Book 1 — APPENDIX.

449

APPENDIX A. MARKS.

The following patronymical names I believe to be those of ancient Marks. The first portion of them is derived from the Codex Diplomatics and other original authorities: the second portion contains names inferred from the actual local names in England at the present day.

Æslingas. Kent. Cod. Dipl. No. 111.

Æscingas. Surrey. 314.

Anningas. Northamptonshire. 445.

Antingas. Norfolk. 785.

Æfeningas. 1073.

Berecingas. Essex. 38.

Besingas. 994.

Banesingas. Oxfordshire. 81.

Boerlingas. Kent. 152.

Beardingas. Kent. 207.

Beadingas. Sussex. 314.

Billingas. 1000.

Bruningas. 374, 1113.

Brahcingas. Hertfordshire. 410.

Brytfordingas. Hampshire. 421, 985, 1108.

Brydingas. Wiltshire. 436.

Brydingas. Dorsetshire. 447.

450Bydelingas. Northamptonshire. 445.

Beaddingas. Isle of Wight. 475.

Beorhfeldingas. 1175.

Beringas. Kent. 518.

Buccingas. Chron. Sax. 918.

Bulungas. Somersetshire. Cod. Dipl. No. 569.

Birlingas. Worcestershire. 570.

Brómleágingas. Kent. 657.

Beorganstedingas. Sussex. 663.

Boccingas. Essex. 698.

Beorhtingas. Sussex. 782.

Bercingas. Suffolk. 907.

Byrtingas. Warwickshire. 916.

Culingas. Kent. 132.

Centingas. Chron. Sax. 999.

Crangas. Kent. Cod. Dipl. No. 179.

Ceanningas. 1193.

Colingas. Wiltshire. 336.

Cearningas. 1212.

Ciwingas. Hertfordshire. 410.

Cytringas. Northamptonshire. 443.

Cnyllingas. Northamptonshire. 480.

Cystáningas. Kent. 657.

Cateringas. 722.

Coringas. Lincolnshire. 953.

Cyceringas. 957.

Dicelingas. Sussex. 314.

Dentúningas. Northamptonshire. 445.

Doccingas. Norfolk. 759.

Eohingas. Kent. 121.

Englungas. 123.

Eástringas. Northamptonshire. 480.

Earmingas. Cambridgeshire. 563.

451Earningas. 1320.

Embasingas. Hampshire. 673.

Eastúningas. 1023.

Eofordúningas. Northamptonshire. 736.

Erpingas. Norfolk. 785.

Effingas. Surrey. 812.

Erningas. Cambridgeshire. 907.

Ferlingas. Somersetshire. 73.

Fullingas. 987.

Focingas. Kent. 207.

Fasingas. 1083.

Fearningas. Hampshire. 450.

Fearnbeorgingas. Kent. 657.

Fingringas. Essex. 685.

Fearningas. Somersetshire. 723.

Frinningas. Kent. 896.

Glæstingas. Somersetshire. 49.

Geddingas. Middlesex. 101.

Gumeningas. Middlesex. 116.

Gustingas. Wiltshire. 174.

Getingas. Surrey. 318.

Garungas. Kent. 364.

Grundlingas. Worcestershire. 548.

Gildingas. Kent. 790.

Gillingas. 809. Chron. Sax.Chron. Sax. 1010.

Gyrstlingas. 967.

Hallingas. Kent. 160.

Hæstingas. Chron. Sax. 1050.

Heallingas. Worcestershire. Cod. Dipl. No. 209.

Heretúningas. Dorsetshire. 412.

Hrepingas. 990.

Hoppingas. Surrey. 537.

Hæglingas. 1193.

452Heántuningas. 1212.

Heartingas. Cambridgeshire. 533.

Hwæssingas. Sussex. 591.

Hohtúningas. Hampshire. 633.

Hnutscillingas. Hampshire. 642.

Holingas. Kent. 722.

Heningas. Northamptonshire. 733.

Herelingas. Norfolk. 782.

Hodingas. Hampshire. 783.

Hanningas. Norfolk. 785.

Hellingas. Norfolk. 809.

Horningas. Hampshire. 556.

Horningas. Norfolk. 740.

Horningas. Oxfordshire. 775.

Horningas. Somersetshire. 816.

Horningas. Cambridgeshire. 907.

Hicelingas. 971.

Hæcingas. Kent. 364.

Ircingas. Chron. Sax. 918.

Lingas. Middlesex. Cod. Dipl. No. 159.

Lællingas. Essex. 715.

Lamburningas. Berkshire. 792.

Linfrodingas. 1133.

Lacingas. 1153.

Merlingas. Somersetshire. 73.

Mundlingas. Kent. 107.

Mallingas. Kent. 240.

Módingas. Kent. 287.

Michǽmingas. Surrey. 537.

Meringas. 809.

Mæssingas. 953.

Nessingas. 813.

453Neddingas. Suffolk. 907.

Oddingas. Worcestershire. 209.

Pegingas. 257.

Pæccingas. Sussex. 414.

Purbicingas. Dorsetshire. 418.

Palingas. Sussex. 432.

Puningas. Sussex. 481.

Piccingas. 812.

Piperingas. 1001.

Peartingas. 1016.

Rícingas. Essex. 35.

Roegingas. Kent. 196.

Reádingas. Berkshire. 685.

Rodingas. 907.

Rocingas. 1014.

Ruwanoringas. 1163.

Stoppingas. Warwickshire. 83.

Sunningas. Berkshire. 214.

Sempingas. Lincolnshire. 267.

Stǽningas. Sussex. 314.

Scearingas. Berkshire. 357.

Suntingas. Northamptonshire. 445.

Snotingas. Chron. Sax. 922.

Súðtúningas. Hampshire. Cod. Dipl. No. 578.

Stameringas. Berkshire. 762.

Seaxlingas. Norfolk. 782.

Scealdedeningas. Hampshire. 783.

Stutingas. Kent. 773.

Scitingas. 1042.

Terringas. Sussex. 1138.

Terringas. Kent. 405.

454Tótingas. Surrey. 363.

Tótingas. Norfolk. 785.

Teofuntingas. Wiltshire. 379.

Tudingas. Sussex. 593.

Terlingas. Essex. 907.

Ticcingas. 928.

Uggafordingas. Wiltshire. 778.

Wócingas. Surrey. 168.

Wígingas. Kent. 225.

Wígingas. Hertfordshire. Chron. Sax. 921.

Wealthǽmingas. Hampshire. Cod. Dipl. No. 342.

Weodúningas. Northamptonshire. 399.

Wrætlingas. 399.

Wellingas. Hertfordshire. 410.

Wealingas. 716.

Wealingas { 1016; 1061. Chron. Sax. 1013.

Wealingas. Hampshire. Cod. Dipl. No. 442.

Welingas. Wiltshire. 462.

Welingas. 1069; 1154.

Witringas. Sussex. 464.

Wyrtingas. Hampshire. 481.

Woðringas. Kent. 492.

Wudutúningas. Hampshire. 638.

Wealdingas. Suffolk. 685.

Wanetingas. Berkshire. 698.

Witeringas. 992.

Weopingas. 721.

Westmoringas. Chron. Sax. 966.

Wilringas. Suffolk. Cod. Dipl. No. 759.

Wælsingas. Norfolk. 759.

Wylfingas. 1135.

Wratingas. 907.

Wanhæmingas. 1135.

455Winlingas. 907.

Wasingas. 1159; 1173.

Wedringas. 907.

Watingas. 907.

Wintringas. 953.

Weargeburningas. Hampshire. 783.

Wimbedúningas. Surrey. 537.

Ytingas. 1228. Chron. Sax. 906.

Ðutingas. Hampshire. Cod. Dipl. No. 752.

Ðorningas. Kent. 207.

Ðristlingas. Worcestershire. 570.

Writolas. Essex. 35.

Hogebúra. Hampshire. 589.

Holigan. 952.

Momelas. 952.

Wægelas. Somersetshire. 774.

Beohhǽme. Kent. 657.

Burhhǽme. Kent. 688.

Cethǽme. Kent. 688.

Cynghǽme. 1212.

Crohhǽme. Worcestershire. 507.

Díchǽme. Wiltshire. 778.

Hinhǽme. Worcestershire. 764.

Middelhǽme. Hampshire. 648.

Monninghǽme. Worcestershire. 645

Leófeshǽme. Kent. 657.

Micghǽme. Hampshire. 638.

Polhǽme. Hampshire. 642; 1136.

Secghǽme. Worcestershire. 764.

Uppinghǽme. Hampshire. 590.

Wíchǽme. Kent. 657; 1038.

Ðornhǽme. Worcestershire. 511.

456Beonotsetan. Worcestershire. Cod. Dipl. No. 266.

Brádsetan. Worcestershire. 289.

Brádsetan. Gloucestershire. 274.

Crægsetan. Kent. 287.

Crudsetan. Wiltshire. 460.

Grimsetan. Worcestershire. 561.

Incsetan. Worcestershire. 511.

Mósetan. Worcestershire. 266.

Wreocensetan. Worcestershire. 277.

MARKS INFERRED FROM LOCAL NAMES IN ENGLAND.

Æbingas. Abinger, Surr.; Abinghall, Glouc.; Abington, Camb.

Æblingas. Ablington, Glouc.; Ablington, Wilts.

Æcingas. Oakington, Camb.

Æceringas. Accrington, Lanc.; Eakring, Notts.

Æclingas. Acklington, Nthld.

Aldingas. Aldingbourn, Sussx.; Aldingham, Lanc.; Aldington, Kent and Worc.

Aldringas. Aldringham, Suff.; Aldrington, Sussx.

Ælcingas. Alkington, Glouc. and Salop.

Ælcringas. Alkrington, Lanc.

Ælingas. Allington, Devon, Dors., Hants, Kent, Linc., Wilts.

Ælmingas. Almington, Staff. and Warw.

Ælmodíngas. Almodington, Sussx.

Ælfingas. Alphington, Devon; Alvington, Glouc., Somers. and Devon; Alvingham, Linc.

Ælpingas. Alpington, Norf.

Ælwingas. Alwington, Devon.

Angmeringas. Angmering, Sussx.

Antingas. Antingham, Norf.

Ardingas. Ardingly, Sussx.; Ardington, Berks.

457Arlingas. Arlingham, Glouc.; Arlington, Devon, Glouc. and Sussx.

Armingas. Armingford, Camb.; Arminghall, Norf.

Arringas. Arrington, Camb.

Arðingas. Arthington, York.; Arthingworth, Nhamp.

Artingas. Artington, Sussx.

Æscingas. Ashingdon, Essex; Ashington, Sussx., Somers. and Nthld.; Ashendon, Bucks.

Æsclingas. Ashling, Sussx.

Æðeringas. Athrington, Devon and Sussx.

Ætingas. Attington, Oxf.

Æfingas. Avington, Berks. and Hants.

Bæbingas. Babbingley, Norf.; Babington, Somers.

Bædingas. Baddington, Chesh.; Badingham, Suff.

Bæcgingas. Badgington, Glouc.; Baginton, Warw.

Bædlingas. Badlingham, Camb.

Balcingas. Balking, Essex.

Bælingas. Ballingdon, Essex; Ballingham, Heref.

Baningas. Banningham, Norf.

Beorcingas. Barking, Essex, Suff. and Mddx.

Beorlingas. Barling, Essex; Barlings, Linc.

Beormingas. Barming, Kent; Birmingham, Warw.

Beorningas. Barningham, Suff., York. and Norf.

Beorringas. Barrington, Camb., Somers., Berks., Glouc.

Beortingas. Bartington, Chesh.

Basingas. Basing, Hants; Basingstoke, ibid.

Bassingas. Bassingbourn, Camb.; Bassingfield, Notts; Bassingham, Linc.; Bassingthorpe, Linc.; Bassington, Nthld.

Bafingas. Bavington, Nthld.

Bealingas. Bealings, Suff.

Bebingas. Bebington, Chesh.

Beceringas. Beckering, Linc.

Beccingas. Beckingham, Essex, Linc., Notts; Beckington, Somers.

458Beadingas. Beddingham, Sussx.; Beddington, Surr.; Bedingfield, Suff.; Bedingham, Norf.

Bædlingas. Bedlington, Drhm.

Bécingas. Beeching Stoke, Wilts.

Bédingas. Beeding, Sussx.

Bellingas. Bellingdon, Bucks; Bellinger, Hants; Bellingham, Nthld.

Beltingas. Belting, Kent.

Benningas. Benningbrough, York.; Benningholme, York.; Bennington, Herts, Linc.; Benningworth, Linc.

Bensingas. Bensington, Oxf.

Berringas. Berrington, Drhm., Glouc., Salop, Worc.

Bessingas. Bessingby, York.; Bessingham, Norf.

Beofingas. Bevington, Warw.

Biccingas. Bickington, Devon.

Billingas. Billing, Nhamp.; Billinge, Lanc.; Billingford, Norf.; Billingham, Drhm.; Billinghay, Linc.; Billingley, York.; Billingsgate, Mddx.; Billingshurst, Sussx.; Billingside, Drhm.; Billingsley, Salop; Billington, Bedf., Staff., Lanc.

Bilsingas. Bilsington, Kent.

Bingas. Bing, Suff.; Bingfield, Nthld.; Bingham, Nhamp., Somers.; Bingley, York.

Binningas. Binnington, York.

Bircingas. Birchington, Kent.

Bridingas. Birdingbury, Warw.

Birlingas. Birling, Kent, Nthld.; Birlingham, Worc.

Biteringas. Bittering, Norf.

Blæcingas. Blatchington, Sussx.; Blatchinworth, Lanc.

Blædingas. Bleddington, Glouc.

Bleccingas. Bletchingley, Surr.; Bletchington, Oxf.

Bliclingas. Blickling, Norf.

Bobbingas. Bobbing, Kent; Bobbington, Salop, Staff.; Bobbingworth, Essex; Bobinger, Essex.

Bocingas, Bocking, Essex, Suff.

Boddingas. Boddington, Glouc., Nhamp.

459Bolingas. Bolingbroke, Linc.

Bollingas. Bollington, Chesh.

Bondingas. Bondington, Somers.

Bonningas. Bonnington, Kent and Notts.; Boningale, Salop; Boninghall, Salop.

Bosingas. Bossingham, Kent; Bossington, Hants., Somers.

Bofingas. Bovingdon, Herts.

Bradingas. Brading, Hants.

Brentingas. Brantingham, York.; Brentingley, Leic.

Brahcingas. Braughin, Herts.

Bressingas. Bressingham, Norf.

Bridlingas. Bridlington, York.

Brihtlingas. Brightling, Sussx.; Brightlingsea, Essex.

Brimingas. Brimington, Derby.

Bringas. Brington, Hunt. and Nhamp.; Bringhurst, Leic.

Bríningas. Briningham, Norf.

Brinningas. Brinnington, Chesh.

Brislingas. Brislington, Somers.

Britingas. Brittenton, Oxf.

Bucingas. Buckingham, Bucks.

Budingas. Buddington, Sussx.

Bulcingas. Bulkington, Warw., Wilts.

Bullingas. Bullingdon, Oxf.; Bullingham, Heref.; Bullington, Hants and Linc.

