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The Sanskrit drama

Part 2 — XI THE DECLINE OF THE SANSKRIT DRAMA

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1. The Decadence of the Drama

We have seen already in Murāri and Rājaçekhara the process which was depriving the drama of real dramatic quality. The older poets were, indeed, under the influence of the epic; they lived in the atmosphere of the poetry of the court and their dramatic instincts had always to fight against the tendency to introduce epic and lyric verses into their works, heedless of the ruin thus wrought on the drama. Had the stage been a more popular one, this defect might have been counteracted, but the audience for whose approval a poet looked was essentially one of men of learning, who were intent on discerning poetic beauties or defects, and who, as the theory proves, had singularly little idea of what a drama really means.

Other factors doubtless helped the decline of the drama. The invasion of the Mahomedans into northern India, which began in earnest with the opening of the eleventh century, was a slow process, and it could not immediately affect the progress of the dramatic art. But gradually, by substituting Mahomedan rulers—men who disliked and feared the influence of the national religion, which was closely bound up with the drama—for Hindu princes, the generous and accomplished patrons of the dramatists, it must have exercised a depressing effect on the cultivation of this literary form. The drama doubtless took refuge in those parts of India where Moslem power was slowest to extend, but even there Mahomedan potentates gained authority, and drama can have been seldom worth performing or composing, until the Hindu revival asserted the Indian national spirit, and gave an encouragement to the renewal of an ancient national glory.

Yet a further and most important consideration must have lain in the ever-widening breach between the languages of the drama and those of real life. In Bhāsa’s days and even those of Kālidāsa we may imagine that there was not too great difficulty in following the main features of the drama both in Sanskrit and in Prākrit, but the gulf between the popular languages and those of learning went on widening every year, and Rājaçekhara, as we have seen, was, despite his boasted studies, of which we have no reason to doubt, unable to discriminate correctly his Prākrits. It in no wise disproves this view that the Lalitavigraharājanāṭaka of Somadeva shows a close connexion with the language as laid down in Hemacandra’s grammar, for, as that work preceded the play in date and was produced at the court of Aṇhilvāḍ, which was in close connexion with that of Sambhār, where Somadeva lived, we need not doubt that copies of Hemacandra’s work were available for the production of artificial Prākrit.

It was clearly a very different thing to compose in Sanskrit and Prākrit in A.D. 1000, when the vernaculars were beginning to assume literary form, than in A.D. 400, and the difficulty of composition in any effective manner must have rapidly increased with the years, and the growth of the realization that it was idle to seek fame under modern circumstances by the composition of dramas, for which there was no popular audience and only a limited market. What is amazing is that for centuries the Sanskrit drama continued to be produced in very substantial numbers, as the existence of manuscripts proves, and that so strong was the force of tradition that the first attempt to introduce the vernacular into the drama by Bidyāpati Ṭhākur in Behar took the form of producing works in which the characters use Sanskrit and Prākrit and the songs only are in Maithilī. So powerful has been the strength of the Sanskrit drama that it is only in the nineteenth century that vernacular drama has exhibited itself in Hindi, and in general it is only very recently that the drama has seemed proper for vernacular expression. But the writing in artificial languages has revenged itself on the writers; their works are reminiscent of modern copies of Greek or Latin verses, which only too painfully reveal through all the artifices suggested by careful study the impossibility of the production of real poetry, not to mention drama, in dead languages. It is significant in this regard that perhaps the most interesting of later dramas is the Prabodhacandrodaya of Kṛṣṇamiçra, a drama of allegory on philosophical topics, which claim as their right Sanskrit as a mode of expression. The Sanskrit of the author thus represents the medium of his habitual use in discussions and is appropriate to the matters dealt with.

