’s orders were diverted or simply failed to appear, and finally on Aug. 23, 1847, he was ordered to Querétaro. (This paragraph is based upon numerous 76reports from the officers concerned.)

Price’s campaign. In Oct., 1847, it was feared at Santa Fe that the Mexicans intended to attack New Mexico (Santa Fe Republican, Oct. 9), and a considerable American force appears to have gone to the southern part of the province (76prefect El Paso, Oct. 26). In November El Paso was the scene of preparations to march south. The people of Chihuahua state had mostly been cowed at Sacramento, but Trias and a few others were determined to fight. He obtained 500 muskets that were landed at Guaymas, and his arsenal turned out eight small field pieces. At Santa Cruz de Rosales he took post with 804 men, besides officers. Price had 665 men, but his artillery was much superior to that of the Mexicans. His object was to get the munitions and other public property that Trias had brought from Chihuahua City. Trias said he knew officially that a treaty had been signed; but, as the Mexicans were more noted for astuteness than for veracity, Price would not believe him. He did, however, wait about a week. After some fighting Trias and his entire force surrendered. He lost 238 killed. The American loss was 4 killed and 19 wounded (62adj. gen. to Price, Oct. 4; Nov. 20, 1847. 256Marcy to Price, May 22, 1848; to Wool, May 23. 76Trias, Nov. 30; Feb. 15; Mar. 21. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 76–7, 113–36. 61Corresp. between Price and Trias, Mar. 10, etc. Ho. 24; 31, 1. Eco del Comercio, June 22, 1848. 76Chávez to Armijo, Oct. 21, 1847. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 535–7. México á través, iv, 710. 61Justiniani and Trias, report, Mar. 22, 1848. Apuntes, 397–401). Price exhibited energy and courage in this campaign but poor judgment. A force occupying El Paso would have protected New Mexico, and to go even beyond the city of Chihuahua and fight so serious an aggressive battle long after the capture of Mexico City and in the face of positive assurances that a treaty had been signed was hardly reasonable. One suspects that commercial interests were behind this campaign. Gen. Butler ordered restitution made (60to Marcy, Apr. 7).

Santa Anna sent an order to Herrera to return to Mexico, but by the time Herrera received it he was so far away that he did not think it best to go back, and the order was soon rescinded. One of the 92proclamations of the president of the ayuntamiento, 12:30 p.m., Sept. 14, said: “The general in charge of the American forces which have occupied the city this morning has informed the Ayuntamiento that if within three hours, counted from the time this notice is posted, there is not an entire cessation of the acts of hostility now being committed with palpable imprudence and to the grave prejudice of the peaceable citizens, he will proceed with all rigor against the guilty, permitting their goods and property to be sacked and razing the block in which are situated the houses from which the American troops are fired upon.” There is no evidence that the last threat was executed. In another 92proclamation of the same day the people were called upon to “reciprocate the civilization” of the American army, and to leave national affairs to the nation. In a 92third the people were told that Scott had refused to give the pledges asked for by the ayuntamiento until the hostilities should cease. The action of the ayuntamiento brought upon President Veramendi the most violent denunciations and menaces of Santa Anna. Veramendi 92replied that he “idolized” his country, and was only trying to avert the disasters to which it had been doomed by “the most well-proven rapine, the most lamentable demoralization of our people, and not by true patriotism or zeal to prevent the sacking of the churches” and other outrages. Veramendi wrote finally that it would be a waste of time to continue the discussion; that the authorities would do their duty and accept the verdict of public opinion.

The Americans commonly believed that the convicts were released from the prison by Santa Anna with the expectation that their crimes would be charged to the Americans; and on the other hand Otero asserted that the Americans released them to prey upon the people. His view was certainly erroneous; and the other, though not without support, may have been so. In the confusion the jailers perhaps left the prisoners unguarded or released them to save them from starving. Some believed that the real purpose of the uprising was to plunder the houses of the city under cover of the disorder, and there is reason to think this motive existed. No doubt, too, some Americans robbed the houses of innocent citizens from which they supposed, or pretended to suppose, that bullets had come (221Hill, diary). As late as December an uprising was planned. Scott had agents (including a member of Congress and a governor) to give him information (Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 38). Scott’s general orders 289, Sept. 18, for the distribution of the troops in the city show that all the principal sections were covered, and that a guard and two guns defended each of the principal gates. No private house was to be used for quarters till all suitable public buildings had been occupied, nor then without the owner’s consent or an order from headquarters. Officers were to be with or near their troops.

In Spanish guerrilla means a party, each member of which is a guerrillero. The value of the work done by the Spanish guerillas was commonly much overrated by the Mexicans. Not only did the “patriotic” irregulars act atrociously in Mexico during the revolution against Spain, but those organized by the viceroy behaved so badly that he disbanded them (México á través, iii, 234). Guerillas (“light corps of the National Guard”) were decreed by the Mexican government on April 8, 1847. A citizen after obtaining authorization from the state or the national government, could raise a body of volunteers (not less than fifty), rank according to the number from lieutenant to colonel (800), and give his name to the corps. Other corps were to be supported by the state or the central government. Goods taken from the enemy were to be divided among the captors and could be sold without paying duty. August 16, 1847, the government ordered that the people within thirty leagues (about eighty miles) of every point occupied by the enemy should rise en masse, and attack them with “the arms each may have, fire-arms or cold steel, great or small, long or short—in a word, if there be nothing else, with sticks and stones” (76Relaciones to Olaguíbel).

Other guerilla leaders in Vera Cruz state were M. Senobio (near the coast), the Spanish priest J. A. Martínez, Juan Aburto, F. Mendoza and J. M. Vázquez. T. Marín had charge of the guerillas near Córdoba. Jarauta was ordered to bring together a number of small parties that were simply preying upon the people. In the autumn of 1847 he offered to join the Americans, but Gen. Patterson, who arrived at Jalapa just then, would make no arrangement with him (Kenly, Md. Vol., 328–31; 257[Hughes] to Frank, Nov. 11).

If a train moved in sections with troops between them its length was increased so much that more strength was believed to be lost than gained. The “roads” were usually narrow, especially in rough country. For Urrea see chap. xx, p. 400.

Final action regarding the fine of $96,000 was made contingent on the conduct of the people (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1139). General Mora, commanding at San Luis Potosí, thought he could take advantage of a small massacre perpetrated by Americans to score a point, but Taylor disposed of him summarily (ibid., pp. 1138–41).