Buntingas. Buntingford, Herts.

Burlingas. Burlingham, Norf.; Burlington, York.

Burmingas. Burmington, Warw.

Burringas. Burringham, Linc.; Burrington, Devon, Heref., Somers.

Buslingas. Buslingthorpe, Linc.

Byttingas. Butting Hill, Sussx.

Cædingas. Caddington, Bedf., Herts; Keddington, Linc. Kedington, Essex, Suff.

Callingas. Callington, Cornw.

Cægingas. Keyingham, York.

460Cameringas. Cameringham, Linc.; Cammerton, Cumb.

Canningas. Cannings, Wilts; Cannington, Somers.; Kenninghall, Norf.; Kennington, Berks., Kent, Surr.

Ceardingas }

(? Heardingas) } Cardington, Bedf., Salop; Cardinham, Cornw.

Cearlingas. Carlingcot, Somers.; Carlinghow, York.

Cerringas. Carrington, Chesh., Linc., Notts; Charing, Kent; Cherrington, Salop, Wilts.

Cersington. Carsington, Derby.

Cæssingas. Cassington, Oxf.

Ceadlingas. Chaddlington, Oxf.

Cealfingas. Chalvington, Sussx.; Kilvington, York.

Ceandlingas. Chandlings, Berks.

Ceadingas. Cheddington, Bucks, Dors.

Cyllingas. Chellington, Bedf.; Chillingford, Staff.; Chillingham, Nthld.; Chillington, Devon, Somers.; Kelling, Norf.; Kellingley, York.; Kellington, York.

Ceassingas. Chessington, Surr.; Kessingland, Suff.

Cifingas. Chevington, Suff., Nthld.

Cyrclingas. Kirklington, Notts., York.

Cidingas. Chiddingfold, Surr.; Chiddingly, Sussx.; Chiddingstone, Kent, Kiddington, Oxf.

Cirmingas. Kirmington, Linc.

Ciltingas. Chiltington, Sussx.

Cemesingas. Kemsing, Kent.

Cypingas. Chipping, Herts, Lanc., Glouc., Berks., Oxf., Essex, Nhamp., Bucks.

Cenesingas. Kensington, Mddx.

Ceopingas. Choppington, Drhm.

Cetringas. Kettering, Nhamp.; Ketteringham, Norf.

Clæfringas. Clavering, Essex, Norf.

Cyrtlingas. Kirtling, Camb.; Kirtlington, Oxf.

Climpingas. Climping, Sussx.

Cýslingas. Kislingbury, Nhamp.

461Coceringas. Cockerington, Linc.

Cnudlingas. Knedlington, York.

Cocingas. Cocking, Sussx.; Cockington, Devon.

Codingas. Coddington, Chesh., Heref., Notts; Coddenham, Suff.

Codringas. Codrington, Glouc.

Collingas. Collingbourne, Wilts; Collingham, Notts, York.; Collington, Heref.; Collingtree, Nhamp.

Cnossingas. Knossington, Leic.

Cnottingas. Knotting, Bedf.; Knottingley, York.

Culingas. Cooling, Kent; Cowling, Suff., York.

Copingas. Copping-Syke, Linc.; Coppingford, Hunt.

Coringas. Corringham, Essex, Linc.

Cosingas. Cossington, Leic., Somers.

Cotingas. Cottingham, Nhamp., York.; Cottingley, York.; Cottingwith, York.

Cofingas. Covington, Hunt.

Cramlingas. Cramlington, Nthld.

Creótingas. Creeting, Suff.

Cressingas. Cressing, Essex; Cressingham, Norf.

Cridlingas. Cridling-Stubbs, York.

Crucgingas. Crudgington, Salop.

Cubingas. Cubbington, Warw.

Cublingas. Cublington, Bucks.

Cwædringas. Quadring, Linc.

Cycelingas. Cucklington, Somers.

Cwæringas. Quarrington, Drhm., Linc.

Cydingas. Cuddington, Bucks, Chesh., Surr.

Cydlingas. Kidlington, Oxf.

Cullingas. Cullingworth, York.

Cweningas. Quenington, Glouc.

Culmingas. Culmington, Salop; Kilmington, Devon, Somers.

Cylingas. Killingbeck, York.; Killinghall, York.; Killingholm, Linc.; Killingworth, Nthld.

Dædlingas. Dadlington, Leic.

462Dæglingas. Daglingworth, Glouc.

Dællingas. Dalling, Norf.; Dallinghoo, Suff.; Dallington, Nhamp., Sussx.

Deorlingas. Darlingscott, Worc.; Darlington, Drhm.

Deorringas. Darrington, York.

Dartingas. Dartington, Devon.

Dæfingas. Davington, Kent.

Deoplingas. Debtling, Kent.

Deddingas. Deddington, Oxf.

Denningas. Dennington, Suff.

Deorsingas. Dersingham, Norf.; Dorsington, Glouc., Warw.

Dicringas. Dickering, York.

Diddingas. Diddington, Hunt.

Didlingas. Didling, Sussx.; Didlington, Dors., Norf.

Dillingas. Dillington, Norf.

Dimlingas. Dimlington, York.

Dinningas. Dinnington, Nthld., Somers., York.

Dintingas. Dinting, Derby.

Dissingas. Dissington, Nthld.

Distingas. Distington, Cumb.

Dicelingas. Ditchling, Sussx.

Docingas. Docking, Norf.

Dodingas. Doddinghurst, Essex; Doddington, Camb., Chesh., Kent, Linc., Nthld., Nhamp.; Doddingtree, Worc.; Dodington, Glouc., Salop, Somers.

Doningas. Donington, Linc., Leic., Salop; Donnington, Berks., Glouc., Heref., Leic., Salop, Sussx.

Deorcingas. Dorking, Surr.

Dormingas. Dormington, Heref.

Dorringas. Dorrington, Linc., Salop.

Drihlingas. Drighlington, York.

Dycingas. Duckington, Chesh.; Dykings, Linc.

Dyclingas. Ducklington, Oxf.

Dylingas. Dullingham, Camb.

Dyningas. Dunningley, York.; Dunnington, Warw., York.; Dunningwith, Suff.

463Dyringas. Durrington, Sussx., Wilts.

Ealingas. Ealing, Mddx.; Eling, Hants.

Eardingas. Eardington, Salop; Erdington, Warw.

Esingas. Eashing, Surr.; Easington, Bucks, Drhm., Glouc.,

Nthld., Oxf., York.; Easingwold, York.

Eastingas. Eastington, Dors., Glouc., Worc.

Eastlingas. Eastling, Kent.

Eastringas. Eastrington, York.

Eberingas. Ebrington, Glouc.

Ecgingas. Eckington, Derby., Worc.; Eggington, Bedf.; Etchingham, Sussx.

Edingas. Edingale, Staff.; Edingley, Notts.; Edingthorpe, Norf.; Edington, Berks., Nthld., Somers., Wilts.; Edingworth, Somers.

Eadlingas. Edlingham, Nthld.; Edlington, Linc., York.

Eafingas. Effingham, Surr.

Ecglingas. Eglingham, Nthld.

Elcingas. Elkington, Nhamp., Linc.

Elringas. Ellerington, Nthld.

Ellingas. Ellingham, Hants, Norf., Nthld.; Ellingstring,

York.; Ellington, Hunt., Kent, Nthld., York.

Elmingas. Elmington, Nhamp.

Elsingas. Elsing, Norf.

Eltringas. Eltringham, Nthld.

Elfingas. Elvington, York.

Empingas. Empingham, Rutl.

Eppingas. Epping, Essex.

Earmingas. Ermington, Devon.

Eorpingas. Erpingham, Norf.

Eorringas. Erringden, York.

Essingas. Essington, Staff.

Ettingas. Ettinghall, Staff.

Eoferingas. Everingham, York.

Efingas. Evingar, Hants; Evington, Glouc., Leic.

Escningas. Exning, Suff.

464Fealcingas. Falkingham, Linc.; Felkington, Drhm.

Fealdingas. Faldingworth, Linc.; Fawdington, York.

Fearingas. Faringdon, Devon; Farringdon, Dors., Hants, Berks., Somers.; Farrington, Lanc., Somers.

Feorlingas. Farlington, Hants, York.

Feormingas. Farmington, Glouc.

Fearningas. Farningham, Kent.

Felmingas. Felmingham, Norf.

Ferringas. Ferring, Sussx.

Fiddingas. Fiddington, Glouc., Somers., Wilts.

Fillingas. Fillingham, Linc.

Fincingas. Finchingfield, Essex.

Fingringas. Fingringhoe, Essex.

Finningas. Finningham, Suff.; Finningley, Notts, York.; Vennington, Salop.

Fitlingas. Fitting, York.

Fleccingas. Fletching, Sussx.

Fobingas. Fobbing, Essex.

Folcingas. Folkingham, Linc.; Folkington, Sussx.

Fordingas. Fordingbridge, Hants; Fordington, Dors., Linc.

Foðeringas. Fotheringay, Nhamp.

Framingas. Framingham, Norf.; Fremington, Devon, York.

Framlingas. Framlingham, Suff.; Framlington, Nthld.

Frescingas. Fressingfield, Suff.

Fringas. Fring, Norf.; Fringford, Oxf.

Frodingas. Frodingham, Linc., York.

Funtingas. Funtington, Sussx.

Fylingas. Fylingdales, York.; Fylingthorpe, York.

Gægingas. Gagingwell, Oxf.; Ginge, Berks.

Galmingas. Galmington, Somers.

Gamelingas. Gamlingay, Camb.; Gembling, York.

Gárlingas. Garlinge, Kent.

Gærsingas. Garsington, Oxf.; Grassington, York.; Gressingham, Lanc.; Gressenhall, Norf.

Gealdingas. Yalding, Kent; Yielding, Bedf.

465Geddingas. Gedding, Suff.; Geddington, Nhamp.; Yeading, Mddx.; Yeddingham, York.

Gearlingas. Yarlington, Somers.

Gædlingas. Gedling, Notts.

Gearingas. Yarrington, Oxf.

Gestingas. Gestingthorpe, Essex.

Geofoningas. Yeavening, Nthld.

Giddingas. Gidding, Hunt.

Geátingas. Yettington, Devon.

Gildingas. Gildingwells, York.

Gillingas. Gilling, York.; Gillingham, Dors., Kent, Norf.; Yelling, Hunt.

Gimingas. Gimingham, Norf.; Gimmingbrook, Kent.

Gipingas. Gipping, Suff.

Gislingas. Gislingham, Suff.

Gitlingas. Yetlington, Nthld.

Glæstingas. Glastonbury, Somers.

Glæferingas. Glevering, Suff.

Goddingas. Goddington, Oxf.

Goldingas. Golding Stoke, Leic.; Goldings, Surr.; Goldington, Bedf., Bucks.

Gáringas. Goring, Oxf., Suff.

Goðringas. Gotherington, Glouc.

Grǽgingas. Grayingham, Linc.

Gystlingas. Guestling, Sussx.

Gytingas. Guyting, Glouc.

Hæcingas. Hackington, Kent.

Hædingas. Haddington, Linc.

Hallingas. Hallingbury, Essex; Hallington, Linc., Nthld.

Haningas. Hanningfield, Essex; Hannington, Hants, Nhamp., Wilts.

Hæpingas. Happing, Norf.

Heardingas. Hardingham, Norf.; Hardington, Somers.; Hardingstone, Nhamp.; Harden, York.; Hardendale, Wmld.; Hardenhuish, Wilts.

466Herelingas. Harling, Norf.; Harlington, Bedf., Mddx., York.

Hearingas. Harrington, Cumb., Linc., Nhamp.; Harringworth, Nhamp.

Heortingas. Harting, Sussx.; Hartington, Derby., Nthld.; Hertingfordbury, Herts.

Heortlingas. Hartlington, York.

Heorfingas. Harvington, Worc.

Hæslingas. Haslingden, Lanc.; Haslingfield, Camb.; Haslington, Chesh.; Heslington, York.

Hæsssingas. Hassingham, Norf.

Hæstingas. Hastings, Sussx., Berks., Warw., Nhamp.; Hastingleyt, Kent; Hastingwood, Essex.

Hæferingas. Havering, Essex; Haveringham, Suff.; Haveringland, Norf.

Hafocingas. Hawkinge, Kent.

Hæglingas. Hawling, Glouc.; Hayling, Hants.

Heáfodingas. Headingley, York; Headington, Oxf.; Heddington, Wilts; Hedingham, Essex.

Healingas. Healing, Linc.

Hæcingas. Heckingham, Norf.; Heckington, Linc.; Heighington, Drhm., Linc.

Hellingas. Hellinghill, Nthld.; Hellingly, Sussx.

Helmingas. Helmingham, Suff.; Helmington, Drhm.

Helpringas. Helprington, Linc.

Helsingas. Helsington, Wmld.

Hemlingas. Hemblington, Norf.; Hemlingford, Warw.; Hemlington, York., Drhm.

Hemingas. Hemingbrough, York.; Heminghy, Linc.; Hemingfield, York.; Hemingford, Hunt.; Hemingstone, Suff.; Hemington, Nhamp., Somers.

Hanesingas. Hensingham, Cumb.; Hensington, Oxf.

Heorringas. Herring, Dors.; Herringby, Norf.; Herringfleet, Suff.; Herringstone, Dors.; Herringswell, Suff.; Herringthorpe, York.; Herrington, Drhm.

Heofingas. Hevingham, Norf.

Hicelingas. Hickling, Norf., Notts.

467Hillingas. Hillingdon, Mddx.; Hillington, Norf.

Hindringas. Hindringham, Norf.

Hócringas. Hockering, Norf.

Hodingas. Hoddington, Hants.

Holdingas. Holdingham, Linc.

Holingas. Hollingbourn, Kent; Hollingdon, Bucks; Hollinghill, Nthld.; Hollington, Derb., Staff., Sussx.; Hollingworth, Chesh.

Homingas. Homington, Wilts.

Honingas. Honing, Norf.; Honingham, Norf.; Honington, Linc., Suff., Warw.

Horblingas. Horbling, Linc.

Horningas. Horning, Norf.; Horninghold, Leic.; Horninglow, Staff.; Horningsea, Camb.; Horningsham, Wilts; Horningsheath, Suff.; Horningtoft, Norf.

Horingas. Horrington, Somers.

Horsingas. Horsington, Linc., Somers.

Hoferingas. Hoveringham, Notts.

Hofingas. Hovingham, York.

Hucingas, or Hocingas. } Hucking, Kent.

Hudingas. Huddington, Worc.

Huningas, or Hundingas. } Hunningham, Warw.; Hunnington, Salop.

Hunsingas. Hunsingore, York.

Hyrstingas. Hurstingstone, Hunt.

Icelingas. Icklingham, Suff.

Illingas. Illington, Norf.; Illingworth, York.

Ilmingas. Ilmimgton, Glouc., Warw.

Ilsingas. Ilsington, Devon., Dors.

Immingas. Immingham, Linc.

Impingas. Impington, Camb.

Ipingas. Iping, Sussx.

Irmingas. Irmingland, Norf.

468Irðingas. Irthington, Cumb.