This is essentially the period when the dramatic rules, strong in their hold earlier over the minds of dramatists, attain even greater sway. It is to this that we owe the few specimens we have of the rarer types of drama which are not represented among the scanty remains of the classical drama. There is no reason to suppose that these types were popular among the earlier dramatists; they had, it seems, their vogue in the time before the Nāṭyaçāstra assumed its present form, but were rejected as unsuitable by the classical drama. We have also specimens of types which may have been regularly produced in classical times, but none of which are represented in the extant literature. Finally, we have specimens of new forms, the result of efforts to introduce into Sanskrit dramatic forms which had sprung up in more popular circles.

2. The Nāṭaka

The Nāṭaka remains throughout the post-classical period of the drama the natural exponent of the higher form of the dramatic art. No change of importance appears in its character; it merely steadily develops those features which we have seen in full process of production in Murāri and Rājaçekhara, the subordination of action to description, and the degeneration of the description into a mere exercise in style and in the use of sounds.

Neither as history nor as poetry does the work claim any high merit. Its chief aim is to provide unlimited eulogy for Vastupāla and Tejaḥpāla, and secondarily for the king who is lucky enough to have in his retinue these remarkable models of intelligence and skill. It must be admitted, however, that the author does not exactly convey the impression of the real success of his objects of admiration; the impression is rather one of minor successes and a good deal of rather obvious diplomacy. Style, Prākrit, and metres are decidedly stereotyped.

3. The Allegorical Nāṭaka

The supreme reality which is truly one, but is united with illusion, has a son, Spirit, who again has two children, Discrimination (viveka) and Confusion (moha); the posterity of the latter has largely gained in strength, and the position of the former and his offspring is menaced. This is told us at the outset of the drama by Love in converse with Desire; the former is sure he has done much to attain the result. The one danger is the old prophecy that there will arise Knowledge (prabodha) and Judgement or Science (vidyā) from the union of Discrimination and Theology, Upaniṣad, but these two are long since parted, and their reunion seems unlikely. The two, however, flee before the approach of the king Discrimination who is talking with Reason (mati), one of his wives; to his joy he finds that she is all in favour of his reunion with Theology which she is fain to bring about. In Act II we find Confusion in fear of overthrow; he hastens by the use of Falsity (dambha) to secure Benares as the key of the world; Egoism, grandfather of Falsity, visits the city and discovers to his joy his relative. Confusion enters in triumphant pomp his new capital; the Materialist Cārvāka supports him. But there is bad news; Duty is rising in revolt; Theology meditates reunion with Discrimination; Confusion bids his minions cast Piety, daughter of Faith (çraddhā) in prison and orders Heresy (mithyādṛṣṭi) to separate Theology and Faith. In Act III Piety appears supported by her friend Pity; she has lost her mother Faith and is in sad plight, even dreaming of suicide, from which Pity dissuades her. In Digambara Jainism, Buddhism, and Somism she searches in vain for Faith; each appears with a wife claiming to be Faith, but she cannot recognize her mother in these distorted forms. Buddhism and Jainism quarrel; Somism enters, makes them drunk with alcohol and pleasure, and takes them off in search of Piety, the daughter of Faith. In Act IV Faith in great distress tells of a danger; she and Duty have escaped from a demoness who would have devoured them but for Trust in Viṣṇu, who has saved them. She brings a message to Discrimination to start the battle. He musters his leaders, Contemplation, Patience, Contentment, and himself goes to Benares, which he describes. In Act V the battle is over; Confusion and his offspring are dead. But Spirit is disconsolate, mourning the loss of Confusion and Activity. The doctrine of Vyāsa, the Vedānta, appears, disabuses his mind of error, and he resolves to settle down as a hermit with the one wife worthy of him, Inactivity. Act VI shows us the ancestor of all Being; he is still under the influence of Confusion, who, before dying, dispatched to him spirits to confuse him, and his companion, Illusion, favours their efforts. But his friend Reasoning shows him his error, and he drives them away. Peace of heart reunites Theology and Discrimination; she tells of her mishaps with Cult and Exegesis, Nyāya and Sāṁkhya, and reveals to Being that he is the Supreme Lord. This, however, is too much for his intellect, but the difficulty is cleared away by Judgement, which is the immediate supernatural child of the reunion of the spouses. The appearance of Trust (bhakti) in Viṣṇu to applaud the result terminates the drama.

