Book 1 — CHAPTER VII. THE NOBLE BY SERVICE.

I have called the right to entertain a Comitatus, or body of household retainers, a very jewel in the crown: it was so because it formed, in process of time, the foundation of all the extended powers which became the attributes of royalty, and finally succeeded in establishing, upon the downfall of the old dynasts or nobles by birth, a new order of nobles by service, whose root was in the crown itself. A close investigation of its gradual rise, progress and ultimate development, will show that the natural basis of the Comitatus is in the superior wealth and large possessions of the prince.

In all ages of the world, and under all conditions of society, one profound problem has presented itself for solution; viz. how to reconcile the established divisions of property with the necessities of increasing population. Experience teaches us that under almost any circumstances of social being, a body of men possessed of sufficient food and clothing have been found to increase and multiply with a rapidity far too great to be balanced by the number of natural or violent deaths: and it follows therefore that in every nation which has established 163a settled number of households upon several estates, each capable of supporting but one household in comfort, the means of providing for a surplus population must very soon become an object of general difficulty. If the paternal estate be reserved for the support of one son, if the paternal weapons descend to him, to be used in the feuds of his house or the service of the state, what is to become of the other sons who are excluded from the benefits of the succession? In a few instances we may imagine natural affection to have induced a painful, and ultimately unsuccessful, struggle to keep the family together: here and there cases may have occurred in which a community was fortunate enough from its position, to possess the means of creating new estates to suit the new demand: and conquest, or the forcible partition of a neighbouring territory, may have supplied a provision for the new generation. Tacitus indeed tells us^[290] that “numerum liberorum finire aut quemquam ex agnatis necare, flagitium habetur:” yet tradition contradicts this, and speaks of the exposure of children immediately after birth, leaving it to the will of the father to save the life of the child or not^[291]. And similarly the tales of the North record the solemn and voluntary expatriation of a certain proportion of the people, designated by lot, at certain intervals of time^[292]. However, in the natural course of things, 164he who cannot find subsistence at home must seek it abroad; if the family estate will not supply him with support, he must strive to obtain it from the bounty or necessities of others: for emigration has its own heavy charges, and for this he would require assistance; and in a period such as we are describing, trade and manufacture offer no resources to the surplus population. But all the single hides or estates are here considered as included in the same category, and it is only on the large possessions of the noble that the poor freeman can hope to live, without utterly forfeiting everything that makes life valuable. Some sort of service he must yield, and among all that he can offer, military service, the most honourable and attractive to himself, is sure to be the most acceptable to the lord whose protection he requires.

The temptation to engage in distant or dangerous warlike adventures may not appear very great to the agricultural settler, whose continuous labour will only wring a mere sufficiency from the soil he owns. It is with regret and reluctance that such a man will desert the land he has prepared or the crops he has raised, even when the necessity 165of self-defence calls the community to arms. FarFar otherwise however is it with him who has no means of living by the land, or whom his means place above the necessity of careful, unremitting toil. The prince, enriched by the contributions of his fellow-countrymen, and the presents of neighbouring states or dynasts, as well as master of more land than he requires for his own subsistence, has leisure for ambition, and power to reward its instruments. On the land which he does not require for his own cultivation, he can permit the residence of freemen or even serfs, on such conditions as may seem expedient to himself or endurable to them. He may surround himself with armed and noble retainers, attracted by his liberality or his civil and military reputation^[293], whom he feeds at his own table and houses under his own roof; who may perform even servile duties in his household, and on whose aid he may calculate for purposes of aggression or defence. Nor does it seem probable that a community would at once discover the infinite danger to themselves that lurks in such an institution: far more frequently must it have seemed matter of congratulation to the cultivator, that its existence spared him the necessity of leaving the plough and harrow to resist sudden incursions, or enforce measures of internal police; or that the strong castle with its 166band of ever-watchful defenders, existed as a garrison near the disputable boundary of the Mark.