Irðlingas. Irthlingborough, Nhamp.

Islingas. Islington, Norf., Mddx.

Issingas. Issington, Hants.

Iccingas. Itchingswell, Hants; Itchington, Glouc., Warw.

Iteringas. Itteringham, Norf.

Ifingas. Ivinghoe, Bucks; Ivington, Heref.; Jevington, Sussx.

Læcingas. Lackington, Somers.; Latchingdon, Essex.

Larlingas. Larling, Norf.

Leortingas. Lartington, York.

Leamingas. Leamington, Warw.; Leeming, York.; Lemington, Glouc., Nthld.

Leasingas. Leasingham, Linc.; Lissington, Linc.

Leafeningas. Leavening, York.

Leafingas. Leavington, York.; Levington, Suff.

Læpingas. Leppington, York.

Leðringas. Letheringham, Suff.; Letheringsett, Norf.

Læferingas. Leverington, Camb.

Lexingas. Lexington, Notts.

Lidingas. Liddington, Rutl., Wilts.

Lidlingas. Lidlington, Bedf.

Lidesingas. Lidsing, Kent.

Lillingas. Lillings, York.; Lillingstone, Bucks; Lillington, Dors., Oxf., Warw.

Limingas. Limington, Somers.; Lyminge, Kent; Lymington, Hants.

Lingas. Lings, York.; Lingbob, York.; Lingen, Heref.; Lingfield, Surr.; Lingham, Chesh.; Lingwell Gate, York.; Lingwood, Norf.; Lyng, Norf.

Lytlingas. Littlington, Camb., Sussx.

Locingas. Locking, Somers.; Lockinge, Berks.; Lockington, Leic., York.

Lodingas. Loddington, Kent, Leic., Nhamp.

Loningas. Loningborough, Kent.

469Lopingas. Loppington, Salop.

Lofingas. Lovington, Somers.

Lucingas. Luckington, Somers., Wilts.

Ludingas. Luddington, Linc., Warw., Hunt., Nhamp.

Lullingas. Lullingfield, Salop.; Lullingstane, Kent; Lullingstone, Kent; Lullington, Derb., Somers., Sussx.

Mædingas. Maddington, Wilts; Madingley, Camb.

Mallingas. Malling, Kent, Sussx.

Manningas. Manningford, Wilts; Manningham, York.; Mannington, Dors., Norf.; Manningtree, Essex; Monnington, Heref.

Myrcingas. Marckington, Staff.; Markington, York.; Markingfield, York.

Mærlingas. Marlingford, Norf.

Mæringas, or Myrgings? } Marrington, Salop.; Mering, Notts.; Merrington, Drhm., Salop.

Mæssingas. Massingham, Norf.; Messing, Essex; Messingham, Linc.

Mæccingas. Matching, Essex.

Mætingas. Mattingley, Hants; Mettingham, Suff.

Mægdlingas. Maudling, Sussx.

Mécingas. Meeching, Sussx.

Mellingas. Melling, Lanc.

Meðringas. Metheringham, Linc.

Millingas. Millington, Chesh., York.

Mintingas. Minting, Linc.

Mollingas. Mollington, Chesh., Oxf., Warw.

Mottingas. Mottingham, Kent.

Mycgingas. Mucking, Essex.

Næcingas^[831]. Nackington, Kent; Nedging Suff.

Næssingas. Nassington, Nhamp.; Nazeing, Essex.

Nydingas. Needingworth, Hunt.

470Níwingas. Newington, Kent, Notts, Oxf., York., Glouc., Surr., Mddx.

Norðingas. Northington, Hants.

Nottingas^[832]. Notting, Bedf.; Nottington, Dors.; Nottingham, Notts, Berks.

Oddingas. Oddingley, Worc.; Oddington, Glouc., Oxf.

Oldingas. Oldington, Salop.

Orlingas. Orlingbury, Nhamp.

Orpedingas. Orpington, Kent.

Osmingas. Osmington, Dors.

Ossingas. Ossington, Notts.

Oteringas. Otterington, York.; Ottringham, York.

Ofingas. Oving, Bucks, Sussx.; Ovingdean, Sussx.; Ovingham, York., Nthld.; Ovington, Essex, Hants, Norf., Nthld., York.

Pæccingas. Packington, Derb., Leic., Staff., Warw.; Patching, Sussx.

Pædingas. Paddington, Mddx. (? Padan tún.)

Pællingas. Palling, Norf.; Pallingham, Sussx.; Pallington, Dors.

Pæmingas. Pamington, Glouc.

PeartingasPeartingas. Partington, Chesh.

Pætringas. Patrington, York.

Pætingas. Pattingham, Salop, Staff.

Pæfingas. Pavingham, Bedf.; Pevington, Kent.

Petlingas. Peatling, Leic.

Pædlingas. Pedling, Kent.

Penningas. Pennington, Hants, Lanc.

Piceringas. Pickering, York.

Pidingas. Piddinghoe, Sussx.; Piddington, Nhamp., Oxf.

Pilcingas. Pilkington, Lanc.

Pillingas. Pilling, Lanc.

471Pitingas. Pittington, Drhm.

Poclingas. Pocklington, York.

Podingas. Poddington, Bedf.; Podington, Dors.

Puntingas. Pointington, Somers.

Polingas. Poling, Sussx.; Pollington, York.

Poringas. Poringland, Norf.

Porcingas. Porkington, Salop.

Portingas. Portington, York.

Postlingas. Postling, Kent.

Potingas. Poting, York.

Pucingas. Puckington, Somers.

Púningas. Poynings, Sussx.

Pydingas. Puddington, Bedf., Chesh., Devon.

Rædingas. Raddington, Somers.; Reading, Berks; Reading-street, Kent.

Rætlingas. Ratlinghope, Salop.

Ræfningas^[833]. Raveningham, Norf.

Rædlingas^[833]. Redlingfield, Suff.

Renningas. Rennington, Nthld.

Ricingas. Rickinghall, Suff.

Riclingas^[833]. Rickling, Essex.

Ridingas. Riddinge, Derb.; Riding, Nthld.

Ridlingas. Ridlington, Norf., Rutl.

Rillingas. Rillington, York.

Rimmingas. Rimmington, York.

Riplingas^[833]. Riplingham, York.; Riplington, Hants, Nthld.

Ripingas^[833]. Rippingale, Linc.

Risingas^[833]. Rising, Norf.; Rissington, Glouc.

Rifingas. Rivington, Lanc.

Rocingas^[833]. Rockingham, Nhamp.

472Rodingas. Roddington, Salop.; Roding, Essex.

Rollingas. Rollington, Dors.

Roringas. Rorrington, Salop.

Rossingas. Rossington, York.

Rotingas. Rottingdean, Sussx.; Rottington, Cumb.

Rowingas^[834]. Rowington, Warw.

Rucingas^[834]. Ruckinge, Kent.

Rudingas^[834]. Ruddington, Notts.

Runingas. Runnington, Somers.

Ruscingas^[834]. Ruskington, Linc.

Rustingas. Rustington, Sussx.

Sædingas. Saddington, Leic.

Sælingas. Saling, Essex.

Sealfingas. Salvington, Sussx.

Sandingas. Sandringham, Norf.

Seaxlingas. Saxlingham, Norf.

Scealingas. Scaling-dam, York.

Scearningas. Scarning, Norf.

Scearingas, or Seringas. { Scarrington, Notts; Sharrington, Norf.; Sheering Essex; Sheringford, Norf.; Sherringham, Norf.; Sherrington, Bucks, Wilts.

Scearðingas. Scarthingwell, York.

Scrǽgingas. Scrayingham, York.

Screadingas. Scredington, Linc.

Seafingas. Seavington, Somers.

Secgingas. Seckington, Warw.

Seáðingas. Seething, Norf.

Syllingas. Selling, Kent; Sellinge, Kent.

Seámingas. Semington, Wilts.

Sempringas. Sempringham, Linc.

Setringas. Settrington, York.

Syfingas. Sevington, Kent.

Sceabingas. Shabbington, Bucks.

473Sceadingas. Shadingfield, Suff.

Sceáfingas. Shavington, Chesh.; Shevington, Lanc.; Skeffington, Leic.

Sceaningas. Shenington, Glouc.

Scyllingas. Shilling-Okeford, Dors.; Shillingford, Berks., Oxf., Devon; Shillingstone, Dors.; Shillingthorpe, Linc.; Shillington, Bedf.; Skellingthorpe, Linc.; Skillington, Linc.

Scylfingas. Shilvington, Dors., Nthld.

Scymplingas. Shimpling, Norf., Suff.

Scytlingas. Shitlington, Bedf., Nthld., York.

Scolingas. Sholing, Hants.

Scyrdingas. Shurdington, Glouc.

Scytingas. Shuttington, Warw.

Scylingas. Sicklinghall, York.

Sídingas. Siddington, Glouc.

Silfingas. Silvington, Salop.

Sinningas. Sinnington, York.

Sittingas. Sittingbourne, Kent.

Sceaclingas. Skeckling, York.

Sceaflingas. Skeffling, York.

Scyldingas. Skelding, York.

Scyrlingas. Skirlington, York.

Sleaningas. Sleningford, York.

Snoringas. Snoring, Norf.

Somtingas. Sompting, Sussx.

Sunningas. Sonning, Berks., Oxf.; Sunninghill, Berks.; Sunningwell, Berks.

Súðingas. Southington, Hants.

Spaldingas. Spalding, Linc.; Spaldington, York.

Specingas. Speckington, Somers.

Spyringas. Spirringate, Glouc.

Sprættingas. Spratting-street, Kent.

Sprydlingas. Spridlington, Linc.

Steallingas. Stalling-busk, York.; Stallingborough, Linc.;

Stallington, Staff.

474Stǽningas. Stanningfield, Suff.; Stanninghall, Norf..; Stanningley, York.; Stannington, Nthld., York.; Steyning, Sussx.

Steorlingas. Starling, Lanc.

Stebbingas. Stebbing, Essex; Stibbington, Hunt.

Steápingas. Steeping, Linc.; Steppingley, Bedf.

Stellingas. Stelling, Kent, Nthld.; Stillingfleet, York.; Stillington, Drhm., York.

Stefingas. Stevington, Bedf.

Stocingas. Stocking, Herts; Stockingford, Warw.; Stokingham, Devon.

Storningas. Storningley, York.

Storringas. Storrington, Sussx.

Stútingas. Stouting, Kent.

Strellingas. Strellington, Sussx.

Stubingas. Stubbington, Hants.

Sulingas. Sullington, Sussx.

Surlingas. Surlingham, Norf..

Swaningas. Swannington, Leic., Norf..

Sweorlingas. Swarling, Kent (? Sweordhlincas).

Sweðelingas. Swathling, Hants.

Swefelingas. Sweffling, Suff.

Swillingas. Swillington, York.

Sydlingas. Sydling, Dors.

Tædingas. Taddington, Glouc., Derby.; Teddington, Mddx., Worc.; Tiddington, Oxf., Warw.

Tælingas. Tallington, Linc.

Tæningas. Tannington, Suff.

Teorringas. Tarring, Sussx.; Tarrington, Heref.; Terrington, Norf., York.; Torrington, Devon., Linc.

Tætingas. Tattingstone, Suff.

Tendringas. Tendring, Essex.

Teorlingas. Terling, Essex.

Ðegningas. Thanington, Kent.

Ðeódingas. Thedingworth, Leic., Nhamp.

475Ðocingas. Thockington, Nthld.

Ðoringas, or Ðyringas. } Thorington, Suff.; Thorrington, Essex.

Ðorningas. Thornington, Nthld.

Ðrecgingas. Threckingham, Linc.

Ðredlingas. Thredling, Suff.

Ðristlingas. Trislington, Drhm.

Ðryscingas. Thrussington, Leic.

Ðurningas. Thurning, Hunt., Norf., Nhamp.

Ðwingas. Thwing, York.

Tibbingas. Tibbington, Staff.

Tidmingas. Tidmington, Worc.

Tilingas. Tillingham, Essex; Tillington, Heref., Staff., Sussx.

Tissingas. Tissington, Derby.

Titlingas. Titlington, Nthld.

Teofingas. Tivington, Somers.

Tocingas. Tockington, Glouc.

Todingas. Toddington, Bedf., Glouc.

Toltingas. Toltingtrough, Kent.

Tótingas. Tooting, Surr.; Tottington, Lanc., Norf.

Torcingas. Torkington, Chesh.

Tortingas. Tortington, Sussx.

Trimingas. Trimingham, Norf.

Tringas. Tring, Herts.

Tritlingas. Tritlington, Nthld.

Trumpingas. Trumpington, Camb.

Tucingas. Tucking Mills, Somers.; Tuckington, Hants.

Tuscingas. Tushingham, Chesh.

Tuttingas. Tuttington, Norf.

Twiningas. Twining, Glouc.

Twicgingas. Twitching, Devon.

Tyrringas. Tyrringham, Bucks.

Tyðeringas. Tytherington, Chesh., Glouc., Wilts.

Ucingas. Uckington, Glouc., Salop.

Uffingas. Uffington, Berks, Linc., Salop.

476Ulingas. Ullingswick, Heref.

Ultingas. Ulting, Essex.

Upingas. Uppingham, Rutl.; Uppington, Salop.

Wadingas. Waddingham, Linc.; Waddington, Linc., York.;

Waddingworth, Linc.; Weddington, Warw.

Wæceringas. Wakering, Essex.

Wealdingas. Waldingfield, Suff.; Woldingham, Surr.

Wealdringas. Waldringfield, Suff.

Wealcringas. Walkeringham, Notts.

Wealcingas. Walkingham, York.; Walkington, York.

Wealingas. Wallingfen, York.; Wallingford, Berks; Wallington, Hants, Herts, Norf., Surr., Nthld.; Wallingwells, Notts?; Wellingboro', Nhamp.; Wellingham, Norf.; Wellingley, York.; Wellingore, Linc.

Wælsingas. Walsingham, Norf.; Wolsingham, Drhm.; Woolsington, Nthld.

Wæplingas^[835]. Waplington, York.

Wæppingas^[835]. Wapping, Mddx.

Wearblingas^[835]. Warblington, Hants.

Weardingas. Wardington, Oxf.

Wearlingas. Warlingham, Sussx.

Wearmingas. Warmingham, Chesh.; Warminghurst, Sussx.; Warmington, Nhamp., Warw.

Wearningas. Warningcamp, Sussx.

Wæringas. Warrington, Bucks, Lanc.; Werrington, Devon., Nhamp.

Weartingas. Warthing, Sussx.

Wæsingas. Washingborough, Linc.; Washingley, Hunt.; Washington, Derby., Durh., Sussx.; Wasing, Berks; Wessington, Derby.

Wætringas. Wateringbury, Kent.

477Wætlingas. Watlington, Norf., Oxf.

Weotingas. Weeting, Norf.

Weolingas. Wellington, Heref., Salop., Somers., Wilts.

Wendlingas. Wendling, Norf.

Weningas. Wennington, Essex, Hunt., Lanc.

Weðeringas. Wittering, Sussx.; Wetheringsett, Suff.; Witherington,

Wilts.

Westingas. Westington, Glouc.