No one can doubt the cleverness with which the strife of races of one stock in the Mahābhārata and the plot and love interest of the usual Nāṭikā are combined, nor the ingenuity of fitting in the Vedānta doctrine of the Absolute and the devotion of the Vaiṣṇava creed. There is certainly some comedy in the exchange of views of Egoism and Falsity, who are perfect examples of hypocrisy, and the scenes between Buddhism, Jainism, and Somism are distinctly funny. None the less it would be idle to pretend that the play has any dramatic force. Its chief merits are its effective and stately stanzas of moral and philosophical content. Kṛṣṇamiçra is an able master of the Çārdūlavikrīḍita, his favourite metre; he has also effective Vasantatilakas, and rhymed Prākrit stanzas.

The play begins with an invocation in three stanzas of the Tīrthakaras, Ṛṣabha, Pārçva, and Mahāvīra, followed by the usual dialogue of the Sūtradhāra and the actress, his wife. Then are introduced Kumārapāla with the Vidūṣaka, to whom enter Jñānadarpaṇa, the Mirror of Knowledge, the spy who has been sent to report on the affairs of King Confusion. He reports the successful siege by Confusion of the city of Man’s Mind, whose king, Vivekacandra, the Moon of Discrimination, has been forced to flee accompanied by his bride Calm, and his daughter Kṛpāsundarī, in whom Compassion is incorporated, and of whose escape Kumārapāla learns with joy. The spy further reports a meeting with Kīrtimañjarī, the Garland of Fame, daughter of Good Conduct by his wife Polity, and herself wife of Kumārapāla. She complains that the king has turned from her and her brother, Pratāpa, Valour, owing to the efforts of a Jain monk. She has, therefore, sought the aid of Confusion and he is preparing to attack Kumārapāla. The spy, however, disappoints her by answering her inquiry as to the victory in the struggle by insisting that it will be Confusion that must fall. The king expresses his determination to overthrow Confusion, and the announcement of the hour of worship by bards terminates the Act.

In Act IV we have the fulfilment of the pledge to banish the seven vices. It first tells of the meeting of the Fortune of the City with that of the Country; the former persuades the latter to accept the tenets of Jainism. Then appears Kṛpāsundarī who is annoyed by the noises of hunting and fishing, but consoled by the appearance of the police officer, who proceeds to the business of banishing vices. Gambling, Flesh-eating, Drinking, Slaughter, Theft, and Adultery must depart, despite the plea that the king’s predecessors permitted them, and that they bring revenues to the State; Concubinage may remain if she will. In Act V the king, armed by Hemacandra with his Yogaçāstra, which is his armour, and the Vītarāgastuti, which serves to make him invisible, inspects the strong places of Confusion, and finally rendering himself visible does battle with the adversary and wins a great victory. He restores Discrimination to his capital, and pronounces a benediction in which praise of the Jina and of Hemacandra blend with the desire of close union with Kṛpā and Discrimination, and the hope that ‘my fame, allied with the moon, may prevail to dispel the darkness of Confusion’.

The play is certainly not without merits; in the main it is written in simple Sanskrit, free from the artifices which disfigure more pretentious plays, and it has also the merit of bringing vividly before us the activities of Jainism in its regulation of Kumārapāla’s kingdom, casting an interesting light on what is known from inscriptions and other sources of the history of Gujarāt. The marriage of the king with Kṛpāsundarī is recorded by Jinamaṇḍana in his Kumārapālaprabandha as taking place in A.D. 1159. Interesting details are given of the forms of gambling, including chess, and of the sects which approve slaughter. The Prākrits are, of course, deeply influenced by Hemacandra’s grammar, and include Māgadhī and Jain Māhārāṣṭrī.

4. The Nāṭikā and the Saṭṭaka

5. The Prakaraṇa

The work is metrically interesting, because the author shows a remarkable preference for the Vasantatilaka (118), and, while he is fond of the Çārdūlavikrīḍita and employs a great variety of metres, he, unlike most later authors, uses freely the Āryā in its different forms (74).