For McIntosh and Pierce see chap. xxiv, pp. 76–7. McIntosh left Vera Cruz June 4 with 132 wagons, about 500 pack-mules, 170 dragoons, 100 dismounted dragoons and about 450 infantry. The wagon horses were weak mustangs; the mules unbroken and vicious; the teamsters Mexicans, mostly new to the business. The wagons became too much separated. The dragoons acted imprudently. A court of inquiry exonerated McIntosh. The guerillas destroyed the fine bridge at Plan del Río in the hope of stopping Cadwalader, who marched from Vera Cruz to reinforce McIntosh. Lally had two companies of the Fourth Infantry, two of the Fifth, one of the Eleventh, three of the Twelfth, one of the Fifteenth, two of the Voltigeurs and one of Louisiana horse. The “missing” numbered twelve. He admitted that at the national bridge only his artillery gave him the victory. Lally had been appointed from civil life, and, though military in appearance, did not understand his present business (Grone, Briefe, 46–8). Hearing at Perote that Lally had been repulsed, Colonel Wynkoop with two companies of infantry and one of cavalry marched to Jalapa in thirty-six hours. Naturally the Americans greatly overestimated the numbers of the guerillas they were fighting. In November, 1847, the guerillas operated so near Vera Cruz that the farmers would not bring milk and vegetables to the city unless escorted. January 3, 1848, Lieut. Col. Miles left Vergara with some 500 wagons and a large number of pack-mules. He had 1300 troops, but only 150 of them were cavalry. The train extended at least nine miles. In spite of unusual precautions 250–300 of the pack-mules were captured near Santa Fe. Most of the goods thus lost belonged to Mexican merchants. In February, 1848, a party under Lieut. Col. Briscoe was attacked on its way to Orizaba. A number of other encounters are mentioned by Mexicans.

It was a common practice of these guerillas to mutilate wounded Americans. The lasso was one of their weapons. Their rule was to take no prisoners. After Scott had to abandon his communications with Vera Cruz, the government felt extremely anxious to have the line re-opened and kept open. August 12, 1847, the commander at Vera Cruz was assured that this was “of the first importance,” and troops were sent to him expressly for the purpose. The volunteers in general, personally brave and enterprising, did good service against the guerillas (Stevens, Stevens, i, 134); but as the latter almost always had horses, there was a particular need of cavalry on our side. About the first of July, 1847, the governors of Illinois and Georgia were called upon for two and five companies respectively of mounted men to help keep this line open. Polk himself selected Hays’s regiment (Diary, July 16). Walker, though stern with the guerillas, would not permit his men to pillage. Rebolledo was betrayed, and was taken by Mexican counter-guerillas in November, 1847; but he was defended by an American named Kennedy, who resided at Jalapa, and was merely imprisoned. Jarauta was shot in July, 1848, for revolutionary activities. Marcy wrote to Scott that the guerilla system was “hardly recognized as a legitimate mode of warfare, and should be met with the utmost allowable severity” (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 138), and ordered him to destroy the rendezvous of the guerillas. The guerillas failed completely to affect the general course of the war, as they were expected to do, but even as late as March, 1848, the road from Vera Cruz to Jalapa was safe for large parties only. Hays’s Rangers seemed to aim to dress as outlandishly as possible, and with their huge beards looked almost like savages. The officers were like the men in looks and costume. The horses were of all sizes and colors. For arms each had a rifle, a pair of pistols and one or two Colt’s five-shooters (Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 310; Brackett, Lane’s Brigade, 174). Hays’s usual order for attack was to point at the enemy and shout, “Give ’em hell!” (Zirckel, Tagebuch, 11).

The cavalry were under Capt. Ford, the artillery under Capts. Kendrick and Miller, and the infantry (six companies) under Lieut. Col. Black (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 471). Capt. Rowe, Ninth Infantry, commanded a hospital that was persistently attacked. A considerable number of the sick were able to do light duty. Some civilian employees helped. Childs had authority from Scott to organize the convalescents into companies and battalions (65Scott, gen. orders 246). Scott spoke of the garrison as “competent” (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 303), and no doubt it was as nearly equal to the dangers that appeared to threaten it as was the army that advanced from Puebla. But the garrison was weaker than Scott had intended it to be, for many convalescents had represented themselves as well. Four Pennsylvania companies, Ford’s company and Miller’s company held S. José, which was a poor building for the purpose and badly placed. Guadalupe was occupied as a protection to Loreto.

Guerillas entered Puebla Aug. 12. Childs at once gave notice to the prefect that, should the people attempt to overpower the garrison, “the City would probably suffer” from his artillery (69Aug. 12). The first attack upon the Americans gave the guerillas about 700 mules and some other property. The next day some fifty armed teamsters and others went against the guerillas, and only fifteen of them returned. The authorities of the city were disgusted with the operations of the guerillas. About the first of September, by order of the state congress, the National Guards moved to help recover the city from the Americans, but the orders given them seemed to show little determination to coöperate with Rea or fight in earnest, and hence many became disheartened and deserted (82Ochoterena). Typhoid fever broke out among the American sick and carried off many (Moore, Scott’s Camps., 218). News of the capture of Mexico was brought in by a courier disguised as a lépero. S. Cristóbal was on the road from Mexico to Puebla via Apam, which Santa Anna chose to take. Alvarez went via S. Martin.

From Perote, hearing that large Mexican forces were in his front, Lane took four companies of the First Pennsylvania, Walker’s company of Mounted Riflemen, some convalescents and three guns under Taylor (Third Artillery). Wynkoop of the First Pennsylvania commanded these men. Before long they returned to Perote. Santa Anna reported that he took from Puebla 3500 men. His worst trouble was with his Puebla National Guards, who thought the expedition was a treasonable scheme of his to get them away from Puebla. On finding his command melting away, he sent all but about 1000 cavalry back to Puebla under Alvarez. From Puebla Alvarez retired to Atlixco and thence to the south. Later he took possession of Cuernavaca in the state of México.

Lane was born in 1814. For a time he was a trader at Lawrenceburg, Indiana; and then he studied law in the manner of that time and region. He was not a man of much education. He meant thoroughly well in a rough way, but was rather careless about discipline. His men realized that he did not look out for their comfort or husband their strength, but admired his courage, energy and shrewd planning so much that they forgave him. He was called the Marion of the war.