Westoningas. Westoning, Bedf.

Wætlingas^[836]. Whatlington, Sussx.

Welpingas^[836]. Whelpington, Nthld.

Werringas^[836]. Wherrington, Staff.

Wippingas^[836]. Whippingham, Hants.

Witlingas^[836]. Whitlingham, Norf.

Witeringas^[836]. Whittering, Nhamp.

Wittingas^[836]. Whittingham, Lanc., Nthld.; Whittington, Derb.,

Glouc., Lanc., Norf., Salop., Staff., Warw.,

Worc., Nthld.

Widingas. Widdington, Essex, Nthld., York.

Willingas. Willingale, Essex; Willingdon, Sussx.; Willingham,

Camb., Linc., Suff.; Willington, Bedf.,

Chesh., Derb., Drhm., Nthld., Warw.

Wylmingas. Wilmington, Kent, Salop., Somers., Sussx.

Winingas. Winnington, Chesh., Staff.

Wintringas. Winteringham, Linc., York.

Wiscingas. Wissington, Salop., Suff.

Wiccingas. Witchingham, Norf.

Wiclingas. Witchling, Kent; Wychling, Kent.

Wiðingas. Withington, Glouc., Heref., Lanc., Salop., Staff.,

Chesh.

Wocingas. Woking, Surr.; Wokingham, Berks, Wilts.

Weorcingas. Workington, Cumb.

Wyrlingas. Worlingham, Suff.; Worlington, Suff., Devon.;

Worlingworth, Suff.

Wyrmingas. Wormingford, Essex; Worminghall, Bucks; Wormington,

Glouc.

478Weorðingas. Worthing, Norf., Sussx.; Worthington, Lanc.,

Leic.

Wramplingas. Wramplingham, Norf.

Wrættingas. Wratting, Camb., Suff.

Wræningas. Wreningham, Norf.

Wrestlingas. Wrestlingworth, Bedf.

Wrihtingas. Wrightington, Lanc.

Wrihtlingas. Writhlington, Somers.

Weomeringas. Wymering, Hants.

Wymingas. Wymington, Bedf.

The total number of the names thus assumed from local denominations amounts to 627, but as several occur once only, while others are found repeated in various counties, I find the whole number reaches to 1329, which are distributed through the counties in a very striking manner, as the following table will show.

Bedford 22

Berks. 22

Bucks. 17

Cambridge 21

Cheshire 25

Cornwall 2

Cumberland 6

Derby. 14

Devon. 24

Dorset. 21

Durham 19

Essex 48

Gloucester 46

Hereford 15

Hertford 10

Huntingdon 16

Kent 60

Lancashire 26

Leicester 19

Lincolnsh. 76

Middlesex 12

Monmouth 0

Norfolk 97

Northampton 35

Northumberland 48

Nottingham 22

Oxford 31

Rutland 4

Salop 34

Somerset 45

Southampton 33

Stafford 19

Suffolk 56

Surrey 18

Sussex 68

Warwick 31

Westmoreland 2

Wilts 25

Worcester 13

York (3 Ridings) 127

479There are two slight causes of inaccuracy to be borne in mind in using the foregoing tables: the first arises from the insertion of names which probably do not, the other from the omission of names which probably do, belong to this class. But I think these two errors may nearly balance one another, and that they do not interfere with the general correctness of the results.

It is remarkable how many of these names still stand alone, without any addition of -wíc, -hám, -worðig, or similar words. The total number of patronymical names thus found (in the nominative plural) is 190, or very nearly one-seventh of the whole; they are thus distributed: in Kent, 25; Norfolk and Sussex each 24; Essex 21; Suffolk 15; Yorkshire 13; Lincoln 7; Southampton 6; Berks and Surrey, 5 each; Bedfordshire, Lancashire, Middlesex and Northampton, 4 each; Hertford, Huntingdon, Northumberland and Nottingham, 3 each; Cambridge, Derby, Dorset, Gloucester and Oxford, 2 each; Bucks, Devon, Leicester, Salop, Somerset, Warwick, and Wilts, 1 each; and none at all in the remaining ten counties. When now we consider that of 190 such places, 140 are found in the counties on the eastern and southern coasts; and that 22 more are in counties easily accessible through our great navigable streams, we shall be led to admit the possibility of these having been the original seats of the Marks bearing these names; and the further possibility of the settlements distinguished by the addition of -hám, -wíc and so forth to these original names, having been filial settlements, or as it were colonies, from them. It also seems worthy of remark that they are hardly found to the north of the Humber, or about 53° 40´ N. Lat., which renders it probable that the prevailing mode of emigration was to take advantage of a N.E. wind to secure a landing in the Wash, and thence coast southward and westward as far as circumstances required. Sailors, who in the ninth century could find their way from Norway to Iceland in sufficient numbers to colonize that island, who in the tenth could extend their course from Iceland to Greenland, and who had noble spirit enough to confront the perils of the Polar ocean rather than submit to oppression at home, were not likely to find any insurmountable 480difficulty in a voyage from the Elbe or Skager Rack to England: and the conquest of the Orkneys and Hebrides, of the south of Ireland and Man, nay of large tracts of England by the Scandinavians in the ninth, tenth and following centuries, may supply the means of judging how similar adventures were conducted by populations of the same race, and as noble spirit, nine hundred or a thousand years before.

The following additions may be made to the evidences given in this chapter.

A marked linden or lime-tree is noticed in Cod. Dipl. No. 1317. Again in Kent we hear of earnes beám, the eagle’s tree, ibid. No. 287: it is more probable that this was a tree marked with the figure of an eagle, than that a real bird of that species should have been meant. Further in the boundary of the charter No. 393 we have, on ðán merkeden ók, to the marked oak.

The sacred woods are again mentioned by Tacitus, Annal, i. 59, where he tells us that Arminius hung up the captured Roman ensigns to the gods of the country, in the woods, lucis: we hang them up in cathedrals. See also Tac. Germ, vii., Annal. iv. 22.

The character of the Mark or March is very evident in the following passage: “Siquidem in Lindeseia superiori extat prioratus qui Marchby dicitur, longas ac latas pasturas pro gregibus alendis inhabitans, non omnino privato iure, sed communem cum compatriotis libertatem ex dono patronorum participans,” etc. Chron. Lanerc. an. 1289. See also the quotations from the Indiculus Pagan. and Synod. Leptin. an. 742, in Möser, Osnab. i. 52, and the whole of his twenty-ninth chapter, for the religious rites with which boundaries were dedicated, especially vol. i. p. 58, note c.

It is more than one could now undertake to do, without such local co-operation as is not to be expected in England as yet, but I am certain that the ancient Marks might still be traced. In looking over a good county map we are surprised by seeing the systematic succession of places ending in -den, -holt, -wood, -hurst, -fold, and other words which invariably denote forests and outlying pastures in the woods. These are all in the Mark, and within 481them we may trace with equal certainty, the -háms, -túns, -worðigs and -stedes which imply settled habitations. There are few counties which are not thus distributed into districts, whose limits may be assigned by the observation of these peculiar characteristics. I will lay this down as a rule, that the ancient Mark is to be recognised by following the names of places ending in -den (neut.), which always denoted cubile ferarum, or pasture, usually for swine. Denu, a valley (fem.), a British and not Saxon word, is very rarely, perhaps never, found in composition. The actual surface of the island, wherever the opportunity has been given of testing this hypothesis, confirms its history. But there are other remarkable facts bearing upon this subject, which are only to be got at by those who are fortunate enough to have free access to manorial records, before the act of Charles II. destroyed all feudal services in England. A striking example of the mark-jurisdiction is the “Court of Dens,” in Kent. This appears to have been a mark-court, in the sense in which mark-court is used throughout this second chapter, and which gradually became a lord’s court, only when the head markman succeeded in raising himself at the expense of his fellows: a court of the little marks, marches, or pastures in Kent, long after the meaning of such marks or marches had been forgotten: a court which in earlier times met to regulate the rights of the markmen in the dens or pastures. I am indebted (among many civilities, which I gratefully acknowledge) to the Rev. L. Larking of Ryarsh for the following extracts from Sir Roger Twisden’s journal, which throw some light upon what the court had become in the middle of the seventeenth century, but still show its existence, and lead us to a knowledge of its ancient form.

The reader who feels how thoroughly English liberty has become grounded in the struggles between the duties and privileges of various classes, how entirely the national right has been made up and settled by the conflict of private rights, how impossible it was for the union of empire and freedom to exist,—or for imperium and freedom to co-exist, without the battle in which the several autocracies measured their forces and discovered the just 482terms of compromise,—will value this record of the reluctance with which a staunch country squire submitted to the duties of his position. It is not only amusing, but instructive, to watch these men of the seventeenth century, fighting on the minutest grounds of squabble: very amusing, to those who take the world as it is, to have been always as it is, and likely always so to remain: very instructive to those who know the miserable condition from which such “squabbles” have raised us. There are people, who having no sense of right, but a profound sense of the wrong done them, raise barricades, and overturn dynasties in moments of irrepressible and pardonable excitement: there are people on the other hand who steadily and coolly measure right and wrong, who take to the law-book rather than the sword, who argue the question of ship-money, on which a system of government depends, as calmly as if it were a question of poor-rates in a parish attorney’s hands, and having brought their right, the ancient right of the land, into light, fall back into the orderly frame of society in which they lived before, as if no years of desperate struggle had intervened,—the law being vindicated, and the work of the workmen done. This work without distinction of Parliamentarian or King’s Man was done by the Seldens and the Twisdens, and men of more general note and name, but not more claim to our gratitude and respect. But to do this, required that study which unhappily our English gentlemen no longer think absolutely necessary to their education, the study of the law, of which they are the guardians, though a professional class may be its ministers; and most amusing now it is to see how zealously these old champions of the law did battle in its defence, even in the most minute and now unimportant details. It was then a happy thing for England that there were courts of Dens, and squires who did not like them: it is now an admirable thing for England that there are courts of all sorts and descriptions, and people who do not like them, who are constantly trying their right against them, constantly winning and losing at the great game of law, or perhaps the greater game, of the forms under which law is administered,—litigious people,—people liking to argue the right and 483the wrong in a strict form of logic, the legal form; who are always arguing, and therefore never fighting. If there had not been courts of Dens to argue about,—and unhappily, at last, to fight about,—there would most certainly not now be a “High Court of Parliament,” for there would never have been those who knew how to establish it. The country-gentlemen of the seventeenth century appeal to the experience of the nineteenth, in every land but this of England, whose steady, legal order the country-gentlemen of the seventeenth century founded; and the grateful middle class of the nineteenth century in no country but this respond to that appeal in this year 1848, by declaring that no force, whether of king or not of king, shall be known in England, except that of the law,—the great and ancient law,—that all associations of men are united in a guarantee of mutual peace and security.

It is now time to return to Sir R. Twisden and the Court of Dens. It appears that this was held at Aldington, and that it claimed jurisdiction over a considerable space. If we follow the main road from Hythe to Maidstone, a little to the north of Aldington^[837], and running to the east of Boughton, we find a tract of country extending to the borders of Sussex and filled with places ending in -den, or -hurst; this country of the Dens runs exactly where we should expect to find it, viz. along the edge of the Weald, within whose shades the swains found mast and pasture. I will enumerate a few of the places so named: they can readily be found on a good map of Kent, and form a belt of mark or forest round the cultivated country, quite independent of the woods which once lay between village and village.

Ashenden. Castleden.

Bainden. Chiddenden.

Benenden. Cottenden, Sussex.

Bethersden. Cowden.

Biddenden. Frittenden.

484Godden. Greenhurst, Sussex.

Hazleden. Hawkhurst.

Hernden. Henhurst.

Hiffenden. Hophurst, Sussex.

Hollenden. Lamberhurst.

Horsmonden. Midhurst, Sussex.

Iden, Sussex. Nuthurst, Sussex.

Marden, Sussex. Penhurst, Sussex.

Newenden, Penshurst.

Rolvenden. Sandhurst.

Romden. Shadoxhurst.

Smarden. Shiphurst.

Surrenden. Sinkhurst.

Tenterden. Sissinghurst.

Wisenden. Speldhurst.

Staplehurst.

Ashurst. Ticehurst, Sussex.

Billinghurst, Sussex. Wadhurst, Sussex.

Collinghurst, Sussex. Warminghurst, Sussex.

Crowhurst, Sussex.

Dodhurst. Alfold, Sussex.

Duckhurst. Arnisfold, Sussex.

Ewhurst, Sussex. Cowfold, Sussex.

Fenchurst. Chiddingfold, Surrey.

Goudhurst. Shinfold, Sussex.

It is not likely that all these various places, the list of which might be greatly increased, were ever reduced under one judicial unity; but, even with the aid of Sussex, I have been able to mention only twenty-five dens, and we know that at least thirty-two, if not forty-four, were subject to the court of Aldington.

The entries in Twisden’s Journal are to the following effect:—

“18th September 1655. I was at Aldyngton Court, at the chusing the officers to gather the Lord’s Rent, where grew a question, whither, if the Lord released our Rent, Sute, and Service, to the Court, we were subject to the slavery of attendance, 485and whither the Tenants could prescribe men, &c., &c., &c., or impose an office upon them,—and it was the whole resolution of the Court, the Lord might sell his quit-rents and all manner of attendance on the Court, and then he could not be tyed to any office, nor the Tenants impose any office upon him....

“The 16th September 1656, I went to Aldyngton Court, but came too late, there beeing layd on me the office for collecting the 32 Denns, for my land in them. I desired to know what land it was ... in the 32 Dens upon which the office was laid, but this I could not learn ... the issue was, that if they can name the land or descry it, I am to do it,—if not, I refused to gather it.”

“1658. I was at Aldynton Court again, and then there was much stir about this land which could not bee found. I still insisted the Denne of Plevynden held of Wye, that the 16s. 2d. ob. I payd was for light money in time past. The Conclusion was, They will distrain me if they can find the land, and then come to a trial in their Court which is held at Smethe.”

“1659. I was at Aldington Court, where I came before the Steward sate, yet were they then chusing for the 32 Denns, and Mr. Short brought me a note for chusing Mr. John Maynard, Serg^t at Law ... he was not chosen after the ancient custom of the Court, that is, to present two to the Steward, and he to take one.... The tenants of the 12 Denns pretended if it were sometime a Custom it had been long interrupted, and refused to follow the example of the 32 ... after dinner, this grew a great dispute, Mr. Short complaining of partiality, that the choice of one man was received for the 12 and not for the 32 Dennes. This drew on the manner of chusing of the 32 Dennes, which was, that they usually met at 9 o’clock long before the Steward himself could reach the Court, made choice of one man before there was a Court.... This brought forth an excellent order, that the Denns should chuse and present the person by them chosen after the manner the other Culets did.... Coming away, the Bailiff told me he had a writ to distreyn me for the rent of the 32 Denns. I told him I had no land held of it that I knew.... Sir Edward Sydnam, Lord of the Manor, and who is to answer the rents to 486the Exchequer, told me I would be distreyned for it,—my answer was, I was not willing to make my land chargeable with a burthen more than my ancestors had paid—that there was a Court of Survey to be kept in the Spring,—that if I could not then discharge myself of having land, held of the 32 Denns, I would and must pay it.”