6. The Prahasana and the Bhāṇa

7. Minor Dramatic Types

Of the type Īhāmṛga we have a specimen by Vatsarāja in the Rukmiṇīharaṇa, which in four Acts deals with the success of Kṛṣṇa in depriving Çiçupāla of Cedi of Rukmiṇī, his promised bride. The play opens with a dialogue between the Sūtradhāra who enters, after a Nāndī in a couple of stanzas has been pronounced, and the Sthāpaka, which tells us that the play was performed at moonrise during the festival of Cakrasvāmin. The action of the play is languid, and the author has had trouble to spread it out over four Acts; the characters are conventional; Rukmiṇī the heroine is a nonentity, and neither Çiçupāla nor Rukmin, the objects of Kṛṣṇa’s enmity, has any distinct characterization. Kṛṣṇa goes into a state of trance on the stage in Act IV to produce the presence of Tārkṣya to enable him to complete his victory. The female character, Subuddhi, uses Sanskrit in lieu of Prākrit.

To Vatsarāja also we owe a specimen of the Ḍima, the Tripuradāha in four Acts, which describes the destruction of the capital of Tripurāsura by Çiva. The idea of writing such a piece was doubtless given by the mention of a work of this name in the Nāṭyaçāstra, and the play is extremely insipid; the numerous figures who crowd the stage are lifeless, and the celestial weapons which overcome the Asuras lack reality; the convenances are duly observed; Kumāra in the full flight of his triumph is stayed by his father’s commands, and Çukra delightedly records this act of courtesy on the part of the god, despite his anger with the Dānavas. The play closes with the homage paid by the gods and the seers alike to Maheça, who is bashful, and the benediction is pronounced by Indra, not by the hero of the drama.

Vatsarāja is also responsible for a Samavakāra, the Samudramathana, in three Acts, which again owes its existence doubtless to the naming of a work with a kindred title in the Nāṭyaçāstra as the model of a Samavakāra. Here again we find after a Nāndī of two stanzas the Sūtradhāra and the Sthāpaka engaged in conversation. The former and his eleven brothers seek simultaneously to attain wealth; how is this possible? The Sthāpaka suggests either homage to Paramardi or to the ocean, a statement duly caught up by a voice behind the stage, which asserts that from the ocean comes the fulfilment of wishes, followed by the entry of Padmaka. The play is based on the legend of the churning of the ocean by the gods and demons with its sequel, the winning by Viṣṇu of Lakṣmī and the gaining of other desired objects by the participators in the enterprise. The treatment fails to rise above the commonplace; Lakṣmī appears in Act I with Lajjā and Dhṛti, her companions, in the normal occupation of gazing on a picture of her beloved, who later appears also on the scene. The artificiality of the type is proved by the absence of other dramas of this kind.

8. The Shadow Play

9. Dramas of Irregular Type

There is a brief benediction, but no prologue, and narrative follows down to the arrival of Rāma at Mithilā for the winning of Sītā by breaking the bow of Çiva; this part of the action is given in a dialogue between Sītā, Janaka, Rāma, and others. More narrative leads up to a scene with Paraçurāma, then narrative follow to Sītā’s marriage. Act II is undramatic, being a highly flavoured description of Sītā’s love passages with Rāma. Act III again is mainly descriptive, carrying the story down to the departure of Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa in chase of Mārīca in deer shape. Act IV carries the story down to Rāma’s return to the deserted hut; in Act V Rāma seeks Sītā and sends Hanumant to Lan̄kā; in the next Act Hanumant consoles Sītā and returns; in Act VII the host of apes crosses the ocean; in Act VIII, which is much more dramatic than usual, we have An̄gada’s mission to Rāvaṇa; and the rest of the Acts drag out the wearisome details of the conflict, often in so imperfect a manner as to be unintelligible without knowledge of the Rāmāyaṇa and the earlier dramas. The two versions generally correspond, but not with any precision in detail.