To guard his baggage, etc., Lane left at the hacienda the Fourth Ohio (Col. Brough), three regular companies under Capt. Simmons, and Lieut. Pratt (Second Art.) with two guns. Walker had his own company of Mounted Riflemen, two companies of Louisiana cavalry, and one company of Georgia cavalry (Brackett, Lane’s Brig., 89). Lane had, in the following order, the Fourth Indiana (Col. Gorman), four Pennsylvania companies (Col. Wynkoop), five guns (Capt. Taylor), a battalion of the Ninth Infantry (Maj. Lally) and six companies of regulars (Capt. Heintzelman). Santa Anna, hearing that a few Americans were on their way to Huamantla, sent a party of Puebla mounted police to protect the town. Evidently this was the party that Walker saw approaching it.

Much was written about this fight. It was said that Walker was ordered not to advance beyond supporting distance; that he was authorized to act according to circumstances; that he dashed ahead because he received word that the Mexican guns were being taken away, etc.; but Lane reported that he ordered Walker to move ahead (“within supporting distance”) and, should the Mexicans be found in force, to wait for the infantry (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 477). He reached the town about forty-five minutes before the infantry did. Santa Anna was repulsed by the Fourth Indiana. In spite of Lane, much plundering was done by the victors, in whose defence it was urged that citizens fired from the houses. Though Walker captured two guns, he had no priming tubes, and therefore could make little, if any, use of them. Lane’s loss was about twenty-five killed and wounded. Santa Anna reported two killed, seven wounded, and a number missing, but his loss was estimated by Americans at 100.

Santa Anna overtook Lane at El Pinal, but admitted that the Americans marched so cautiously that he could accomplish nothing. The loss of the garrison, Sept. 13 to Oct. 12, was fifteen killed, thirty-seven wounded (Ho. 24; 31, 1). The loss of the Mexicans was estimated by Americans at 300–500.

Lane had the Fourth Ohio, Fourth Indiana, Lally’s and Heintzelman’s battalions, Wynkoop’s four Pennsylvania companies, Taylor’s (3) and Pratt’s (2) guns, and a squadron of the Third Dragoons (Capt. Ford) on the Atlixco expedition. When he entered the town the city authorities met him, surrendered, and asked protection. Lane had one killed and one wounded; the Mexicans admitted a loss of 219 killed and 300 wounded. On his way back to Puebla Lane turned off with 450 men to Guexocingo to capture two guns just made there. They had been removed, but he destroyed the carriages (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 481).

October 29–30 an expedition from Puebla visited Tlaxcala (356Whitcomb, diary). November 9–10 at night Lane with a force of dragoons went over this road again, and recovered twenty-one loaded wagons that had been captured by guerillas, besides seven that they had set afire as he approached. Thirteen Mexican officers and many horses and cattle were taken. This time he had about 100 cavalry, 200 Indiana and 200 Ohio men. He returned to Puebla in the night of Nov. 12–13 without having lost a man. In the evening of Nov. 22 he left Puebla for Izucar de Matamoros with about 200 mounted men. In the morning he surprised (76Arenal to Rea, Nov. 26) a body of Mexican irregulars, causing considerable loss, captured three cannon (76Peña y Barragán, Nov. 28) and much ammunition, and rescued a number of American prisoners. On his return, Nov. 24–5, he was attacked by Rea, but again triumphed (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 87). One or two Americans were killed and several wounded. If Rea’s report can be believed, the Americans greatly exaggerated, as was natural, his numbers and losses (76to Peña y B., Nov. 26). In January, 1848, Lane with four companies of Texas Rangers, two of the Third Dragoons and one of Mounted Riflemen was sent from Mexico to clear the roads of guerillas (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 75). In the course of his rapid march he almost succeeded in capturing Santa Anna, then residing at Tehuacán. He finally proceeded to Orizaba and Córdoba, captured public property, recovered stolen merchandise, and released American prisoners (Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 89–95). February 17 he set out from Mexico with 250 Rangers and 130 of the Third Dragoons against the guerillas north and northeast of the capital (ibid., p. 76). February 25 he captured the town of Sequalteplán after a stiff skirmish, killing a considerable number and taking some fifty prisoners. It was said that Jarauta led the guerillas here. For Lane’s operations subsequent to the Atlixco expedition: Brackett, Lane’s Brigade, 168, 174, 192, 205, 234–45. Whitcomb, diary. Zirckel, Tagebuch, 122–3. 61Dumont to Lane, Nov. 15. 76S. Anna, Feb. 1, 1848. Id.., Apelación, 65. Amer. Home Journal, Aug., 1906. Flag of Freedom, i, no. 1. T. F. Davis, diary. Claiborne, memoirs. 76Puebla comte. gen., Nov. 28. 76Rea to Peña y Barragán, Nov. 26. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 75–6 (Marcy, report), 86–103. Mention should also be made of Capt. Ruff, who on July 30, 1847, with eighty-two Mounted Riflemen attacked about 300 Mexicans (guerillas and infantry) entrenched in houses and a church at S. Juan near Ojo de Agua. With a loss of one man wounded, he killed or wounded about seventy to ninety of the enemy, it was believed (69Porter to Mrs. P., July 31; Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 25–6 (Smith); Smith, To Mexico, 187).

Real or at least additional reasons for the decree of Sept. 16 were probably that Santa Anna intended to leave the country or desired to let it try to get on without him. Rives (U. S. and Mexico, ii, 584) denies that Peña was timid: but (1) Bankhead and Trist so described him; and (2) his conduct in the negotiations with Slidell and with Trist confirms their opinion. In the latter case all the strength of his entourage was required to make him face the situation.

Peña admitted that it was impossible to fulfil the constitutional requirements, but said it was a public duty to establish a government as near them as was practicable (Colec. de Docs., 110). The legislature of México state denounced Peña as representing the peace element, and refused to recognize any federal authority except the Lagos Coalition; but its decree was not favorably received by the public, and Olaguíbel would not promulgate it.

Scott assisted Peña by giving safe-conducts to several members of Congress (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 385). Santa Anna took the ground that he was still legally responsible for the government of the country, and therefore must be allowed to exercise the powers of a President. Nov. 1 he made this demand formally (Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 469). He also tried to create trouble for the new government by proclaiming that his removal from the command of the army was intended to cause his personal destruction or to pave the way for a disgraceful peace. He further said he could not be placed on trial until Congress should declare there were grounds for trying him. But he found he had no prestige left. Rosa said to Santa Anna that his resignation of the Presidency had been consummated by actually giving up the executive power, and that, in view of public opinion, it would be impossible to prove Peña’s impartiality and maintain discipline in the army, unless the conduct of the general defeated at Cerro Gordo and in the later battles were officially inquired into (ibid., 421). In reply to another letter from Santa Anna he said (Nov. 11) that Peña would not discuss the resignation further, that his authority had been recognized by all the states and by Congress, and that Congress admitted no right on Santa Anna’s part to resume the Presidency. In January, 1848, Rosa issued a circular reproaching Santa Anna for his past political conduct.