“Aldington Court. 1664. S^r John Maynard Serg^t at Law was chosen to the Great Office though it were affirmed, he being Kings Serg^t would procure a discharge. The order before mentioned of 6s. 8d. for such Culets as received from the Steward a transcript of what they were to collect, and 10s. for the Great Office was at this Court willingly assented to.”

This determined refusal of a Markgraviat in the Mark of Kent is amusing enough; the Alberts, Berchtholds and Luitpolts did not make quite so much difficulty about Brandenburg, Baden or Ancona. How the dispute ended I do not know, but the right was not in question: all that Sir Roger doubted was its applicability to himself. Still the nature of the jurisdiction seems clear enough, and the transition of an old Mark Court into a Lord’s Court, with a steward, is obvious from the custom of the Tenants chusing “before the Steward himself could reach the Court;” the abolition of which, Sir Roger naturally considered an excellent thing.

487

APPENDIX B. THE HÍD.

From the tables in the above chapter, it appears that we cannot allow one hundred actual acres to the Híd, and still less one hundred and twenty. A similar result will be obtained if we examine the entries in Domesday. Thus

Name Hides Acreage. At 30 At 40 At 100 At 120 Excess Excess

acres. acres. acres. acres. at 30. at 40.

Keynsham, Somers. 50 3330 1500 2000 5000 6000 1830 1330

Dowlish, Somers. 9 680 270 360 900 1080 410 320

Easton in Gordano, Somers.^[838] 20 1440 600 800 2000 2400 840 640

Babington, Somers.^[839] 5 600 150 200 500 600 450 400

Lullington, Somers.^[840] 7 840 210 280 700 840 630 560

Road, Somers.^[841] 9 1010 270 360 900 1080 740 650

Pilton, Devon.^[842] 20 1210 600 800 2000 2400 610 410

Taunton, Somers.^[843] 65 2730 1950 2600 6500 7800 780 130

Portshead with Westbury,Somers.^[844] 11 1610 330 440 1100 1320 1280 1170

I have intentionally selected one or two examples where the whole acreage exactly makes up the sum of hides multiplied by 488120, because it is probable that such instances may have led to that calculation: but it is necessary to bear in mind that the Híd is exclusively arable land, and that in the case where the number of hides equalled the whole acreage, there could have been neither forest, nor meadow nor pasture. The notes on some of the entries will show how erroneous any such calculation would necessarily be. And lest this assertion that the híd is exclusive of unbroken land should appear unsupported, I wish the following data to be considered. But first we must see how the híd is distributed into its component parts. In Domesday the híd consists of four yard-lands, virga or virgata: and the virga of four farthings or farlings, ferlingus, ferlinus, ferdinus, fertinus: thus

1 fertin.

4 fertin. = 1 virg.

16 fertin. = 4 virg. = 1 hide,

whatever may have been the number of acres in the ferling. Again in Domesday, the amount of an estate held by any one is given, together with the amount of wood, meadow and pasture in his hands. If these be included in the amount of the híd, or its parts, which the tenant held, we shall arrive at the following results; which (even for a moment taking the híd at 120 acres) are a series of reductiones ad absurdum. In the Exeter Domesday, fol. 205^b (vol. iii. 187) I find an estate valued at 11 acres: the pasture etc. mentioned as belonging to it is counted at 20 acres: these, it is clear, could not be comprised in the eleven. But let us take a few examples tabularly.

Exon. Domesd. Holding. Pasture, etc. At least.

f. 210. vol. iii. 191. ½ hide. 93 acres. ∴ hide = 186 acres.

f. 211. 191. 1 virg. 55 ∴ hide = 220

f. 211, b. 191. ⅓ ferl. (¹⁄₄₈ h.) 6 ∴ hide = 288

f. 211, b. 191. 1 virg. 40 ∴ hide = 160

f. 212. 191. ⅓ ferl. 4 ∴ hide = 192

f. 212. 192. 3 ferl. 40 ∴ hide = 213⅓

f. 213. 192. 1 hide. 164 ∴ hide = 164

f. 214. 193. 1 virg. 40 ∴ hide = 160

f. 216. 196. 1 virg. 37 ∴ hide = 148

f. 217. 197. 1 virg. 84 ∴ hide = 336

f. 218. 198. 1 hide. 310 ∴ hide = 310

f. 224. 203. 1 hide. 500 ∴ hide = 500

f. 224, b. 203. 1 ferl. 106 ∴ hide = 1696

f. 325. 204. 1 ferl. 103 ∴ hide = 1648

489Now it is particularly necessary to bear in mind that these ridiculous amounts are the minimum; that in every case the arable land remains to be added to them, and in some cases whole square miles of forest and moorland. I conclude then that the wood, meadow and pasture were not included in the híd or arable, but were appurtenant to it. Sometimes indeed they bear a very small proportion to the arable, and to the number of cattle owned—a fact perhaps to be explained by the existence of extensive commons.

Let us now endeavour to settle the amount, as well as the proportions of the híd and its several parts. As I have said the híd consisted of four virgates, the virgate of four ferlings^[845]. I do not give examples, because they may be found in every other entry in Domesday; but I may add that the gyld or tax payable to the king from the land, is based upon precisely the same calculation: the híd paid 6 shillings (worth now about 18s. 6d.), the virgate 1s. 6d., and the ferling ¹⁸⁄₄ or 4½d. Thus (Exon. D. f. 80, 80, b. vol. iii. p. 72) in the hundred of Meleborne, the king had £18 18s. 4½d. as geld from 63 hides and 1 ferling of land:

now 63×6s. = 378s.

1 ferl. ×4½d. = 0s. 4½d. ... 378s. 4½d. or 18l. 18s. 4½d.

Again (fol. 80, b. iii. p. 73) the king had £9 10s. 8¼d. for 31 h. 3 v. ½ ferl.

i.e. 31 × 6s. = 186s.

3 × 1s. 6d. = 4s. 6d.

½ × 4½d. = 0s. 2¼d. 190s. 8¼d. or 9l. 10. 8¼d.

in which passage, ferlingus is used for the coin as well as the measure of land. Again (fol. 81, b. vol. iii. p. 74) the geld for 60 h. 3 v. 1½ ferl. was £18 5s. 0¾d. (“unum obolum et unum ferling”).

i.e. 60×6s. = 360s.

3×1s. 6d. = 4s. 6d.

1½×0s. 4½d. = 0s. 6¾d. 365s. 0¾d. or 18l. 5s. 0¾d.

Or to test it another way; the híd = 16 ferlings, ∴ 60 h. 3 v. 1½ ferl. 490= 973½ ferl. But the ferl. paid 4½d. ∴ 973½ ferl. paid 4380¾d. which gives us the same value 18l. 5s. 0¾d.

Now if we can obtain the value of any one of these denominations, we can calculate all the rest with security. The value of the virga or yardland we can obtain: it consisted of ten Norman agri, acræ or acres, perhaps eight or eight and a third Saxon.

In the Exeter Domesday, fol. 48 (vol. iii. p. 42) we find ten hides of land to be made up of the following parcels, 4 hides + 1 virg. + 10 agri + 5½ hides + 4 agri;

then 10 h. = 9½ h. + 1 v. + 10 a.

or 10 - 9½ h. = 1 v. + 10 a.

or ½ h. = 1 v. + 10 a.

But

½ h. = 2 v.

∴ 2 v. = 1 v. + 10 a.

2 - 1 v. = 10a. ∴ 1 virga = 10 agri.

But

1 hyd = 4 virg. = 16 ferling.

∴ 1 hyd = 40 acres = 33⅓ Saxon.

1 ferl. = 2½ acres = 2¹⁄₁₂ Saxon.

It will now be seen why I have given a column in which the whole acreage was measured by a calculation of forty acres to the híd. That this result is a near approximation to the truth appears from the following considerations. In the Cornish Domesday, (a county where arable land bore a very small proportion to the markland, forest and pasture,) there are a great number of estates, valued at one ager or acre. These are generally said to pay geld for half a ferling. Thus in Treuurniuet, one ager paid geld for half a ferling^[846]: so in Penquaro^[847], in Trelamar^[848], in Lantmatin^[849], in Chilo^rgoret^[850], in Roslet^[851], in Pengelli^[852], in Telbricg^[853], in Karsalan^[854], in Dimelihoc^[855]; and similarly in Widewot, two agri paid geld for one ferling^[856]. Now throughout Domesday there are innumerable examples of land being rated at less than its real value, or even 491at its real value; but I have not detected any instance in which it is rated at more: and in Cornwall especially the rating seems to have been in favour of the tenant. I do not therefore believe that one ager was less than half a ferling: it was either more than half a ferling or equal to it. But ½ ferl. = 1¼ Norman acre, which is more than one statute acre; therefore we may conclude that the ager or acre was equal to half a ferling. The way I understand this, is by the assumption that the Saxon acre was somewhat larger than the Norman: we know that they differed in point of extent^[857], and it is possible that the original Saxon calculation was founded upon multiples of eight, while the Norman was reduced to a decimal notation: if this were so, we may believe that the híd was the unit, and that its principal subdivisions remained, being familiarfamiliar to the people, but that the value of the acre was slightly changed. Hence that the

Saxon híd = 32 Saxon acres = 40 Norman acres.

—— virg. = 8 —— —— = 10 —— ——

—— feorðing = 2 —— —— = 2½ —— ——

The document entituled “Rectitudines singularum personarum” says^[858], that the poor settler on first coming in, ought to have seven acres laid down for him in seed, out of his yardland; and the same authority implies that his grass-land was usually short of his need: this it might be, if he had only one acre to support the two oxen and one cow with which his land was stocked on entry. The lot of meadow and pasture attached to these small plots of one ager, is so frequently quoted at thirty agri, in Cornwall, that one could almost imagine an enclosure-bill to have been passed just previous to the Conquest, under which the possession of even so small a quantity as one acre qualified the owner to receive a handsome share of the waste.

It is obvious that all these calculations are ultimately founded upon the value of the acre relatively to our own statute measure, in which the survey of 1841 is expressed. That ager and acra 492are equivalent terms appears from their being used interchangeably in various entries of Domesday. Nor is there any good reason to suppose that the Normans made any violent change in the values of these several denominations, although they might adopt more convenient subdivisions of the larger sums. They did just the same thing in respect to the Saxon money. Besides, as it was from the Saxons that they derived the information which the Survey contains, it is reasonable to believe that the Saxon values were generally adopted, at least as far as the híd was concerned. The minute subdivision of land consequent upon the Conquest probably rendered it necessary to pay especial attention to the smaller units, and I can conceive nothing more likely than a slight change in the value of the acre, while the híd and virgate remained unaltered. Then where an estate comprised only one Saxon acre, it might readily be considered equal to half a ferling, or 1¼ acre, Norman measure, for it would have been difficult and complicated to express it in other terms. In fact where small fractional parcels of land were to be subtracted, the Commissioners were generally glad to avoid details, and enter “A. has so much in demesne, and the Villani have aliam terram, the rest of the land.” If the Saxon ager paid for half a ferling in the time of the Confessor, it was likely to be taken at that value in the Survey; for the law, quæ de minimis non curat, could hardly notice so trifling a deviation. The approximate value of the Saxon acre, however, I have given; it was one day’s work for a plough and oxen, in other words very nearly our own statute-acre.

That the value of the hide became gradually indistinct, when reckonings ceased to be made in it, and the calculation was taken upon knights’ fees, is very intelligible. We consequently find surprising variations in the amount of hides counted to a knight’s fee, as well as the acres contained in this last measure. In the time of Edward the Third it was computed that there were 60,215 knight’s fees in England, which taking the present acreage of 31,770,615 gives rather more than 527 acres to a fee: hence those who believed a hide to contain 100 acres, calculated five hides to a knight’s fee, in accordance with the Saxon law which made that 493amount the minimum of a thane’s estate, and also to the entries in Domesday, from which it appeared that one miles went from five hides: but here it was overlooked that the hide was exclusively arable land. To such erroneous modes of calculation we owe such entries as the following:—

“Decem acrae faciunt fardellum, iv fardelli faciunt virgatum, quatuor virgatae faciunt hydam, quatuor hydae faciunt unum feodum.” MS. Harl. 464. fol. 17, b.

where 1 fardel = 10 acres.

4 fardels = 40 acres = 1 virgate.

16 fardels = 160 acres = 4 virgates = 1 hide.

64 fardels = 640 acres = 16 virgates = 4 hides = 1 knight’s fee.

Again we are told (Regist. Burgi Sci. Petri, fol. 81, b) that

“Quinque feoda fuerunt antiquitus una baronia; et quinque hydae unum feodum; et quinque virgatae terrae una hyda, quaelibet virgata de viginti acris.”

Or tabularly,—

1 virgate = 20 acres.

5 virgates = 100 acres = 1 hide.

25 virgates = 500 acres = 5 hides = 1 knight’s fee.

125 virgates = 2500 acres = 25 hides = 5 fees = 1 barony.

which results neither coincide with the last, nor with those of Domesday, nor with those derived from Saxon authorities.

The hidage of various ancient Gás which has been given in Chapter III. could naturally not be sufficient guide under the new shire divisions. Unfortunately we have not a complete account of the hidage in the shires: nor does what we have coincide with the conclusion arrived at in the course of the fourth chapter.

In the Cotton. MS. Claud. B. vii. (fol. 204, b), which appears to have been written in the time of Henry III., we have the following entries:—

Hydae.

In Wiltescyre continentur 4800

In Bedefordscyre sunt 1200

In Cantebrigescyre sunt 2500

In Huntedunescyre sunt 800½

In Northamptescyre sunt 3200

494In Gloucesterscyre sunt 2400

In Wirecesterscyre sunt 1200

In Herefordescyre sunt 1500

In Warewycscyre sunt 1200

In Oxenefordscyre sunt 2400

In Salopescyre sunt 2300

In Cesterscyre sunt 1300

In Staffordescyre sunt 500

The Cotton MS. Vesp. A. xviii. fol. 112, b, written in the reign of Edward I., gives a different list of counties, among which the following variations occur:—

Bedfordshire 1000

Northamptonshire 4200

Gloucestershire 2000

Worcestershire 1500

Shropshire 2400

Cheshire 1200

If we pursue the plan heretofore adopted, we shall have these results:—

County. Acreage. Hidage. H. at 30. H. at 40. Excess at 30. Excess at 40. Ratio at 30. Ratio at 40.