The metre of the play exhibits the extraordinary fact of 253 Çārdūlavikrīḍita stanzas to 109 Çloka, 83 Vasantatilaka, 77 Sragdharā, 59 Mālinī, and 55 Indravajrā type. This fact, in the version of Madhusūdana, is sufficient to show how far we are removed from anything primitive.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Ed. Bombay, 1894; Poona, 1894; cf. Baumgartner, Das Râmâyaṇa, pp. 129 ff. ↑Note 2 · Ed. Madras, 1892; trs. by L. V. Ramachandra Aiyar, Madras, 1906. ↑Note 3 · Ed. KM. 1896. ↑Note 4 · Ed. TSS. 1910. ↑Note 5 · Ed. KM. 1903. ↑Note 6 · Ed. Murçidābād, 1880 f. ↑Note 7 · Ed. KM. 1888. ↑Note 8 · Ed. KM. 1894. ↑Note 9 · Wilson, ii. 404. ↑Note 10 · Ed. TSS. 1912 and 1911. ↑Note 11 · Ed. GOS. 1917. ↑Note 12 · Kielhorn, Bruchstücke indischer Schauspiele, Berlin, 1901. ↑Note 13 · Ed. R. Schmidt, Leipzig, 1917; trs. K. Glaser, Trieste, 1886. Cf. GIL. iii. 248, n. 4. ↑Note 14 · Lévi, Le Népal, ii. 242. ↑Note 15 · Haraprasād, Nepal Catal., p. xxxvii. ↑Note 16 · Ed. KM. 1900; trs. L. H. Gray, JAOS. xxv. 197 ff. ↑Note 17 · Ed. Kielhorn, op. cit. ↑Note 18 · Ed. Bombay, 1891. ↑Note 19 · Ed. Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, no. x, 1920. On the merits of Vastupāla see also Arisiṅha’s Sukṛtasaṁkīrtana and Someçvara’s Kīrtikaumudī. ↑Note 20 · We hear of a Rājarājanāṭaka performed annually in a temple of Çiva by order of the Cola Rājarāja I of Tanjore in the eleventh century, but oNote 21 · India Office Catal., no. 4194. ↑Note 22 · Ed. Madras, 1912. ↑Note 23 · Kumbhakonam, 1892. ↑Note 24 · Ed. Bombay, 1898; trs. J. Taylor, Bombay, 1893. Cf. J. W. Boissevain, Prabodhacandrodaya, Leiden, 1905. ↑Note 25 · Ed. Kāñcī, 1914; trs. K. Narayanacharya and D. Raghunathaswamy Iyengar, vol. i. Srirangam, 1917. ↑Note 26 · Ed. KM. 1906; analysed by Lévi, TI. i. 237 ff. Date, c. A.D. 1550. ↑Note 27 · Ed. Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, no. ix. 1918. ↑Note 28 · This is probably the nuance intended, as in saumyatā. ↑Note 29 · Ed. KM. 1888. Cf. Keith, Sansk. Lit., pp. 64 ff. ↑Note 30 · Ed. E. Hultzsch, Leipzig, 1906; cf. GGA. 1908, pp. 98 ff. ↑Note 31 · KM., Part 8, p. 51. ↑Note 32 · Ed. Calcutta, 1878. ↑Note 33 · Ed. Bhāvnagar, 1917. ↑Note 34 · ZDMG. lxxv. 63. See above, chap. x. § 2. ↑Note 35 · Ed. Bhāvnagar, 1917. ↑Note 36 · Famous from the Nala onwards. ↑Note 37 · Ed. Benares, Vīrasaṁvat, 2432. ↑Note 38 · Ed. in Lassen’s Anth. Sanscr., Bonn, 1838. Cf. Haraprasād, Nepal Catal., p. xxxvii. ↑Note 39 · Ed. Calcutta, 1896. Cf. Wilson, ii. 408 f. ↑Note 40 · Ed. Calcutta, 1828; Wilson, ii. 410 f. ↑Note 41 · Wilson, ii. 407. ↑Note 42 · Cappeller, Gurupūjākaumudī, pp. 62 f. ↑Note 43 · Ed. KM. 1894. ↑Note 44 · Ed. Madras, 1874. ↑Note 45 · Wilson, ii. 384. ↑Note 46 · Ed. KM. 1902. ↑Note 47 · Ed. KM. 1893; JRAS. 1907, p. 729. ↑Note 48 · Ibid., 1889. ↑Note 49 · Ed. in Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, no. iv. 1917. ↑Note 50 · Ed., with the other five plays, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, no. viii. 1918. ↑Note 51 · Ed. KM. 1902. Cf. SD. 514. ↑Note 52 · Ed. KM. 1885; Wilson, ii. 374. ↑Note 53 · Bendall, Brit. Mus. Catal., no. 273. ↑Note 54 · Hultzsch, ZDMG. lxxv. 62 f. ↑Note 55 · Konow, ID. p. 114. ↑Note 56 · Schmidt, ZDMG. lxiii. 