The Germania of Tacitus supplies us with a detailed account of the institution of the Comitatus, which receives strong confirmation on every point from what we gather from other authentic sources. In his own words:—

“Illustrious birth or the great services of their fathers give the rank of princes even to young men: they are associated with the rest who have already made proof of their greater powers. Nor is there any shame in appearing among the comites^[294]. Moreover, the Comitatus itself has its grades, according to the judgment of him they follow; and great is the emulation among the comites, as to who shall hold the highest place in the estimation of the prince, and among the princes, as to who shall have the most numerous and the bravest comites. This is dignity, this is power, to be ever surrounded with a troop of chosen youths, a glory in time of peace, and a support in war. Nor is it only in their own tribe, but in the neighbouring states as well, a name and glory, to be distinguished for the number and valour of the comitatus; for they are courted with embassies, and adorned with presents, and keep off wars by their very reputation. When it comes to fighting, it is dishonourable for the prince to be excelled in valour, for the comitatus not to equal the valour of the prince; but infamous, and a reproach throughout life, to 167return from battle the survivor of the prince. To defend and protect him, to reckon to his glory even one’s own brave deeds, this is the first and holiest duty. The princes fight for victory, the comites for the prince. If the state in which they spring is torpid with long peace and ease, the most of these young nobles voluntarily seek such nations as may be engaged in war, partly because inaction does not please this race, partly because distinction is more easy of attainment under difficulties. Nor can you keep together a great comitatus, save by violence and war: since it is from the liberality of the prince that they exact that war-horse, that bloody and victorious lance. For feasts and meals, ample though rude, take the place of pay. Wars and plunder supply the means of munificence; nor will you so readily persuade them to plough the land or wait with patience for the year, as to challenge enemies and earn wounds; seeing that it seems dull and lazy to acquire with sweat what you may win with blood^[295].”

It would be difficult in a few lines to give anything like so clear and admirable an account of the peculiarities of the Comitatus, as Tacitus has left us in this vigorous sketch; and little remains but to show how his view is confirmed by other sources of information, and to draw the conclusions which naturally result from these premises.

To the influence and operation of these associations are justly attributed not only the conquests of the various tribes, but the most important modifications 168in the law of the people. As the proper name for the freeman is ceorl, and for the born-noble eorl, so is the true word for the comes, or comrade, gesíð. This is in close etymological connection with síð, a journey, and literally denotes one who accompanies another. The functions and social position of the gesíð led however to another appellation: in this peculiar relation to the prince, he is þegn, a thane, strictly and originally a servant or minister, and only noble when the service of royalty had shed a light upon dependence and imperfect freedom. Beówulf describes himself as the relative and thane of Hygelác: but his royal blood and tried valour make him also the head of a comitatus, and he visits Heort with a selected band of his own comrades, swǽse gesíðas: they, like himself, belong however to his lord, and are described as Hygelác’s beódgeneátas, heorðgeneátas (tischgenossen, heerdgenossen), sharers in the monarch’s table and hearth. A portion of the booty taken in war naturally became the property of the gesíðas; this almost follows from the words of Tacitus; and Saxo Grammaticus, who in this undoubtedly expresses a genuine fact, although after a peculiar fashion of his own, says of one of his heroes^[296], “Proceres non solum domesticis stipendiis colebat, sed etiam spoliis ex hoste quaesitis: affirmare solitus, pecuniam ad milites, gloriam ad ducem redundare debere.” And again^[297], “Horum omnium clientelam rex liberali familiaritate coluerat. Nam primis apud eum honoribus, habitum, cultos auro 169gladios, opimaque bellorum praemia perceperunt.” Thus also Hialto sings^[298],

“Dulce est nos domino percepta rependere dona,

Acceptare enses, famaeque impendere ferrum.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Enses theutonici, galeae, armillaeque nitentes,

Loricae talo immissae, quas contulit olim

Rolvo suis, memores acuant in praelia mentes.

Res petit, et par est, quaecumque per otia summa

Nacti pace sumus, belli ditione mereri.”