Wilts. 868,060 4800 144,000 192,000 724,060 676,000 1:5 1:3·5

Bedf. 297,632 1200 36,000 48,000 261,632 249,632 1:7 1:5

Camb. 536,313 2500 75,000 100,000 461,313 436,313 1:6 1:4·5

Hunt. 242,250 800½ 24,015 32,020 218,235 210,230 1:9 1:7

Nrhm. 646,810 3200 96,000 128,000 550,810 518,810 1:5·77 1:4

Glouc. 790,470 2400 72,000 96,000 718,470 694,470 1:10 1:7·25

Worc. 459,710 1200 36,000 48,000 423,700 411,710 1:11·75 1:8·5

Heref. 543,800 1500 45,000 60,000 502,800 483,800 1:11 1:8

Warw. 567,930 1200 36,000 48,000 531,930 519,930 1:14·75 1:10·75

Oxf. 467,230 2400 72,000 96,000 395,230 371,230 1:5·5 1:4

Salop. 864,360 2300 69,000 92,000 795,360 772,360 1:11·5 1:8·4

Chesh. 649,050 1300 39,000 52,000 610,050 597,050 1:15·62 1:11·5

Staff. 736,290 500 15,000 20,000 721,290 716,290 1:48 1:36·8

Now either these figures cannot be relied on, or we must carry the hide in this calculation to a very different amount. If we take it at 100 acres, we shall find the whole hidage of these thirteen counties amounts to 25,300 × 100 or 2,530,000 acres, while the 495whole actual acreage is 7,669,905; giving an excess of 5,139,905, and consequently a ratio of 25:51 nearly, or 1:2. This would a little exceed the present ratio, which is 5:11, a result which appears very improbable indeed in the reign of Henry III. But when we consider the numberless errors of transcription, so unavoidable where merely numbers, and not words, are given, and the totally inconsistent accounts contained in different manuscripts, we can hardly rest satisfied that the figures themselves are trustworthy. Even on the hypothesis that in the time of Henry III. or Edward I. the hide was calculated on the new footing of 100 acres, we yet could not reconcile the conflicting amounts assigned to the counties themselves.

496

APPENDIX C. MANUMISSION OF SERFS.

The following examples of Manumission are illustrative of the assertions in the text.

And he wylle ðæt man freoge æfter his dæge ǽlcne wítefæstne man ðe on his tíman forgylt wǽre.—Archbishop Ælfríc, 996-1006. And it is his will that ye shall manumit, after his life, every convict who has been ruined by crime, in his time.—Cod. Dipl. No. 716.

Bútan ðæt heó wylæ be ðínre geþafunga ðæt man freoge on ǽlcum túnæ ǽlcne wíteþeównæ mann ðæ under hiræ geþeówud wæs.—Queen Ælfgyfu. 1012. Except that she wills, with thy permission, that they shall manumit, in every one of her farms, every convict who was reduced to slavery under her.—Cod. Dipl. No. 721.

Ðæt is rest, ðæt ic geann ðæt man gefreoge ǽlcne wítefæstne man, ðe ic on sprece áhte.—Æðelstán Æðeling. Firstly, I grant that they shall free every convict whom I got in suits.—Cod. Dipl. No. 722.

And beón heora mann frige æfter heora beira dæge.—Ðurstan, 1049. And let their serfs be free, after both their lives.—Cod. Dipl. No. 788.

Dimidiam vero partem hominum qui in memorata terra sub servitute degunt libertate donavimus.—Cod. Dipl. No. 919.

497Geatfleda geaf freols for Godes lufa ⁊ for heora sáwla þearfe, ðæt is Ecceard smið, ⁊ Ælstán ⁊ his wíf, ⁊ eall heora ofsprinc boren ⁊ unboren; ⁊ Arcil ⁊ Cole, ⁊ Ecgferð Eádhúnes dohter, ⁊ ealle ða men ða heónon heora heáfod for hyra mete, on ðám yflum dagum. Swá hwá swá ðis áwende ⁊ hyre sáwla ðises bereáfie, bereáfige hine God ælmihtig ðises lifes ⁊ heofona ríces: ⁊ sy he áwyrged deád ⁊ cwic aa on écnysse. And eác heó hafað gefreód ða men ðe heó þingede æt Cwæspatrike, ðæt is Ælfwald, ⁊ Colbrand, Ælsie, ⁊ Gamal his sune, Eádred Tredewode ⁊ Uhtred his steópsunu, Aculf ⁊ Ðurkyl ⁊ Ælsige. Hwá ðe heom ðises bereáfie God ælmihtig sie heom wráð ⁊ sancte Cúðberht.—Geátflæd; about 1060. Geatflæd freed, for God’s sake and for her soul’s need, namely Ecceard the smith and Ælfstan and his wife and all their offspring born and unborn; and Arcil and Cole and Ecgferð Eádhun’s daughter, and all the men who bent their heads for food in the evil days. Whoso shall set this aside and deprive her soul of this, may Almighty God deprive him both of this life and of the kingdom of heaven; and be he accursed, quick or dead, for ever and ever. And she hath also freed the men for whom she interceded with Cospatrick, namely Ælfwald, and Colbrand, Ælfsige and Gamal his son, Eadred Tredewood and Uhtred his stepson, Aculf and Thurkill and Ælsige. Whoso depriveth them of this, may he have the wrath of Almighty God and Saint Cuthbert.—Cod. Dipl. No. 925.

And ic wille ðæt alle míne men bén fré on hirde and on túne for me and for ðó ðe me bigeten.—Leófgyfu. And I will that all my serfs be free, both in manor and farm for my sake and the sake of them that begot me.—Cod. Dipl. No. 931.

498Her swutelað on ðisse Cristes béc ðæt Leófenóð, Ægelnóðes sunu æt Heorstúne, hæfð geboht hine ⁊ his ofspring út æt Ælfsige abbod ⁊ æt eallon hirede on Baðon, mid fíf oran and mid xii heáfdon sceapa, on Leáfcildes gewitnesse portgeréfan, and on ealre ðǽere burhware on Baðon. Crist hine áblende ðe ðis æfre áwende.—Convent of Bath. Here witnesseth in this book of gospels, that Leofenoð, Æðelnoð's son of Harston, hath bought out himself and his offspring, from abbot Ælfsige and all the brotherhood at Bath, with five ores and twelve head of sheep, by witness of Leófcild the portreeve, and all the commonalty of Bath. Christ blind him that ever setteth this aside!—Cod. Dipl. No. 933.

Her swutelað on ðisse Cristes béc ðæt Ægelsige æt Lintúnne hæfð geboht Wilsige his sunu út æt Ælfsige abbod on Baðon, and æt eallon hirede tó écean freóte.—Convent of Bath. Here witnesseth in this book of gospels, that Æðelsige of Linton hath bought out Wilsige his son from Ælfsige abbot at Bath, and all the brotherhood to eternal freedom.—Cod. Dipl. No. 934.

Her swutelað on ðisse Cristes béc ðæt Ægelsige Byttices sunu hæfð geboht Hildesige his sunu út æt Ælfsige abbod on Baðon, and æt eallon hirede mid syxtigon penegon tó écean freóte.—Convent of Bath. Here witnesseth in this book of gospels, that Æðelsige, Byttic’s son, hath bought out Hildesige his son from Ælfsige, abbot at Bath, and all the brotherhood, with sixty pence, that he may be free for ever.—Cod. Dipl. No. 935.

Her swutelað on ðisse Cristes béc ðæt Godwig se bucca hæfð geboht Leófgife ða dágean æt Norðstoce ⁊ hyre ofspring mid healfan punde æt Ælfsige abbod tó écean freóte, on ealles ðæs hiredes gewitnesse on Baðon. Crist hine áblende ðe ðis æfre áwende.—Convent of Bath. Here witnesseth in this book of gospels, that Godwig the buck hath bought Leófgifu the doe at Northstock, and all her offspring, with half a pound from abbot Ælfsige, that she may be free for ever, by witness of all the brotherhood in Bath. Christ blind him who ever setteth this aside.—Cod. Dipl. No. 936.

499Her swutelað on ðisse Cristes béc ðæt Ælfsige abbod hæfð gefreód Godwine bace æt Stántúne for hinc ⁊ for ealne ðone hired on Baðan, on Sémannes gewitnesse ⁊ Wulwiges æt Prisctúne ⁊ Ælfríces cermes.—Convent of Bath. Here witnesseth in this book of gospels, that abbot Ælfsige hath freed Godwine Back of Stanton, for his own sake and that of all the brotherhood at Bath, by witness of Séman and Wulfwig of Prisctún and Ælfríc Cerm.—Cod. Dipl. No. 937.

An ic an míne landseðlen here toftes tó ówen áihte ⁊ alle míne men fré.—Sigeflæd. And to my tenants I give their tofts to be their own property, and all my serfs free.—Cod. Dipl. No. 947.

And ic an ðæt land æt Tit intó seynte Paules kirke ðen hewen tó bédlonde mid al ðæt ðéron stant, búten ðe men ðe ðǽr áren fré men alle for míne sóule.... And ic an ðæt land æt Súðereye mid alle ðe fiscoðe ðo ðértó bireð ðen hewen intó sancte Paules kirke, and frie men ðo men for ðe biscopes sóule.... And ic an ðæt lond æt Luðinglond Offe míne sustres sune ⁊ his bróðer, ⁊ fré men ðo men halue, and æt Mindhám alsó for ðe biscopes sóule.... And lete mon stondon só mikel só ic ðéron fond, and fré men ðo men alle for míne sóule....—Bishop Ðeódred. And I grant the land at Tit to the brotherhood at St. Paul’s church for the support of their table, with all that is upon it, except the serfs there; let them emancipate these for my soul’s sake.... And I grant the land in Surrey with all the fishery thereunto appertaining to the brotherhood of St. Paul’s church, and let the serfs be freed for the bishop’s soul.... And I grant the estate at Luðingland to Offe my sister’s son, and his brother, and let half the serfs there be freed, and so also at Mendham for the bishop’s soul.... And [at Hoxne] let them leave as much stock as I found there, and let all the serfs be freed for my soul.—Cod. Dipl. No. 957.

500Erst for his sáule Palegráue intó Seynt Eádmund, ⁊ Witinghám half, ⁊ half ðe bisscop: and alle míne men fré, and ilk hæbbe his toft ⁊ his metecú ⁊ his metecorn.—Ðurcytel. First for his soul, Palgrave to St. Edmund, and half Witingham, the other half to the bishop: and all my serfs free, and let each have his toft, and his meatcow and his meatcorn.—Cod. Dipl. No. 959.

Her swutelað on ðisum gewrite ðæt Ægelsi on Wuldehám hæfð geléned be Siwordes dæge biscopes his dóhter ⁊ heore dóhter út of Totteles cynne, ⁊ hæfð óðra mænn ðǽrin gedón, be ðǽre burhware gewitnesse on Hroueceaster ⁊ be ealle ðæs biscopes geferan.—Æðelsige. This writing witnesseth that Æðelsige of Wouldham hath borrowed for the life of Bishop Sigeward, his daughter and her daughter out of Tottle’s kin, and hath replaced them by other serfs, by witness of all the commonalty of Rochester, and the bishop’s comrades.—Cod. Dipl. No. 975.

And alle ðo men fré for unker bóðer sóule.—Wulfsige. And all the serfs free, for both our souls.—Cod. Dipl. No. 979.

Ðurkil and Æbðlgit unnen Wigorhám intó seynt Eádmunde só ful and só forð só wit it ówen, after unker bóðer day, ⁊ ðo men half fré, þeówe ⁊ lísingas.—Ðurcytel. Thurkill and Æðelgið grant Wigorham to St. Edmund, as full and as forth as we two owned it, after both our lives, and let them free half the men, both þeóws and lísings.—Cod. Dipl. No. 980.

The following manumissions from a religious book, formerly the property of St. Petroc’s, are selected from a much larger number found in the Codex Dipl. No. 981. The British names which occur in them are of great interest.

501Ðes ys ðæs manes nama ðe Byrhsie gefreáde et Petrocys stowe, Byhstán háte Bluntan sunu, on Æðelhíde gewitnyse hys ágen wíf, and on Byrhisiys mæsepreóstes, and on Riol, and Myrmen, and Wunsie, Morhæððo, and Cynsie, preóst. This is the man’s name whom Byrhtsige freed at St. Petroc’s, Byhstán he was called Blunta’s son, by witness of Æðlhið his own wife, and Byrhtsige the mass priest, and Riol, Myrmen, Wynsige, Morhæððo and Cynsige the priest.

Wuenumon and hire teám, Móruið hire swuster and hire teám, and Wurgustel and his teám, warun gefreód hér on túne for Eádryde cynigc and for Æðel[geard] biscop an ðas hirydes gewitnesse ðe hér on túne syndun. Wuenumon and her offspring, Moruið her sister and her offspring, and Wurgustel and his offspring were manumitted here in the town, for Eadred the king and Æðelgeard the bishop, by witness of all the brotherhood here in the town.

Marh gefreóde Leðelt and ealle hire teám for Eádwig cyningc on his ǽgen reliquias: and he hie hét lǽdan hider tó mynstere, and hér gefreógian on Petrocys reliquias, on ðæs hirydes gewitnesse. Marh freed Leðelt and all her progeny for Eádwig the king, upon his own reliques: and he caused her to be led hither to the minster, and here to be freed on Petroc’s reliques, by witness of the brotherhood.

502Hér kýð on ðissere béc ðæt Æilsig bohte ánne wífmann Ongyneðel hátte and hire sunu Gyðiccæl æt Ðurcilde mid healfe punde, æt ðǽre cirican dura on Bodmine, and sealde Æilsige portgeréua and Maccosse hundredes mann .IIII. pengas tó tolle; ðá ferde Æilsig tó ðe ða men bohte, and nam hig and freóde úpp an Petrocys weofede, ǽfre sacles, on gewitnesse ðissa gódera manna: ðæt wæs, Isaac messepreóst, and Bleðcuf messepreóst, and Wunning messepreóst, and Wulfgér messepreóst, and Grifiuð messepreóst, and Noe messepreóst, and Wurðicið messepreóst, and Æilsig diacon, and Maccos, and Teðion Modredis sunu, and Kynilm, and Beórláf, and Dirling, and Gratcant, and Talan. And gif hwá ðás freót ábrece, hebbe him wið Criste geméne. Amen. This book witnesseth that Ælfsige bought a woman named Ongyneðel and her son Gyðiccæl from Ðurcild for half a pound, at the church-door in Bodmin, and gave Ælfsige, the portreeve and Maccos the hundred-man, four pence as toll; then went Ælfsige, who bought the serfs, and freed them at Petroc’s altar, ever sacless, by witness of the following good men: namely, Isaac the masspriest, Bleðcuf the masspriest, Wunning the masspriest, Wulfgér the masspriest, Grifiuð the masspriest, Noe the masspriest, Wurðicið the masspriest, and Ælfsige the deacon, and Maccos, and Teðion Modred’s son, and Cynehelm, Beórláf, Dirling, Gratcant and Talan. And whoso breaketh this freedom, let him settle it with Christ! Amen.