409 f., 623 f. ↑Note 57 · Ed. KM. 1889. ↑Note 58 · Konow, ID. p. 118. ↑Note 59 · Ed. Murçidābād, 1881 f. ↑Note 60 · Ed. KM. 1888. ↑Note 61 · See above, ch. ii. § 4. ↑Note 62 · SBAW. 1916, pp. 698 ff. ↑Note 63 · Loc. cit. ↑Note 64 · Lévi, TI. i. 244; G. Devèze, Çakuntalā, Paris, 1888. ↑Note 65 · Lévi, TI. i. 235 ff.; Keith, Sansk. Lit., pp. 121 ff. ↑Note 66 · Ed. W. Caland, Amsterdam, 1917. Cf. ZDMG. lxxiv. 138 ff.; IA. xlix, 232 f. ↑Note 67 · The Swāng, unlike the play, is metrical throughout; R. C. Temple, Legends of the Panjab, I. viii, 121. ↑Note 68 · In Greece, despite the great advantages of a public representation, plays to be read only arose early; Aristotle, Rhetoric, iii. 12. 2. MostNote 69 · Devajīti as read by the editor and Winternitz is a quaint misreading. ↑Note 70 · See Jacobi, Bhavisattakaha, p. 58 n. Influence by the Yātrās is probable; Windisch, Sansk. Phil. p. 407. ↑Note 71 · The character of the decline is obvious enough in the Prasannarāghava,1 a Nāṭaka in seven Acts, in which the logician Jayadeva (c. A.D. 1200Note 72 · The play is typical of the later drama; its one merit is Act V where the spectacle of the river goddesses grouped round the ocean affords adNote 73 · The Kṛṣṇa legend naturally attracted not less note; the Kerala prince Ravivarman, born in A.D. 1266, is the author of a Pradyumnābhyudaya.5 Note 74 · The number of dramas based on the Mahābhārata is decidedly smaller. We have not the Citrabhārata of the indefatigable Kṣemendra of Kashmir, Note 75 · Of other mythological subjects we have the Harakelināṭaka13 of the Cāhamāna king Vīsaladeva Vigraharāja, of whom we have an inscription of ANote 76 · Of dramas with lesser personages of the saga as heroes we have the Bhairavānanda16 of the Nepalese poet Maṇika from the end of the fourteentNote 77 · Of historical drama we have little, and that of small value. The Lalitavigraharājanāṭaka,18 preserved in part in an inscription, is a work oNote 78 · More interesting is the Hammīramadamardana,20 written between A.D. 1219 and 1229 by Jayasiṅha Sūri, the priest of the temple of Munisuvrata Note 79 · In Act I, after the introductory dialogue between the Sūtradhāra and an actor, Vīradhavala is brought in, conversing with Tejaḥpāla, the theNote 80 · A certain number of dramas of similar type has been preserved.22 Gan̄gādhara’s Gan̄gadāsapratāpavilāsa23 celebrates the struggle of a CampānNote 81 · The adaptation of English drama is seen in R. Kṛṣṇamachari’s adaptation in 1892 of the Midsummer Night’s Dream in his Vāsantikasvapna.25Note 82 · We cannot say whether Kṛṣṇamiçra’s Prabodhacandrodaya26 was a revival of a form of drama, which had been practised regularly if on a small sNote 83 · Kṛṣṇamiçra’s example has caused the production of numerous dramas of the same type, but of much less value. The Saṁkalpasūryodaya27 of Ven̄kNote 84 · An example of a Jain allegory of