The same amusing author tells us^[299] how on some occasion, in consequence of there being no queen in a court, the comites were ill supplied with clothes, a difficulty which they could only provide against by inducing their king to marry: “Igitur contubernales Frothonis circa indumentorum usum feminea admodum ope defecti, quum non haberent unde nova assuere, aut lacera reficere possent, regem celebrandi coniugii monitis adhortantur.” There seems no reason to doubt the fact thus recorded, however we may judge respecting its occurrence in the time of Frotho. Similarly when Siegfried set out upon his fatal marriage expedition into Burgundy, he and his twelve comrades were clothed by the care of the royal Síglint^[300]. From this relation between the prince and the comites, are derived the names appropriated to the former in the epopoea, of hláford, lord, literally bread-giver: sinces brytta, beága brytta, distributor of treasure, rings; sincgifa, treasure-giver, and the like. It is clear also that a right to any share in the booty could not be claimed by the gesíð, as it undoubtedly 170could by the free soldier in the Hereban, but depended entirely upon the will of the chief, and his notions of policy: a right could not have been described as the result of his liberality. In the historical time of Charlemagne we have evidence of this^[301]: “Quo accepto ... idem vir prudentissimus idque largissimus et Dei dispensator magnam inde partem Romam ad limina Apostolorum misit per Angilbertum dilectum abbatem suum; porro reliquam partem obtimatibus, clericis sive laicis, caeterisque fidelibus suis largitus est:” or, as it is still more clearly expressed in the annals of Eginhart^[302], “reliquum vero inter optimates et aulicos, caeterosque in palatio suo militantes, liberali manu distribuit.” And similarly we are told of Æðelstán: “Praeda quae in castro reperta fuerat, et ea quidem amplissima, magnifice et viritim divisa. Hoc enim vir ille animo imperaverat suo, ut nihil opum ad crumenas corraderet; sed omnia conquisita, vel monasteriis, vel fidelibus suis, munificus expenderet^[303].” The share of the freeman who served under his geréfa, and not under a lord, was his own by lot, and neither by largitio nor liberalitas,—a most important distinction, seeing that where all was left to the arbitrary disposition of the chief, the subservience of the follower would very naturally become the measure of his liberality.

The relation of the Comites was one of fealty: it was undertaken in the most solemn manner, 171and with appropriate, symbolic ceremonies, out of which, in later times, sprung homage and the other incidents of feudality. All history proves that it was of the most intimate nature; that even life itself was to be sacrificed without hesitation if the safety of the prince demanded it: the gesíðas of Beówulf expose themselves with him to the attack of the fiendish Grendel^[304]; Wígláf risks his own life to assist his lord and relative in his fatal contest with the firedrake^[305]; and the solemn denunciation which he pronounces against the remaining comites who neglected this duty, recalls the words of Tacitus, and the infamy that attached to the survivors of their chief^[306]:

Hú sceal sincþego and swyrdgyfu, eall éðelwyn, eówrum cynne lufen álicgean: londrihtes mót ðǽre mǽgburge monna ǽghwilc ídel hweorfan, siððan æðelingas feorran gefricgean fleám eówerne, dómleásan dǽd. Deáð bið sella eorla gehwylcum ðonne edwitlif. How shall the service of treasure and the gift of swords, all joy of a paternal inheritance, [all] support fail your kin: of the rights of citizenship must of your family every one go about deprived, when once the nobles far and wide shall hear of your flight, your dishonourable deed. Death is better for every warrior than a life of shame.

But we are not compelled to draw upon the stores of poetry and imaginative tradition alone: the sober records of our earlier annalists supply ample evidence in corroboration of the philosophical historian. 172When Cwichelm of Wessex sent an assassin to cut off Eáduuini of Northumberland, that prince was saved by the devotion of his thane Lilia, who threw himself between, and received the blow that was destined for his master; in the words of Beda^[307]: “Quod cum videret Lilla minister regis amicissimus, non habens scutum ad manum quo regem a nece defenderet, mox interposuit corpus suum ante ictum pungentis; sed tanta vi hostis ferrum infixit, ut per corpus militis occisi etiam regem vulneraret.” Again we learn that in the year 786, Cyneheard, an ætheling of Wessex, who had pretensions to the crown, surprised the king Cynewulf at the house of a paramour at Merton, and there slew him. He proffered wealth and honours to the comites of the king, which they refused, and with small numbers manfully held out till every one had fallen. On the following morning a superior force of the king’s thanes came up: to them again the ætheling offered land and gold, but in vain: he was slain on the spot with all his own comites, who refused to desert him in his extremity. This is the account given of these facts in the words of the Saxon Chronicle itself^[308]:

173And ðá gebeád he him heora ágenne dóm feos and londes, gif hie him ðæs ríces úðon, and him cýðde, ðæt heora mǽgas him mid wǽron, ða ðe him from noldon. And ðá cwǽdon hie, ðæt him nǽnig mǽg leófra nǽre ðonne heora hláford, and hie næfre his banan folgian noldon. And ðá budon hie heora mǽgum ðæt hie him gesunde from eódon. And hie cwǽdon, ðæt ðæt ilce heora geferum geboden wǽre ðe ǽr mid ðám cyninge wǽron; ðæt hie hie ðæs ne onmunden, ðon má ðe eówre geferan ðe mid ðám cyninge ofslægene wǽron. And then he offered them their own desire of money and land, if they would grant him the kingdom, and he told them that their own relatives were with him, who would not desert him. Then said they, that no relative was dearer to them than their lord, and that they never would follow his murderer. And then they offered their relatives that they should leave him, with safety for themselves: but they said, that the same offer had been made to their own comrades who at first were with the king: that they paid no more attention to it, than your comrades who were slaughtered with the king.

Æthelweard, Florence of Worcester, and Henry of Huntingdon all follow the chronicle, which in some details they apparently translate. William of Malmesbury seems to adopt the same account, but adds a few words which have especial reference to this portion of the argument^[309]: “quorum (i. e. comitum) qui maximus aevo et prudentia Osricus, caeteros cohortatus ne necem domini sui in insignem et perpetuam suam ignominiam inultam dimitterent, districtis gladiis coniuratos irruit.”

It is obvious that from this intimate relation between the prince and the gesíð must arise certain reciprocal rights and duties, sanctioned by custom, which would gradually form themselves into a code of positive law, and ultimately affect the state and condition of the freemen. In the earliest development of the Comitatus, it is clear that the idea of freedom is entirely lost; it is replaced by the much more questionable motive of honour, or to speak more strictly, of rank and station. The comes may indeed have become the possessor of land, even of very large tracts^[310], by gift from his 174prince; but he could not be the possessor of a free Hide, and consequently bound to service in the general fyrd, or to suit in the folcmót: he might have wealth, and rank and honour, be powerful and splendid, dignified and influential, but he could not be free: and if even the freeman so far forgot the inherent dignity of his station as to carry himself (for his éðel I think he could not carry) into the service of the prince,—an individual man, although a prince, and not as yet the state, or the representative of the state,—can it be doubted that the remunerative service of the chief would outweigh the barren possession of the farmer, or that the festive board and adventurous life of the castle would soon supply excuses for neglecting the humbler duties of the popular court and judicature? Even if the markmen razed him from their roll, and committed his éðel to a worthier holder, what should he care, whom the liberality of his conquering leader could endow with fifty times its worth; and whose total divorce from the vulgar community would probably be looked upon with no disfavour by him who had already marked that community for his prey? Nor could those whom the gesíð in turn settled upon lands which were not within the general mark-jurisdiction, be free markmen, but must have stood towards him in somewhat the same relation as he stood to his own chief. Upon the plan of the larger household, the smaller would also be formed: the same or similar conditions of tenure would prevail; and the services of his dependants he was no doubt bound to hold at the disposal of his own lord, and 175to maintain for his advantage. We have thus, even in the earliest times, the nucleus of a standing army, the means and instruments of aggrandizement both for the King and the praetorian cohorts themselves; practised and delighting in battle, ever ready to join in expeditions which promised adventure, honour or plunder, feasted in time of peace, enriched in time of war; holding the bond that united them to their chief as more sacred or stringent than even that of blood^[311], and consequently ready for his sake to turn their arms against the free settlers in the district, whenever his caprice, his passion or his ambition called upon their services. In proportion as his power and dignity increased by their efforts and assistance, so their power and dignity increased; his rank and splendour were reflected upon all that surrounded him, till at length it became not only more honourable to be the unfree chattel of a prince, than the poor free cultivator of the soil, but even security for possession and property could only be attained within the compass of their body. As early as the period when the Frankish Law was compiled, we find the great advantage enjoyed by the Comes over the Free Salian or Ripuarian, in the large proportion borne by his wergyld, in comparison with that of the latter^[312].