503Hér kýð on ðissere béc ðæt Ælfríc Ælfwines sunu wolde þeówian Putraele him tó nýdþæówetlinge. Ðá cum Putrael tó Boia and bed his forespece tó Ælfríce his bréðere: ðá sette Boia ðes spece wið Ælfríce; ðæt wæs ðæt Putrael sealde Ælfríce .VIII. oxa æt ðére cirican dura æt Bodmine, and gef Boia sixtig penga for ðére forspæce, and dide hine sylfne and his ofspreng ǽfre freols and saccles fram ðám dæge, wið Ælfríce and wið Boia and wið ealle Ælfwines cyld and heora ofspreng, on ðissere gewittnisse: Isaac messepreóst, and Wunning presbyter, and Séwulf presbyter, and Godríc diacon, and Cufure prauost, and Wincuf, and Wulfwerd, and Gestin, ðes bisceopes stiwerd, and Artaca, and Kinilm, and Godríc map, and Wulfgér, and má gódra manna. This book witnesseth that Ælfríc the son of Ælfwine wanted to enslave Putrael as a need-serf. Then came Putrael to Boia and begged his intercession with his brother Ælfríc: and Boia made this agreement with Ælfríc; namely that Putrael gave Ælfríc viii oxen at the church-door in Bodmin, and gave Boia sixty pence for the intercession, and so made himself and his offspring ever free and sacless from that day forth, as to Ælfríc, Boia, and all Ælfwine’s children and their offspring, by this witness: Isaac the masspriest, Wunning the Presbyter, Séwulf the presbyter, Godríc the deacon, Ceufur the provost, Wincuf, WulfwerdWulfwerd, Gestin the bishop’s steward, Artaca, Kinilm, Godríc Map, Wulfgár and other good men.

Hér cýð on ðyson béc ðæt Ælwold gefreóde Hwatu for hys sáwle a[t] Petrocys stow á degye and æfter degye. An[d] Ælgér ys gewytnesse, and Godríc, and Walloð, and Gryfyið, and Bleyðcuf, and Salaman. And hebbe he Gode curs and sanctes Petrocus and æalle welkynes sanctas ðe ðæt brece ðæt ydón ys. Amen. This book witnesseth that Ælfwold freed Hwatu for his soul, at St. Petroc’s, both during life and after life. And Ælfgár is a witness, and Godríc, and Walloð, and Griffið, and Bleyðcuf, and Salaman. And let him who breaketh what is done have the curse of God and St. Petroc and all the saints of heaven. Amen.

Ðes sint ðe menn ðe Wulfsige byscop freóde for Eádgár cinig and for hyne sáwle, æt Petrocys wefode: Leuhelec, Welet, ... nwalt, Beli, Iosep, Dengel, Proswite, Tancwuestel: an ðás gewitnese, Byrhsige mæssepróst, Mermen massepróst, Mar, Catuuti, Wenwiu, Puer, Meðwuistel, Iosep. These are the men whom Wulfsige the bishop freed for Eàdgàr the king and for his own soul, at Petroc’s altar: Leuhelec, Welet ... nwalt, Beli, Josep, Dengal, Proswite, Tancwuestel: by witness of Byrhsige the masspriest, Mermen the masspriest, Mar, Catuuti, Wenwiu Puer, Meðwuistel, Josep.

Ðys syndun ðára manna naman ðe Wulfsige byscop gefreódet æt Petrocys wefode for Eádgár and for hine silfne, and Byrhsi ys gewitnese massepróst, and Mermen massepróst, and Morhi: Diuset and ealle here teám. These are the names of the men whom Wulfsige the bishop freed at Petroc’s altar for Eádgár and himself, by witness of Byrhsi the masspriest, Mermen the masspriest and Morhi: Diuset and all her offspring.

504Ðys sindum ðára manna naman ðe Wunsie gefreóde at Petrocys stowe, [for] Eádgár cinig, on ealle ðæs hiredys gewitnesse: Conmonoc, Iarnwallon, and Wenwærðlon and Mæiloc. These are the names of the serfs whom Wunsige freed at St. Petroc’s, for king Eádgár, by witness of all the brotherhood: Conmonoc, Iarnwallon, Wenwærðlon and Mæiloc.

Ælfred by his will manumitted all his unfree dependents, and with great care provided for their enjoyment of this liberty: he says^[859]:—

And ic bidde on godes naman and on his háligra, ðæt mínra maga nán né yrfewearda ne geswence nán nǽnig cyrelif ðára ðe ic foregeald, ⁊ me Westseaxena witan tó rihte gerehton, ðæt ic hí mót lætan swá freo swá þeówe, swáðer ic wille; ac ic for Godes lufan and for mínre sáwle þearfe, wylle ðæt hý sýn heora freolses wyrðe, ⁊ hyre cyres; and ic on Godes lifiendes naman beóde, ðæt hý nán man ne brocie, né mid feos manunge né mid nǽningum þíngum, ðæt híe ne mótan céosan swylcne mann swylce híe wyllan. And I pray in the name of God and of his saints, that none of my kinsmen or heirs oppress any of my dependents for whom I paid, and whom the witan of the Westsaxons legally adjudged to me, that I might leave them free or þeów, whichever I chose; but I for God’s love and my own soul’s need, will that they shall enjoy their freedom and their choice; and I command in the name of the living God, that no one disquiet them, either by demand of money, or in any other way, so that they may not choose whomsoever they please [as a protector].

Cyrelif is a person who has a right of choice, or who has exercised a choice: these must have been poor men, free or unfree, who had attached themselves personally to Ælfred, voluntarily or not. He provides that these as well as his serfs may have full liberty to select any other lord, without disquiet through demands of 505arrears or any other claims. This is confirmatory of the view taken in the text, that the manumitted serf was obliged to find himself a lord, and so did not become fully free.

And freoge man Wulfware, folgige ðám ðe hyre leófo[st sý,] ... ealswá, and freoge man Wulflǽde on ðæt gerád ðæt heó folgige Æðelflǽde ⁊ Eádgyfe: and heó becwæð Eádgyfe áne crencestran ⁊ áne sémestran, óðer hátte Eádgyfu, óðer hátte Æðelgyfu; ⁊ freoge man Gerburg ⁊ Miscin, ⁊ his ... el, ⁊ Burhulfes dóhtur æt Cinnuc, ⁊ Ælfsige ⁊ his wíf ⁊ his yldran dohter, ⁊ Ceólstánes wíf; ⁊ æt Ceorlatúne freoge man Pifus ⁊ Eádwine, ⁊ ... e ... an wífe; ⁊ æt Faccancumbe freoge man Æðelm ⁊ Man ⁊ Iohannan, ⁊ Sprow ⁊ his wíf, ⁊ Ene fætte, ⁊ Gersande ⁊ Suel; ⁊ æt Colleshylle freoge man Æðelgýðe ⁊ Biccan wíf, ⁊ Æffan ⁊ Bedan, ⁊ Gurhannes wíf, ⁊ freoge man Wulfware swystor Bryhsiges wíf, ⁊ ... ðisne wyrhtan, ⁊ Wulfgýðe Ælfswýðe dóhtor: ⁊ gif ðǽr hwylc wíteþeówman sý búton ðyson, ðe heó geþeówede, heó gelýfð tó hyre bearnon ðæt hí hine wyllon lihtan for hyre sáulle.... And let Wulfwaru be free, and follow whom she best pleases, and also ... , and let Wulflǽd be freed on condition that she follow Æðelflǽd and Edith: and she bequeathed to Edith one weaving woman and one sempstress, the one called Edith, the other Æðelgifu; and let them free Gerburg, and Miscin, and his ... and Burhwulf’s daughter at Cinnuc, and Ælfsige and his wife and elder daughter, and Ceólstán’s wife; and at Charlton let them free Pifus and Eádwyn, and ... wife; and at Faccombe let them free Æðelm, and Man, and Johanna, and Sprow and his wife, and Ene the fat, and Gersand and Suel; and at Coleshill let them free Æðelgýð and Bicca’s wife, Æffe and Bede, and Gurhan’s wife, and let them free Wulfware’s sister Byrhsiges wife and ... this wright, and Wulfgýð Ælfswýð's daughter: and if there be any other convicts besides these, whom she reduced to slavery, she trusts that her children will give them this alleviation for her soul’s sake.

506Ðenne an hió ðán hiwum ðára gebúra ðe on ðám gafollande sittað, ⁊ ðéra þeówra manna hió an hyre syna déhter Eádgyfe ⁊ ðæs yrfes, bútan ðám sáulsceatte ðe man tó Gifle syllan sceal; ⁊ hió wylle ðæt man læte on ðám lande standan vi oxan ⁊ iiii cý mid iiii cealfum; ⁊ of ðám þeówan mannan æt Cinnuc heó becwið Eádwolde, Céolstán Eástánes sunu, ⁊ Æffan sunu; ⁊ Burhwynne, Martin ⁊ his wíf; ⁊ hió becwið Eádgyfe ðǽr angean Ælfsige ðene cóc ⁊ Tefl Wareburgan dóhtor, ⁊ Herestán ⁊ his wíf, ⁊ Ecelm ⁊ his wíf, ⁊ heora cild, ⁊ Cynestán ⁊ Wynsige, ⁊ Bryhtríces sunu, ⁊ Eádwynne, ⁊ Buneles sunu ⁊ Ælfweres dóhtor; and hió becwið Æðelflǽde Elhhelmes déhter ða geóngran.—Wynflæd, about 995. Then she grants the convent the boors who sit on rent-paying land, and the serfs she gives to her son’s daughter Edith, and also the chattels, except the soul-shot which they are to pay to Gifle. And it is her will that they shall leave on the land six oxen and four cows with four calves; and of the serfs at Cinnuc she bequeaths to Eádwold, Céolstán Eástán’s son, and Æffe’s son; and to Burhwyn she gives Martin and his wife; and she bequeaths again, to Edith, Ælfsige the cook, and Tefl, Wærburge’s daughter, and Herestán and his wife, Eghelm and his wife and their child, Cynestán and Wynsige and Brihtric’s son, and Eádwyn, and Bunel’s son, and Ælfweres daughter; and she bequeaths to Æðelflǽd Ealhhelms younger daughter.—Cod. Dipl. No. 1290.

The next passage which I have to cite is unhappily very corrupt, but as the sense is obvious I have given such corrections as were required: the readings of the MS. may be seen in the copy printed Cod. Dipl. No. 1339.

507And ic wille ðæt míne men beón ealle freo.... And ic wille ðæt ealle ða men ða ic an freo, ðæt hí hæbben ealle þing ða hý under hande habbað, bútan ðæt lond æt Herelingum Stigande arcebisceope mínum hláforde, swá hit stent, bútan ða men beón ealle freo.—Cytel, about 1055. And I will that my serfs shall all be free.... And I will that all the men to whom I grant freedom shall have everything which is under their hand, except the land at Harling which I give to archbishop Stigand my lord, as it stands, only that the serfs are all to be free.—Cod. Dipl. No. 1342.

The following manumissions are recorded by the Convent in Bath. They will be found in the Codex Diplomaticus, No. 1351.

Hér swutelað on ðissere Cristes béc ðæt Eádríc æt Fordan hæfð goboht Sægýfu his dóhtor æt Ælfsige abbod and æt ðám hirede on Baðan tó écum freóte, and eall hire ofspring. Here witnesseth on this book of Gospels that Eádríc at Ford hath bought Sǽgyfu his daughter from Ælfsige the abbot and the convent at Bath, that she may be free for ever, and all her offspring.

Hér swutelað on ðisse Cristes béc ðæt Ælfríc Scot and Ægelríc Scot synd gefreód for Ælfsiges abbodes sáwle tó écan freóte. Ðis is gedón on ealles hiredes gewitnesse. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that Ælfric the Scot and Æðelríc the Scot are made free, for the soul of Abbot Ælfsige, that they may be free for ever. This is done by witness of all the convent.

Her swutelað on ðissere Cristes béc, ðæt Ælfwig se réd hæfð geboht hine selfne út æt Ælfsige abbot and eallon hirede mid ánon punde. Ðár is tó gewitnes eall se hired on Baðan. Crist hine áblende ðe ðis gewrit áwende. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that Ælfwig the red hath bought himself out from Ælfsige the abbot and all the convent for one pound. To this is witness all the convent in Bath. Christ blind him who setteth this writ aside!

508Her swutelað in ðisre Cristes béc, ðæt Iohann hæfð geboht Gunnilde, Þurkilles dóhter, æt Góde, Leofenáðes láfe, tó healfan punde, on ealles hiredes gewitnysse. Crist hine áblende, ðe ðis gewrit áwende. And he hæfð hí betéht Criste ⁊ sancte Petre for his móder sáwle. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that John hath bought Gunhild, Thurkill’s daughter, from Góde Leofenáð's widow, for half a pound, by witness of all the convent. Christ blind him who setteth this writ aside! And he hath given her to Christ and St. Peter for his mother’s soul.

Her swutelað on ðissere Cristes béc, ðæt Sǽwi Hagg æt Wídecumbe hæfð gedón út his twegen suna æt Ælfsige abbude, on ealles hiredes gewitnesse. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that Sǽwig Hagg of Widcomb hath done out his two sons from Ælfsige the abbot, by witness of all the convent.

Her swutelað on ðissere Cristes béc, ðæt Ægylmǽr bohte Sǽðrýðe æt Sǽwolde abbude, mid .III. maxan on ealles hiredes gewitnysse; and ofer his dæg and his wífes dæg beó se man freoh. Crist hine áblende, ðe ðis gewrit áwende. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that Æðelmǽr bought Sǽðrýð from Sǽwold the abbot for two mancuses, by witness of all the convent; and after his and his wife’s life let the serf be free. Christ blind him who setteth this writ aside!

Her swutelað on ðissere Cristes béc, ðæt Wulfwine Háreberd bohte æt Ælfsige abbude, Ælfgýðe mid healfan punde on ealles hiredes gewitnysse: and Crist hine áblende ðe ðis gewrit áwende. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that Wulfwine Hoarbeard bought Ælfgýð from abbot Ælfsige for half a pound, by witness of all the convent: and Christ blind him who setteth this writ aside!

509Her swutelað on ðissere Cristes béc, ðæt Ægylsige bohte Wynríc æt Ælfsige abbude mid ánon yre goldes. Ðysses ys tó gewitnysse Ælfryd portgeréua and eal se hired on Baðon. Crist hine ablende ðe ðis gewrit awende. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that Æðelsige bought Wynríc from abbot Ælfsige for an ore of gold. The witnesses of this are Ælfred the portreeve and all the convent at Bath. Christ blind him who setteth this writ aside!

Her swutelað on ðissere Cristes béc, ðæt Siwine Leófwies sunu æt Lincumbe hafað geboht Sydeflǽde út mid fíf scyllingam and ... penegam æt Iohanne biscope and æt eallon ðám hirede on Baðon tó écum freóte: and her tó is gewitnesse Godríc Ladda and Sǽwold and his twegen sunan Scírewold and Brihtwold. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that Sigewine Leófwige’s son of Lincomb hath bought Sydeflǽd out with five shillings and ... pence from bishop John and all the convent at Bath to be free for ever: and witness thereof are Godríc Ladda, and Sǽwold and his two sons Scírewold and Brihtwold.

Her swutelað on ðisse Cristes béc, ðæt Lifgíð æt Forda is gefreód, and hire twá cild, for ðone biscop Johanne and for ealne ðone hired on Baðon, on Ælfredes gewitnesse Aspania. Here witnesseth on this book of gospels, that Lifgið at Ford is freed, with her two children, for bishop John and all the convent at Bath, by witness of Ælfred Aspania.