Santa Anna’s military reports had excited resentment because he had been liberal with censures, particularly to relieve himself of blame.

Santa Anna was ordered to turn the command over to Rincón or (temporarily) Alvarez. But he said that he did not know where Rincón was, and that on account of the position of the Americans he could not safely send his artillery to Alvarez. Reyes marched north. Santa Anna then chose Tehuacán for a place of residence instead of going nearer Guatemala, because he still had hopes of regaining power through intrigue or revolution. His presence was not desired there by the people, presumably because it endangered them. They made it difficult for him to stay; and his friends, whose opinions he asked, now felt that his remaining in the country would injure them. See also chap. xxxii, p. 242. He sailed from La Antigua on or about April 4 in a Spanish brig for Venezuela, it was understood, after expressing warm appreciation of the treatment received at this time from the Americans (69to Gutiérrez, Mar. 11, 1848). Some thought he had increased his wealth since his return to Mexico.

Nov. 19 a detailed statement of the available forces gave the figures as 6785 scattered over twelve states. The largest body (2683) was at Querétaro. Oct. 14 the Army of the East had only one 16-pounder, one 12-pounder, one 6-pounder, three 5–3/4-pounders, one 4-pounder and two 24-pound howitzers. It was pointed out that even if men could be raised, they would be of the poorest sort, and long before an efficient army could be created, the Americans might be expected to attack them. Herrera probably had about 4000 men when he left Mexico, but he could not prevent wholesale desertion on the way to Querétaro. (Gamboa asserted that Herrera took only 2–3000 infantry from Mexico, but his statements are not always to be relied upon.) Jan. 2, 1848, Valencia was captured by the Americans.

Filisola and Alcorta agreed substantially in recommending an elastic, evasive plan of campaign: bodies of, say, 2000 men to be stationed at strategic positions; the one attacked to fall back upon the next; these to fight or join the third, as might seem best; those not otherwise engaged, to strike for the American rear; and thus a campaign of movements, in which the Mexicans would have the advantages of mobility, of knowing the country, and of having the coöperation of the people, would be pursued in order to wear out the Americans. But the means of carrying out this system were lacking. In October the government planned to have three sizable armies; but by the end of December it limited its ambition to having two small brigades of infantry and one of cavalry, each headed by a colonel.

Sept. 17, at a gathering of generals, one of the best proposed retiring at once to Vera Cruz. For the defensive plan see chap. xviii, p. 348. General Butler (Calhoun, Corres., 1146) and apparently Daniel Webster (Boston Courier, Feb. 20, 23, 1847) favored this plan. Had it been adopted we should in all probability have been forced sooner or later to resume active operations after having given up the results of much fighting. It seemed hardly possible that a majority in Congress would soon be able to agree upon a policy, and it looked as if injurious debates on the subject might occur. Marcy particularly advised Scott to prevent the formation of a new Mexican army, but authorized him to use his own judgment as to military operations. They were not, however, to be modified in consequence of Mexican peace proposals (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 140). For the difficult situation of the United States see the first paragraphs of chap. xxxii.

In June and August, 1847, the First and Second Illinois regiments (12-months men) were replaced with “for the war” regiments bearing the same names. As we have seen (note 8) Illinois and Georgia were called upon about the first of July for mounted companies. June 23 Louisiana was asked to furnish two mounted, acclimated companies to clear guerillas from near Vera Cruz. July 16 a Pennsylvania foot regiment, organized some time earlier at Carlisle, was accepted. July 16 a proposed battalion of Mississippi riflemen was accepted as infantry. July 19 an Illinois horse company and a Delaware infantry company were accepted. July 24 a Maryland artillery company was authorized, and Missouri was requested to furnish an artillery company, two infantry companies and two mounted companies. August 17 Polk found that 6000 of the 50,000 volunteers authorized by the war bill had not been called out, and that the Cabinet were in favor of calling more of them (Diary). That day Ohio was asked for an infantry regiment. August 21 an infantry company, tendered by W. J. Corcoran of Washington, D. C., was accepted. August 26 Tennessee and Kentucky were called upon for two infantry regiments each, and an Indiana regiment was accepted. Sept. 6 a North Carolina company was accepted on the condition that it should be ready for muster by Oct. 10. Sept. 7, owing to the delay of the Carlisle company, a Pittsburgh, Pa., company was accepted in lieu of it. Sept. 8 two Ohio companies were asked for. Sept. 27 Marcy stated that nearly or quite all of the 50,000 volunteers had been accepted (Niles, Oct. 30, p. 144). Oct. 8 another Tennessee regiment (ten extra companies were ready) and a Michigan regiment were called for. Aug. 23 only one of the five Mississippi companies was ready. The government explained that men did not wish to serve on foot. The battalion was completed near the end of December (Rowland, Register, 416). Alabama and Virginia also were backward at this time. The Act of March 3, authorizing individual enlistments of volunteers, provided no means for its execution, no bounty and no clothing, and volunteers received less pay than the regulars (62adj. gen. to Hamtramck, Feb. 28, 1848). Naturally men did not care to leave home singly and be kept at dépôts for perhaps weeks, waiting for enough to be collected to be sent on. In Aug. and Sept. the transportation of troops was embarrassed by a serious epidemic of yellow fever at New Orleans. Transportation difficulties at Vera Cruz caused delays later.

Nov. 30, 1847, the authorized regulars were 1336 commissioned officers (eleven generals, thirty-five in general staff, 115 medical men, thirty-one in pay department, forty-three engineers, thirty-six topographical engineers, thirty-six ordnance officers, 118 officers in three dragoon regiments, thirty-five in Mounted Riflemen, 208 in four artillery regiments, 648 in sixteen infantry regiments, forty-seven in one regiment of Voltigeurs and foot riflemen) and 28,960 enlisted men (3408 dragoons, 1146 Mounted Riflemen, 5492 artillery, 17,664 infantry, 1104 Voltigeurs and foot riflemen, 100 engineer soldiers, forty-six ordnance sergeants, seventeen military storekeepers); but according to the returns (not all recent) the enlisted men numbered not more than 20,333 (adj. gen.’s report in Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 72). Of 12-months volunteers there were (mounted) one regiment of seven companies, one battalion and four independent companies, and two companies of infantry: aggregate, eighty-two officers, 2037 non-commissioned men and privates. Of volunteers “for the war” there were theoretically seven generals; 125 staff officers (including quartermaster’s, commissary’s and medical departments, and twelve (additional) in the pay department); of horse one regiment, two battalions, twenty-two independent companies (total, 184 officers, 4871 others); of foot artillery three companies (twelve and 342 respectively); of infantry twenty-two regiments, five battalions, eight independent companies (1159 and 27,603 respectively): aggregates, 1355 and 32,816 respectively. The number still on the rolls (Nov. 30) “for the war” was not supposed to exceed 20,286. This number was believed by the adjutant general to be “much beyond” the number of effectives.