The advantage derived by the community from 176the presence and protection of an armed force such as the gesíðas constituted, must have gradually produced a disposition to secure their favour even at the expense of the free nobles and settlers: and a Mark that wished to entrust its security and its interests to a powerful soldier, would probably soon acquiesce in his assuming a direction and leadership in their affairs, hardly more consistent with their original liberty, than the influence which a modern nobleman may establish by watching, as it is called, over the interests of the Registration. Even the old nobles by blood, who gradually beheld themselves forced down into a station of comparative poverty and obscurity, must have early hastened to give in their adhesion to a new order of things which held out peculiar prospects of advantage to themselves; and thus, the communities deserted by their natural leaders, soon sunk into a very subordinate situation, became portions of larger unities under the protection, and ultimately the rule, of successful adventurers, and consented without a struggle to receive their comites into those offices of power and distinction which were once conferred by popular election.

As the gesíðas were not free, and could not take a part in the deliberations of the freemen at the folcmót, or in the judicial proceedings, except in as far as they were represented by their chief, means for doing justice between themselves became necessary: these were provided by the establishment of a system of law, administered in the lord’s court, by his officers, and to which all his dependants 177were required to do suit and service as amply as they would, if free, have been bound to do in the folcmót. But the law, administered in such a court, and in those formed upon its model in the lands of the comites themselves,—a privilege very generally granted by the king, at least in later periods^[313],—was necessarily very different from that which could prevail in the court of the freemen: it is only in a lord’s court that we can conceive punishments to have arisen which affected life and honour, and fealty with all its consequences to have attained a settled and stringent form, totally unknown to the popular judicature. Forfeiture, or rather excommunication, and pecuniary mulcts, which partook more of the nature of damages than of fine, were all that the freeman would subject himself to under ordinary circumstances. Expulsion, degradation, death itself might be the portion of him whose whole life was the property of a lord, 178to be by him disposed of at his pleasure. Hence the forfeiture of lands for adultery and incontinence, and hence even Ælfred affixes the penalty of death to the crime of hláfordsyrwe, or conspiracy against a lord^[314], while manslaughter could still be compounded for by customary payments. One or two special cases may be quoted to show how the relation of the gesíð to his chief modified the general law of the state.

The horse and arms which, in the strict theory of the comitatus, had been the gift, or rather the loan of the chief, were to be returned at the death of the vassal, in order, according to the same theory, that they might furnish some other adventurer with the instruments of service^[315]. These, technically called Heregeatwe, armatura bellica, have continued even to our own day under the name of Heriot, and strictly speaking consist of horses and weapons. In later imitation of this, the unfree settlers on a lord’s land, who were not called upon by their tenure to perform military service, were bound on demise to pay the best chattel (melius catallum, best head, in German beste haupt, heriot-custom, as opposed to heriot-service) to the lord, probably on the theoretical hypothesis that he, at 179the commencement of the tenancy, had supplied the necessary implements of agriculture. And this differs entirely from a Relief^[316], because Heriot is the act of the leaving, Relief the act of the incoming tenant or heir^[317]; and because in its very nature and amount Heriot is of a somewhat indefinite character, but Relief is not.