Her cyð on ðisse béc ðæt H[un]fl[ǽd] gebohte Wulfgýðe æt Ælfríce Æðelstánes su[na] Æðelminges, on Winemines gewitnisse eald-portgeréfan, and on Godríces his suna, and on Ælfwines Mannan suna, and on Leófríces cildes æt Hymed, and on Ælfríces Ælfhelmes sunu geóngan: and Brún bydel nam ðæt toll on Ælfstánes gewitnisse mæssepreóstes and on Leófríces Winemines suna, and on má l[ǽweda ⁊ gehádodra.] Here witnesseth in this book that Hunflǽd bought Wulfgýð from Ælfríc the son of Æðelstán the son of Æðelm, by witness of Winemine the old portreeve, and of Godríc his son, and Ælfwine Manna’s son, and Leófríc the child at Hymed, and Ælfríc Ælfhelm’s son, the young: and Brún the beadle took the toll by witness of Ælfstán the masspriest, of Leófríc Winemine’s son and more persons both lay and ordained.—Cod. Dipl. No. 1353.

510These examples, so numerous and varied, supply a very clear view of the mode of emancipation, and its objects, in the Anglosaxon time. It is to be regretted that we have not more of them, and from other places: but still, as it is probable that the system adopted by the clergy prevailed throughout England, these may serve as a very satisfactory specimen of the usual course on these occasions,—both as to the form of manumission and the method of providing for the emancipated serf.

511

APPENDIX D.

ORCY'S GUILD AT ABBOTSBURY.

(From the Cod. Dipl. No. 942.)

“This writing witnesseth that Orcy hath granted the guildhall at Abbotsbury and the site thereof, to the honour of God and St. Peter, and for a property to the guild, both during his life and after his life, for a long lasting commemoration of himself and his consort. Let him that would set it aside, answer it to God in the great day of judgment!

“Now these are the covenants which Orcy and the guildsmen of Abbotsbury have ordained, to the honour of God, the worship of St. Peter, and the hele of their own souls. Firstly; three days before St. Peter’s mass, from each guildbrother one penny, or one pennyworth of wax,—look which the minster most needeth; and on the mass eve, from every two guildbrothers one broad loaf, well sifted and well raised, towards our common alms; and five weeks before Peter’s mass, let each guildbrother contribute one guildsester full of clean wheat, and let this be paid within two days, on forfeiture of the entrance, which is three sesters of wheat. And let the wood be paid within three days after the corn-contribution, from every full guildbrother one load of wood, and from those who are not full brothers, two; or let him pay one guildsester of corn. And let him that undertaketh a charge and performeth it not accordingly, be mulcted in the amount of his entrance; and be there no remission. And if one brother misgreet another within the guild, in hostile temper, let him atone for it to all the fellowship with the amount of his entrance, and after that to him whom he misgreeted, as they two may arrange: and if he will not bend to compensation, let him lose our fellowship 512and every other advantage of the guild. And let him that introduceth more guests than he ought, without leave of the steward and the caterers, forfeit his entrance. And if any of our fellowship should pass away from us, let each brother contribute a penny over the corpse for the soul’s hele or pay ... brothers: and if any one of us should be afflicted with sickness within sixty ... we are to find fifteen men who shall fetch him, and if he be dead, thirty, and they shall bring him to the place which he desired to go to, while he lived. And if he die in this present place, let the steward have warning to what place the corpse is to go; and let the steward warn the brethren, the greatest number that he can ride or send to, that they shall come thither and worthily accompany the corpse and bear it to the minster, and earnestly pray there for the soul. It is rightly ordained a guildship if we do thus, and well fitting it is both toward God and man: for we know not which of us shall first depart.

“Now we have faith through God’s assistance, that the aforesaid ordinance, if we rightly maintain it, shall be to the benefit of us all. Let us earnestly from the bottom of our hearts beseech Almighty God to have mercy upon us, and also his holy apostle St. Peter to make intercession for us, and take our way unto eternal rest, because for his sake we have gathered this guild together: he hath the power in heaven to admit into heaven whomso he will, and to exclude whomso he will not, even as Christ himself spake unto him in his gospel: Peter, I give to thee the keys of heaven, and whatsoever thou wilt have bound on earth, the same shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou wilt have unbound on earth, the same shall be unbound in heaven. Let us have hope and trust in him, that he will guide us here in this world, and after death be a help to our souls. May he bring us to eternal rest! Amen!”

THE GUILD AT EXETER.

“This assembly was collected in Exeter, for the love of God, and for our soul’s need, both in regard to our health of life here, and to the after days, which we desire for ourselves by God’s doom. 513Now we have agreed that our meeting shall be thrice in the twelve months; once at St. Michael’s Mass, secondly at St. Mary’s Mass, after midwinter, and thirdly at Allhallows Mass after Easter; and let each gild-brother have two sesters of malt, and each young man^[860] one sester, and a sceat of honey; and let the mass-priest at each of our meetings sing two masses, one for our living friends, the other for the dead: and let each brother of common condition sing two psalters of psalms, one for the living and one for the dead; and at the death of a brother, each man six masses, or six psalters of psalms; and at a death, each man five pence; and at a houseburning each man one penny. And if any one neglect the day, for the first time three masses, for the second five, and at the third time let him have no favour, unless his neglect arose from sickness or his lord’s need. And if any one neglect his subscription at the proper day let him pay double. And if any one of this brotherhood misgreet another, let him make boot with thirty pence. Now we pray for the love of God that every man hold this meeting rightly, as we rightly have agreed upon it. God help us thereunto.”

THE GUILD AT CAMBRIDGE.

“In this writ is the notification of the agreement which this brotherhood hath made in the thanes’ gild of Grantabrycg. That is first, that each gave oath upon the relics to the rest, that he would hold true brotherhood for God and for the world, and all the brotherhood to support him that hath the best right. If any gild-brother die, all the gildship is to bring him where he desired to lie; and let him that cometh not thereto pay a sester of honey; and let the gildship inherit of the dead half a farm, and each gild-brother contribute two pence to the alms, and out of this sum let what is fitting be taken to St. Æðelðrýð. And if any gild-brother have need of his fellows’ aid, and it be made known to the reeve nearest the gild (unless the gild-brother himself be nigh) and the 514reeve neglect it, let him pay one pound; if the lord neglect it, let him pay a pound, unless he be on his lord’s need or confined to his bed. And if any one steal from a gild-brother, let there be no boot, but eight pounds. But if the outlaw neglect this boot, let all the gildship avenge their comrade; and let all bear it, if one misdo; let all bear alike. And if any gild-brother slay a man, and if he be a compelled avenger and compensate for his insult, and the slain man be a twelve-hundred man, let each gild-brother assist ... if the slain be a ceorl, two ores; if he be a Welshman, one ore. But if the gild-brother with folly and deceit slay a man, let him bear his own deed; and if a comrade slay another comrade through his own folly, let him bear his breach as regards the relatives of the slain; and let him buy back his brotherhood in the gild with eight pounds, or lose for ever our brotherhood and friendship. And if a gild-brother eat or drink with him that slew his comrade, save in the presence of the king, the bishop or the ealdorman, let him pay a pound, unless he can clear himself with two of his dependents, of any knowledge of the fact. If any comrade misgreet another, let him pay a sester of honey, except he can clear himself with his two dependents. If a servant draw a weapon, let his lord pay a pound, and recover what he can from the servant, and let all the company aid him to recover his money. And if a servant wound another, let the lord avenge it, and the company, so that seek what he may seek, he shall not have his life. And if a servant sit within the spence, let him pay a sester of honey, and if any one hath a footsitter let him do the same. And if any gild-brother die or lie sick out of the country, let his gild-brethren fetch him alive or dead, to the place where he desired to lie, under the same penalty as we have before said, in case of a comrade’s dying at home, and a gild-brother neglecting to attend the corpse.”

The following document, which seems justly referable to the reign of Eádgár, that is to the close of the tenth century, gives the regulations under which the Hundred was constituted^[861].

515“This is the Ordinance how the Hundred shall be held.

“First that they meet every four weeks, and that each man do right to other.

“That a thief be pursued, if necessary. If there be present need, let it be told to the hundredman, and let him afterwards make it known to the tithingmen, and let them all go forth whither God may direct them to their end: let them do justice on the thief as it was formerly Eádmund’s law. And be the ceápgild paid to him that owns the chattel; and be the rest divided in two, half to the hundred, half to the lord, except men; and let the lord take possession of the men.

“And if any man neglect this, and deny the judgment of the hundred, and the same be afterwards proved against him, let him pay to the hundred thirty pence; and the second time, sixty pence; half to the hundred, half to the lord. If he do it a third time, let him pay half a pound: the fourth time, let him lose all that he hath, and be an outlaw, unless the king will allow him to remain in the land.

“And we have ordained respecting unknown cattle, that no man should have it without the witness of the hundredman or the tithingman; and that he be a well trusty man; and unless he have one or other of these, let no vouching to warranty be allowed him^[862].

“We have also ordained, that, if the hundred pursue a track into another hundred, notice be given to the hundredman, and that he then go with them. If he neglect this, let him pay thirty shillings to the king.

“If any one flinch from justice and escape, let him that had him in custody pay the angild. And if he be accused of having aided the escape, let him clear himself according to the custom of the country.

“In the hundred as in every other gemót, we ordain that folkright be pronounced in every suit, and that a term be appointed 516when it shall be fulfilled. And if any one break that term, unless it be through the lord’s decree, let him make amends with thirty shillings, and on a set day fulfil that which he should have done before.

“An ox’s bell, and a dog’s collar, and a blast horn, each of these three shall be worth a shilling, and each is reckoned an informer.

“Let the iron for the threefold ordeal weigh three pounds; and for the single, one pound.”

517

APPENDIX E. LǼNLAND.

The following documents throw light upon the nature of Lǽland, and the conditions under which it was held. The first is a detailed account given by Oswald, bishop of Worcester, to king Eádgár, of the plan which he adopted in leasing the lands of his church: it is reprinted here from the sixth volume of the Codex Diplomaticus, No. 1287. The second is a statement of the way in which an estate of six ploughlands at Wouldham in Kent became the property of the Cathedral at Rochester: it is No. 1288 in the same collection.

“Domino meo karissimo regi Anglorum Eadgaro, ego Osuualdus Uuigornensis aecclesiae episcopus omnium quae mihi per ipsius clementiam munerum tradita sunt, apud deum et apud homines gratias ago. Igitur si dei misericordia suppeditet, coram deo et hominibus perpetualiter ei fidelis permanebo, reminiscens cum gratiarum actione largifluae benignitatis eius, quia per meos illud quod magnopere expetebam mihi concessit internuntios, id est reverentissimum Dunstanum archiepiscopum et venerandum Æðeluuoldum Uuintoniae episcopum et virum magnificum Brihtnoðum comitem, quorum legatione et adiutorio meam et sanctae dei aecclesiae querelam suscepit, et secundum consilium sapientum et principum suorum iuste emendavit, ad sustentamen aecclesiae quam mihi benigne et libens regendam commisit. Quare quo modo fidos mihi subditos telluribus quae meae traditae sunt potestati per spatium temporis trium hominum, id est duorum post se haeredum, condonarem, placuit tam mihi quam ipsis fautoribus et consiliariis meis, cum ipsius domini mei regis licentia et attestatione, ut fratribus 518meis successoribus, scilicet episcopis, per cyrographi cautionem apertius enuclearem, ut sciant quid ab eis extorquere iuste debeant secundum conventionem cum eis factam et sponsionem suam; unde et hanc epistolam ob cautelae causam componere studui, ne quis malignae cupiditatis instinctu hoc sequenti tempore mutare volens, abiurare a servitio aecclesiae queat. Haec itaque conventio cum eis facta est, ipso domino meo rege annuente, et sua attestatione munificentiae suae largitatem roborante et confirmante, omnibusque ipsius regiminis sapientibus et principibus attestantibus et consentientibus. Hoc pacto eis terras sanctae aecclesiae sub me tenere concessi, hoc est ut omnis equitandi lex ab eis impleatur quae ad equites pertinet; et ut pleniter persolvant omnia quae ad ius ipsius aecclesiae iuste competunt, scilicet ea quae Anglice dicuntur ciricsceott et toll id est theloneum et tace, id est swinsceade, et caetera iura aecclesiae, nisi episcopus quid alicui eorum perdonare voluerit; seseque quamdiu ipsius terras tenent in mandatis pontificis humiliter cum omni subiectione perseverare etiam iureiurando affirment. Super haec etiam ad omnis industriae episcopi indigentiam semetipsos praesto impendant; equos praestent; ipsi equitent; et ad totum piramiticum opus aecclesiae calcis atque ad pontis aedificium ultro inveniantur parati; sed et venationis sepem domini episcopi ultronei ad aedificandum repperiantur, suaque quandocumque domino episcopo libuerit venabula destinent venatum; insuper ad multas alias indigentiae causas quibus opus est domino antistiti sepe frunisci, sive ad suum servitium sive ad regale explendum, semper illius archiductoris dominatui et voluntati qui episcopatui praesidet, propter beneficium quod illis praestitum est, cum omni humilitate et subiectione subditi fiant, secundum ipsius voluntatem et terrarum quas quisque possidet quantitatem. Decurso autem praefati temporis curriculo, videlicet duorum post eos qui eas modo possident haeredum vitae spatio, in ipsius antistitis sit arbitrio quid inde velit, et quomodo sui vello sit inde ita stet, sive ad suum opus eas retinere, si sic sibi utile iudicaverit, sive eas alicui diutius praestare, si sic sibi placuerit velit; ita dumtaxat ut semper aecclesiae servitia pleniter ut praefati sumus inde persolvantur. Ast si quid praefatorum delicti praevaricantis causa 519defuerit iurum, praevaricationis delictum secundum quod praesulis ius est emendet, aut illo quod antea potitus est dono et terra careat. Si quis vero, diabolo instigante, quod minime optamus, extiterit, qui per nostrum beneficium aecclesiam dei fraude, seu in sua possessione aut servitio debito privare temptaverit, ipse nostra omnique benedictione dei et sanctorum eius privetur, nisi profundissima emendatione illud corrigere studeat et ad pristinum statum quod defraudavit redigat, scriptum est enim ‘Raptores et sacrilegi regnum dei non consequentur.’ Nunc autem propter deum et sanctam Mariam, in cuius nomine hoc monasterium dicatum est, moneo et praecipio, ut nullo modo quis hoc praevaricare audeat, sed sicut a nobis statutum est, ut praefati sumus, perpetualiter maneat. Qui custodierit omni benedictione repleatur; qui vero infringerit, maledicetur a domino et ab omnibus sanctis, Amen. Gratanter, reverentissime domine, quo tantis tuae donis clementiae, secundum quod totius creatoris cosmi est velle, praeditus sum, meae operam voluntatis, ut pro te tuisque deum iugiter interpellem, devotus impendam, meosque successores ad hoc hortari studebo, ut domini misericordiam pro te deprecari non desinant, ut Christus pace qui perhenni regnat ethrali in arce te consortio dignum haberi dignetur sanctorum omnium in aula coelesti. Valeat in aevum qui hoc studuerit servare decretum. Harum textus epistolarum tres sunt ad praetitulationem et ad signum, una in ipsa civitate quae vocatur Uuigraceaster, altera cum venerabili Dunstano archiepiscopo in Cantuaria, tertia cum Æðeluuoldo episcopo in Uuintonia civitate.”