There were supposed to be in the field 19,818 regulars and (aside from 803 on California service) 21,124 volunteers (officers and men); en route 1691 regulars, 100 volunteers: total (including the California men), 43,536. Scott’s army (regulars) was figured as 15,071 in the field, 1396 en route, 555 at Vera Cruz, 79 at Tampico; (volunteers) in the field and at Tampico, 14,955. His operating army, including the sick and the disabled, was estimated as about 30,209. Wool’s army was figured as (regulars) 3,642 in the field, 295 en route and (volunteers) 2790: total, 6727. Price was believed to have 255 regulars (dragoons), 2902 volunteers; and Mason (California) 216 regulars (one company of dragoons and one company of artillery), 803 volunteers (adj. gen.’s report, Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 72). All the figures were approximate and there were discrepancies in the reckoning.

Nov. 20 the adjutant general stated the regulars sent to Scott as reinforcements thus: of the old establishment (absent companies, reorganized companies and recruits), 5564; new establishment (troops raised and organized after March 4, 1847), five companies of Third Dragoons, the Ninth, Eleventh, Twelfth (nine companies), Fourteenth and Fifteenth Infantry, the Voltigeurs, and recruits for the same, 6345 (62to Scott); and also six companies (360) of Marines under Lieut. Colonel Watson. Scott’s returns were infrequent or were lost on the way. Perhaps he dared not run the risk of exposing them to guerillas. Hence as a rule one must accept general statements. Quitman’s division, being now very small, was broken up, and he was permitted to report at Washington for a new command (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 395). As a rule no officer was permitted to leave the army except “with a view to the good of the service or the recovery of health” (61Scott to Patterson, Oct. 28, 1847). Oct. 22 even leaves of absence that had been granted or promised were cancelled. The government ordered the reinforcements to leave Vera Cruz promptly, and Bankhead was put in the place of Wilson there in order to obtain more efficient management (62adj. gen. to Scott, Nov. 9). After about the middle of October the troops at Mexico were thoroughly drilled, and by the middle of November came to be better disciplined than ever before.

April 29, 1847, although the 12-months army was about to disband, Marcy requested Patterson and Butler to remain in the service as major generals, and Marshall, Lane and Shields to remain as brigadier generals. Marshall arrived at Mexico City January 21, 1848. It is not possible to state how many troops came with each of the officers. Col. Hays brought five companies of Rangers. Lt. Col. Johnston had about 1300 men when at Puebla. In general about half of a command fell out from sickness and other causes between Vera Cruz and Mexico (125Bonham to mother, Dec. 7, 1847). Fruits, liquor, insufficient clothing and at this time the measles were the chief causes of sickness.

Scott’s announcement (65gen. orders 376) was dated Dec. 15. Jan. 6 Scott had 14,964, of whom 11,162 were effectives (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1061). By Feb. 13 his rank and file amounted to 26,910, and 2000 recruits were en route (62adj. gen. to Cass, Mar. 9, 1848). Though 5546 of the rank and file and 181 officers were then sick, he had been for some time strong enough to occupy Zacatecas and San Luis Potosí, but the peace negotiations (chap. xxxii) affected his plans. The new posts were at Río Frio (between Mexico and Puebla), and the national bridge and San Juan (between Jalapa and Vera Cruz). Early in March, 1848, a post was established at Ojo de Agua between Puebla and Perote. The purpose of the posts was to defend the line against the guerillas and furnish escorts for trains, couriers, etc. Jalapa and Puebla were held somewhat strongly. At the former there were on January 8, 1848, three infantry companies and a rifle company from the District of Columbia, two infantry companies, a rifle company and a battery (six guns) from Baltimore, four New Jersey infantry companies, a Pennsylvania infantry company and a mounted company. Sickness and other causes reduced the effectives, however, to 556 (69Hughes to H. L. Scott, Jan. 8, 1848). Puebla was held, Feb. 22, by some 2500 men: the Fourth Indiana, Fourth Ohio, Fourth Artillery, Fifth Ohio (five companies), Second Artillery (two companies), and two Florida companies (Perry, Indiana, 287). Pachuca was occupied Dec. 29 by the Ninth Infantry (178Davis, diary). Cadwalader marched for Toluca Jan. 6 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1062). Jan. 29 Col. Clarke set out for Cuernavaca with a brigade (66Lee to Totten, Feb. 1). His approach compelled Alvarez to break up the small force he had been holding at that point and hastily retire.

Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 524) says that Scott neglected “the proper military measures of occupation” in order to favor peace negotiations contrary to the “policy” of his government; but the most fundamental policy of that government was to bring about a satisfactory peace; Scott had not sufficient forces to carry out a military occupation of the country until late in December; and by that time peace was within reach.

There was a convenient road from Orizaba to Paso de Ovejas on the national highway about thirty miles from Vera Cruz. The recently captured goods had been in charge of Lieut. Col. Miles (note 7). Bankhead arrived at Córdoba Feb. 13 and left for Orizaba Feb. 17. The Michigan volunteers remained there. Other reasons for this expedition will be mentioned in chap. xxxiii.

For uncomplimentary opinions regarding Pillow see chap. xxvi, note 8. It should be remembered, however, that later he became a political issue in Tennessee, and many things said of him then were colored by partisanship; also that the prejudice of many regulars in reference to the volunteers may have counted.