In the strict theory of the comitatus, the gesíð could possess no property of his own; all that he acquired was his lord’s, and even the liberalities of the lord himself were only beneficia or loans, not absolute gifts^[318]: he had the usufruct only during life, the dominium utile: the dominium directum> was in the lord, and at the death of the tenant it is obvious that the estate vested in the lord alone: the gesíð could have no ius testamenti, as indeed he had no family: the lord stood to him in place 180of father, brother and son. Hereditary succession, which must at first have been a very rare exception, could only have arisen at all either from the voluntary or the compelled grant of the lord: it could only become general when the old distinction between the free markman and the gesíð had become obliterated, and the system of the Comitatus had practically and politically swallowed up every other. Yet even under these circumstances it would appear that a perfectly defined result was not attained; and hence, although the document entituled “Rectitudines singularum personarum” numbers the ius testamenti among the rights of the þegen^[319], yet even to the close of the Anglosaxon monarchy, we find dukes, præfects, kings’ thanes, and other great nobles humbly demanding permission from the king to make wills, entreating him not to disturb their testamentary dispositions, and even bribing his acquiescence by including him among the legatees. In this as in all human affairs, a compromise was gradually found necessary between opposing powers, and the king as well as the comites, neither of whom could dispense with the assistance of the other, found it advisable to make mutual concessions. I doubt whether at even an earlier period than the eleventh century, the whole body of thanes would have permitted the king to disregard the testament of one of their body, unless upon definite legal grounds, as for example grave suspicion 181of treason: but still they might consent to the nominal application and sanction of the ancient principle, by allowing the insertion of a general petition, that the will might stand, in the body of the instrument^[320].

The circumstances thus brought under review show clearly that the condition of the gesíð was unfree in itself; that even the free by birth who entered into it, relinquished that most sacred inheritance, and reduced themselves to the rank of thanes, ministers or servants. Certain rights and privileges grew up, no doubt, by custom, and the counts were probably not very long subject to the mere arbitrary will of the chief: they had the protection of others in a similar state of dependency to their own, and chances, such as they were, 182of subservience to the king’s wishes: a bond of affection and interdependence surpassing that of blood, and replacing the mutual free guarantee of life and security, was formed between them; and they shared alike in the joys and sorrows, the successes and reverses of peace and war: but with it all, and whatever their rank; they were in fact menials, housed within the walls, fed at the table, clothed at the expense of their chief; dependent upon his bounty, his gratitude or forbearance, for their subsistence and position in life; bound to sacrifice that life itself in his service, and, strictly considered, incapable of contracting marriage or sharing in the inestimable sanctities of a home. They were his cupbearers, stewards, chamberlains and grooms; even as kings and electors were to 183the emperor, whom they had raised out of their own body. The real nature of their service appears even through the haze of splendour and dignity which gradually surround the intimate servants of royalty; and as the chief might select his comites and instruments from what class he chose, it was the fate of these voluntary thanes, not unfrequently to be numbered in the same category with the unfree by birth, and thus, in their own persons, to witness the destruction of that essential principle of all Teutonic law, the distinction between the freeman and the serf^[321].

Great indeed ought to be the advantages which could compensate for sacrifices like these, and great in their eyes, beyond a doubt, they were. In return for freedom, the gesíð obtained a certain maintenance, the chance of princely favour, a military and active life of adventure, with all its advantages of pillage, festivals and triumphs, poets and minstrels, courtly halls and adventitious splendour; the usufruct at least, and afterwards the possession, of lands and horses, arms and jewels. As the royal power steadily advanced by his assistance, and the old, national nobility of birth, as well as the old, landed freeman sunk into a lower rank, the gesíð found himself rising in power and consideration proportioned to that of his chief: the offices which had 184passed from the election of the freemen to the gift of the crown^[322], were now conferred upon him, and the ealdorman, duke, geréfa, judge, and even the bishop, were at length selected from the ranks of the comitatus. Finally, the nobles by birth themselves became absorbed in the ever-widening whirlpool; day by day the freemen, deprived of their old national defences, wringing with difficulty a precarious subsistence from incessant labour, sullenly yielded to a yoke which they could not shake off, and commended themselves (such was the phrase) to the protection of a lord; till a complete change having thus been operated in the opinions of men, and consequently in every relation of society, a new order of things was consummated, in which the honours and security of service became more anxiously desired than a needy and unsafe freedom; and the alods being finally surrendered, to be taken back as beneficia, under mediate lords, the foundations of the royal, feudal system were securely laid on every side.

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