For remarks on Worth’s character see chap. xii, note 8 and chap. xxiv, note 16. At Vera Cruz Worth ridiculed Scott’s methods in comparison with his own at Monterey (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 528), and his journalistic champion, the editor of the New York Sun, took the same line (Aug. 16). He was determined to have an assault, in which he would naturally have played a conspicuous part (Mag. of Am. Hist., xiv, 569). He was enraged because Scott properly had Twiggs lead the advance from that city (ibid., 562; see also chap. xxiii, note 5). Apparently in order to become prominent in the coming battle, he seems to have left Vera Cruz without a suitable supply of provisions—contrary to orders (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 528). Probably because Scott, for reasons of policy, praised Twiggs’s conduct at Cerro Gordo in his report, Worth pronounced the report “a lie from beginning to end” (364to S., Dec. 27, 1847). He was impatient and offensive because Scott would not permit him to advance upon Puebla as soon as he wished to go (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 528; 364W. to daughter, Apr. 30, 1847). Next, his wrath was excited there because, in accordance with the verdict of a court martial, Scott censured—in the mildest possible manner—his improper conduct (p. 361; Delta, Jan. 6, 1848). Wholly without authority he announced that his division was to lead the movement from Puebla against Mexico (236Judah, diary, May 6), though it was Twiggs’s turn to lead. He accused Scott of trying to belittle his achievements at Churubusco (364to S., Dec. 27, 1847). He blamed Scott for the losses resulting from his own imprudence at Molino del Rey and for not permitting him to attack Chapultepec that day; and he protested because Scott, doubtless by accident, did not credit him with the technical distinction of actually passing the San Cosme garita on Sept. 13 (p. 416; Sedgwick, Corres., i, 169). Unmoved by Worth’s conduct, Scott seems to have given him all the prominence to which he was entitled. It was understood that he assigned him to command on Sept. 8 with a special view to conciliating him (Grant, Mems., i, 151); and it is clear that he intended to have him capture the city of Mexico (p. 412). It is probable that Scott had shown some egotism and irascibility in the course of the strenuous campaign, but no doubt almost every high officer had done the same, for all had tempers and believed in themselves; and it is extremely doubtful whether any one had shown more kindness and magnanimity than he—particularly toward Pillow and Worth. Even after all the trouble, Scott wrote (Mems., ii, 416) that Pillow’s nature was free from malignity, whereas Pillow’s letters prove the contrary strikingly.

Pillow boasted of his power, and on that basis threatened men whom he wished to control (Taliaferro, supra; Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 117). How strong this influence was is illustrated by the fact that Col. Campbell of Tennessee, who had stated repeatedly that Pillow had no military ability (pp. 353, 377), recommended him for appointment as a major general (139to Polk, Feb. 19, 1847). It is interesting to note, in comparison with the character of the cabal against Scott, that he was supported by such men as Trist, E. A. Hitchcock, Robert E. Lee and Robert Anderson.

See note 28. For the Leonidas letter see p. 376. This letter Pillow seems clearly to have smuggled into a packet sent by Freaner, the correspondent of the New Orleans Delta, to his paper, after Freaner had rejected its twin (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 14) on the ground that it was incorrect, and the editor, inferring that it was endorsed by Freaner, printed it (ibid., 250; Delta, Apr. 7, 1848). When Scott finally opened his eyes (after August 20) to the rascality of Pillow (335Trist, notes, supra), Pillow realized he had gone too far. He refused to ask for a court of inquiry when challenged to do so (335Hitchcock to Pillow, Nov. 24, 1847, and note by H.), told Quitman that he could not face an investigation (335Trist, statement), and wrote to his wife that he was going to resign and live quietly (292Oct. 27, 1847). Then, it would appear, he induced Burns (335ed. of Delta to Trist, May 16, 1848), a paymaster in his division, to assume the authorship of the Leonidas letter (the worst count against him), and became confident, even defiant, with reference to Scott (180to wife, Nov. 25). The friend to whom Duncan wrote, in sending his letter to the press, modified it freely, and inserted in it a passage regarding the Chalco route (p. 372) taken from a letter written by a man named Chason. So he explained to Duncan (185—— to Duncan, Jan. 1, 1848).

Gen. orders 349, Nov. 12, 1847, said (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 455): “It requires not a little charity to believe that the principal heroes of the scandalous letters alluded to did not write them, or specially procure them to be written, and the intelligent can be at no loss in conjecturing the authors—chiefs, partizans, and pet familiars. To the honor of the service, the disease—pruriency of fame, not earned—cannot have seized upon half a dozen officers (present,) all of whom, it is believed, belong to the same two coteries.” The next two sentences were still stronger: “False credit,” “despicable self-puffings and malignant exclusions of others,” “the conceited and the envious,” “indignation” of the honorable officers. Though in the right, Scott allowed himself to go too far in his use of language, as he did at other times. Commenting on the order, Braxton Bragg, though not one of Scott’s friends, said in substance: Half the reputations in the war have been made by false reports and newspaper misrepresentations [this was to a large extent true], and it has gone so far that Scott has at last issued a strong order (210to Hammond, Dec. 20, 1847). Another correspondent of Gov. Hammond of South Carolina said he was glad that Scott had undertaken to expose “such quackery, charlatanry, imposture and lying braggadocio” (210Alvord, Apr. 21, 1848). This appears to have been the general sentiment of the officers (numerous citations could be given).

On the publication of gen. orders 349 Worth asked Scott whether the charge of scandalous conduct referred to him. Scott replied that it referred to the authors and abettors of the Leonidas letter, and that he could not be more explicit. Worth declared the reply unsatisfactory, and handed to Scott a sort of appeal to the President that referred insultingly to the former (68Scott, charges, Nov. 27). Scott therefore charged him with “behaving with contempt and disrespect towards his commanding officer.” He was arrested for insulting Scott in a letter to Marcy (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 471). The charges against Duncan were writing a (published) letter in violation of the army regulation no. 650, and making in it a false statement about the adoption of the Chalco route in order to magnify himself and Worth (68charges, Nov. 27). “Arrest” signified confinement to the city of Mexico. The New York Tribune said truthfully with reference to the troubles between Scott and the generals: “The duties of a Commanding General in the heart of an enemy country, with an army flushed with victory yet inactive, and under the influences incident to so perilous a position, are very delicate, and can only be met by firmness and the maintenance of rigorous discipline” (Nat. Intelligencer, Dec. 28, 1847).

Jan. 9, 1847, a 137correspondent of Calhoun wrote, “Unless some powerful influence is soon brought to bear we [in Charleston, S. C.] fear we shall stand forth discredited and degraded in the sight of all the world.” It is hard to see how the country, without Scott, could have avoided this.

Scott’s chief complaints were a failure to supply seasonably the desired means for waging the campaign, interference with the rights of the commanding general (e.g. in Harney’s case), the plan to place a civilian (Benton) over him, the apparent intention to let Trist interfere in military affairs, and the refusal to provide a chief of staff satisfactory to him (Lawton, Artill. Officer, 319). See also chapter xxvii, p. 129. All the charges except those against Pillow were withdrawn. The latter should have been placed before a court-martial, and so Polk and the Cabinet decided (Polk, Diary, Jan. 3, 1848). But—probably because he feared that his friend would be convicted—Polk concluded to have first a court of inquiry in order to ascertain what the evidence was, and perhaps dispose of the matter (ibid., Jan. 8). The court was selected by Polk—doubtless with a view to Pillow’s acquittal (ibid., Jan. 15). The fact that Pillow was entirely satisfied with it (180to wife, Feb. 27) is almost enough to prove this. The British chargé reported that it seemed to favor Pillow (13Doyle, no. 39, 1848). Two of the members were brevetted later, though one of them (Scott publicly stated) had no other connection with the war, and the connection of the other had been slight (Scott in N. Y. Herald, Nov. 3, 1857).

The principal charges against Pillow were, first, that Pillow’s claim to have won the battle of Contreras was unfounded, on which the verdict went against him (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 317, 333); and, secondly, that he was directly or indirectly the author of the Leonidas letter. In order to maintain that he wrote it (which he had strongly denied on three occasions (ibid., 56–7, 131), Burns had to admit that he had spoken falsely in it (ibid., 33, 388–9), and he swore that he believed he wrote certain interlineations (ibid., 32) which it was found had been written by the editor of the Delta (ibid., 250); but he stuck to it that he had dared to steal into Pillow’s private office, and remain there long enough to copy the substance and to a large extent the phraseology of a long document (ibid., 32). And therefore, although statements substantially equivalent to those of the Leonidas letter were brought home to Pillow (ibid., 389–391), Pillow had to be acquitted. John Sedgwick, later General Sedgwick, wrote: I think the court must acquit Pillow, “but the sentiment of the army will never acquit him” (Corres., i, 182). Naturally a lawyer like Pillow had a great advantage at the trial over Scott, upon whom it was incumbent to conduct the prosecution. His handling of the case was extremely clever. The same court was instructed to inquire into the so-called “council” of Puebla (p. 391), and thus Scott was virtually put on trial, yet, contrary to the articles of war, had no opportunity to question witnesses (Mo. Republican, Nov. 5, 1857). Pillow was before another court of inquiry (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 338–73), and the evidence convicted him, morally at least, of attempting to appropriate, in violation of the articles of war, a captured Mexican howitzer. Pillow’s appeal to the government grew out of Scott’s approving the findings of this court, and his arrest resulted from the disrespect shown in connection with the appeal.

June 4, 1847, Scott wrote to Marcy: “Considering the many cruel disappointments and mortifications I have been made to feel since I left Washington, or the total want of support and sympathy on the part of the War Department which I have so long experienced, I beg to be recalled from this army the moment that it may be safe for any person to embark at Vera Cruz, which I suppose will be early in November” (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 131). This application was denied and (since the circumstances on which it was based appeared to change) became obsolete. A correspondent of Governor Hammond of South Carolina said it was “absurd, unjust, ridiculous, and impolitic, in this crisis of events here, to remove the victorious general, whose prestige with the Mexicans is great, very great, both for war and peace” (210Alvord, Feb. 24, 1848). He attributed the recall to “Mr. Quackery Pillow.” The recall was dated January 13 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1044). Scott turned over the command to Butler on February 18 (65gen. orders 59). March 14 the British chargé reported that signs of relaxed discipline were visible (13Doyle, no. 27). As early as August 7, 1847, Polk had contemplated substituting Butler for Scott (Diary). Nov. 25 Pillow wrote that this was to be done (180to wife). Early in January, 1848, some members of the Cabinet favored giving Taylor the place, but Polk would not (Diary, Jan. 4).

May 6, 1848, the adjutant general stated that the army under Butler consisted of 26,785 (aggregate present), of whom 174 officers and 4611 men were sick, and that it occupied the following places: Mexico, Toluca, Cuernavaca, Pachuca, Río Frio, Puebla, Perote, Jalapa, national bridge, Orizaba, Córdoba and Vera Cruz. Some of the returns, however, on which the statement was based were several months old (62to Cass). By May 1 Scott, Pillow, Pierce, Cadwalader, Quitman, Shields and Cushing had left the country. May 23 S. W. Kearny was appointed governor of Mexico City (65orders 103).

XXX. THE NAVAL OPERATIONS

American vessels were excluded on the score of impartiality and also because the admission of them would have defeated the main purposes of the blockade (Richardson, Messages, iv, 571). A particular advantage of the blockade is that it enables a belligerent to close ports that it is not desirable or not possible to capture and hold. Under the U. S. regulations vessels lying in Mexican ports on the announcement of the blockade could remain twenty days and then leave with or without cargo. Approaching vessels could not be captured or detained unless previously warned in writing by a cruiser (313Conner, instructions). Vera Cruz and Tampico remained open for British mail packets (ibid.). Fishing boats were not molested. Bona fide British property, including cochineal, could be embarked on British war vessels at Vera Cruz (13Bankhead, no. 23, 1847). From the end of June, 1846, Conner permitted British mail packets to land quicksilver and take bullion. Engagements made before the war could be fulfilled (313Saunders to Callaghan, June 23, 1846). A difficult question came up concerning the floating property of neutrals residing in Mexico (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 1305). Mexico decreed that since her ports of entry were blockaded, all her other ports might give free entrance to vessels forcing the blockade (70“Guerra,” no. 1079), and that no tonnage dues should be charged during the continuance of the blockade (76Guerra, circular, Oct. 10, 1846). England had to admit that she was the last nation to protest against a strict blockade, but warned us that difficulties might arise in the enforcement of it (52McLane, no. 50, 1846); and she would not have our announcement published in the London Gazette since, said Aberdeen, it might check trade and after all not be made good (52McLane, no. 55). Spain insisted upon neutral rights with peculiar jealousy. The Spanish commander even claimed free access to blockaded ports under arts. 14 and 15 of the treaty of 1795, but found that art. 16 warranted the blockade. Spain’s vessels were treated with special indulgence, but she made many complaints. For Spain: 72Instrs. to capt. gen. of Cuba, June 18, 1846; 52Irving, no. 2, 1846; 52Istúriz to Irving, Aug. 5, 1846; 71papers relating to complaints; Buchanan, Works, vii, 240–1, 290–2; 47Span. commander to Conner, June 24, 1846; reply, June 26.

It does not seem worth while to follow the movements of particular vessels. Sept. 30, 1846, the blockade was extended southeast to the River S. Pedro y S. Pablo. (Difficulties) 47Conner, Sept. 22, 1846; Picayune, Mar. 11, 1847; Griffis, Perry, 210; 313Saunders to Wash. Union, Oct. 10, 1846; 313Id.. to Conner, Oct. 24; Semmes, Service, 106; 162Conner, Jan. 28, 1847. (Somers) Sen. 43; 29, 2; Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 945, 950; 374Semmes to Conner, Dec. 10, 1846; 13Pakenham, no. 151, 1846.

Just after the blockade began at Vera Cruz Gen. Bravo, commanding there, permitted several American vessels to leave the port, and in acknowledgment of his liberality two Mexican merchant vessels were sent in to him with their cargoes, crews and passengers. Courteous notes were exchanged (76Gacyores to Bravo, May 27; reply, May 28; Bravo, May 26). At Tampico Capt. Saunders and the city authorities were mutually considerate (313S. to Bancroft, June 6, 1846).

The Princeton was the earliest naval steam propeller. She was rigged as a ship. Saunders opened fire, June 8, because he feared new fortifications (near the mouth of the Pánuco) would make it hard to capture Tampico. He did little damage. The enemy replied feebly. Suspecting that the Mexican gunboats intended to sail out and raid American commerce, he determined to capture them by surprise in the night of June 14–15. He had no good pilot. The boats had much difficulty in finding the channel, which had recently shifted, and were even compelled to row more than half a mile against a swift current within pistol shot of the shore. One of them grounded twice. The moon came out. The Americans were discovered and fired upon. They replied; and then, as a surprise was no longer possible, they retired according to orders. May 28 Conner, on the Cumberland, was at Pensacola; the St. Mary’s off Tampico; the Mississippi and Falmouth off V. Cruz; the Raritan there or on her way to that port; the Lawrence (which seems to have been a brig but was not mentioned in the department’s list of vessels under Conner on May 13) assisting the army; and the Somers on the Yucatan service (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1163). Aug. 10 the Cumberland (still the flag-ship), Potomac, Falmouth, Mississippi, Princeton, Flirt and the three gunboats (Bonita, Reefer, Petrel) lay at Antón Lizardo; the St. Mary’s and Porpoise were off V. Cruz; the John Adams off Tampico; the brig Truxtun had gone to Chagres, and the brig Perry had gone to look for privateers near Cape S. Antonio (Picayune, Aug. 26). These data give one an idea of the usual distribution of the vessels.

According to Conner’s son (Home Squadron, 17), the secretary of the navy on Sept. 22 instructed Conner to attack Alvarado, supposing he had been reinforced, and it has been said that the attack should not have been made without more strength; but the difficulty was that the American forces could not be made available. It is not easy to see how Conner was at fault unless, as perhaps on Aug. 7, he might have landed in boats under such protection as his cannon could give, stormed the fort that stood near the beach, and then landed more men. Conner does not seem to have thought that sailors could do much ashore. He had a landing-force (Conner, Home Squadron, 15), but whether at this time and place is not clear. Probably a bold, though unsuccessful, attack would have been better than to back out. He is said to have argued, after the failure of Aug. 7, that even success would not have been worth what it would have cost (Picayune, Aug. 26); but this left moral effects out of the account. It was said by a naval man that he should have added the McLane’s tow to his own and gone ahead; but it seems extremely doubtful whether he could have advanced against the current. Conner’s report (Oct. 17) says the Mississippi could not get near enough to make any impression on the fort, but a Mexican account printed in La Esperanza, Aug. 27, stated that some shot from our vessels struck more than 200 yards behind the fort, and one sees no reason to suppose that the statement was an invention. Conner seems to have thought of coming to Alvarado again, for in Jan., 1847, the Mexicans reported that the bar was being sounded (76Landero, Jan. 28). For the capture of the place at the beginning of April, 1847, see vol. ii, p. 344. Apr. 2 a naval expedition went up the river, returning on Apr. 4 (66J. L. Mason to J. L. Smith, Apr. 9).

As Perry was assigned to the Mississippi on Oct. 6, and commanded this important expedition so soon afterward, it has been supposed incorrectly that virtually, if not formally, the squadron was divided. The hope of the United States at the beginning of the war had been that Tabasco would be neutral. The orders were not to disturb it in that case (49Bancroft to Conner, May 19). Perry’s expedition was followed in Nov. by a revolution in Tabasco based ostensibly on the failure of the Mexican government to protect the state; but really the outbreak was due to local rivalries, and probably it caused the national government no material annoyance (76Alcorta, Jan. 4, 1848; México á través, iv, 599; 13Bankhead, no. 186, 1846; 76Acta of garrison, Nov. 19, 1846; Wash. Union, Jan. 18, 1847). Frontera was a valuable point, for the Americans could obtain water and cattle there and hinder illicit commerce. The Tabasco River is now called usually the Grijalva.

Many of the people of Tabasco supposed, when Perry arrived off Frontera in Dec., that he was going to S. Juan Bautista to avenge his “defeat”; and as he did not, they presumably felt more haughty than ever (Temístocles, Dec. 31).

Oct. 3, 1846, the garrison were in a state of mutiny because hungry (76Morales, Oct. 4; S. Anna, Oct. 14), but the Americans did not know this. Conner suggested that he be given a landing brigade, so that he could make a combined land and water attack (Conner, S. Juan de Ulloa, 15). During the siege of Vera Cruz Perry planned to bombard the fortress and attack it with boats on a dark night in conjunction with the land forces (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1191). Many original documents bearing on the construction of Ulúa could be cited, but they would have only an antiquarian interest. David D. Porter and David G. Farragut are the men referred to. The eagerness of certain young officers led to some enterprises that were not altogether felicitous. Contrary to orders Lieut. Parker burned the Creole (Criolla), the last scrap of Mexican commerce, under the guns of Ulúa at night: but this injured Hargous, the American merchant, who owned or had chartered her (374Semmes to Conner, Nov. 28; Dec. 6, 1846; 374Parker to Semmes, Nov. 27). It has been said that this ended a secret correspondence by which Conner obtained valuable information (Conner, Home Squadron, 7), but circumstances had probably put a stop to that about six weeks before (166Pommarès to Conner, Oct. 17). A plan was laid to blow up a Mexican powder magazine near V. Cruz, but this resulted in the capture of Passed Midshipman R. C. Rogers and another man (162Semmes to Perry, Dec. 6, 1846; 162Wright to Semmes, Dec. 6; Semmes, Service, 91). For the capture of Vera Cruz and Ulúa see chap. xxii.