comparatively early date is afforded by the Moharājaparājaya,31 the conquest of King Confusion, describing Note 85 · An entr’acte then tells us through Puṇyaketu, the Banner of Merit, minister of the king, that Discrimination has arrived at the penance grovNote 86 · The Nāṭikā differs in no real essential from a Nāṭaka save in the number of Acts, but its type continues to be rigidly restricted to that seNote 87 · Madana Bālasarasvatī, preceptor of the Paramāra Arjunavarman of Dhārā, wrote the Vijayaçrī or Pārijātamañjarī,34 a Nāṭikā in four Acts, of wNote 88 · Rather less commonplace is Mathurādāsa’s effort in the Vṛṣabhānujā35 to make a Nāṭikā of the love of Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā. He was a Kāyastha of SNote 89 · The Saṭṭaka with its demand for Prākrit was too exacting for the average poet; we have only the Ānandasundarī36 of the tedious Ghanaçyāma, mNote 90 · The example of the Mṛcchakaṭikā induced few imitations, doubtless because would-be imitators had the sense to realize the appalling difficulNote 91 · We know also of Prakaraṇas written by Jain writers.39 Rāmacandra, pupil of the great Hemacandra, who perished under the reign of Ajayapāla, Note 92 · Another Jaina composition is the Prabuddharauhiṇeya42 of one Rāmabhadra Muni, pupil of Jayaprabha Sūri, of the school of Deva Sūri, the famoNote 93 · Quite different is the character of the Mudritakumudacandra44 of Yaçaçcandra, son of Padmacandra, grandson of Dhanadeva of the Dharkaṭa famiNote 94 · Popular as the Prahasana or farce must have been, we have in this period no example preserved certainly older than the Laṭakamelaka,45 writtNote 95 · Of much later date is the well-known Dhūrtasamāgama46 of Jyotirīçvara Kaviçekhara, son of Dhaneçvara, grandson of Rāmeçvara, of the family oNote 96 · Very popular is Jagadīçvara’s Hāsyārṇava.47 The king, Anayasindhu, Ocean of Misrule, is devastated because all goes ill in his realm: CaṇḍālNote 97 · The Dhūrtanartaka49 of Sāmarāja Dīkṣita is of the seventeenth century. It deals with one Mureçvara, who, though a Çaiva ascetic, is a devoteNote 98 · The Bhāṇa, despite its antiquity, attested by the theory, is not represented early in the history of the drama. To Vāmana Bhaṭṭa Bāṇa, aboutNote 99 · The Prahasanas and Bhāṇas are hopelessly coarse from any modern Europe standpoint, but they are certainly often in a sense artistic productiNote 100 · The Vyāyoga seems not to have been often written, despite the example of Bhāsa. The Pārthaparākrama58 of Prahlādanadeva falls in the period Note 101 · The Kirātārjunīya59 is a Vyāyoga based on Bhāravi’s epic by Vatsarāja, who calls himself the minister of Paramardideva of Kālañjara, who reiNote 102 · We have also a Vyāyoga by Viçvanātha, the Saugandhikāharaṇa,60 of about A.D. 1316, which deals with Bhīma’s visit to Kubera’s lake to fetch Note 103 · Other dramas of this type64 are the late Vīravijaya of Kṛṣṇamiçra, and the Sarvavinodanāṭaka of Kṛṣṇa Avadhūta Ghaṭikāçata Mahākavi.Note 104 · Other Ḍimas are late; thus we have one by the ubiquitous Ghanaçyāma, the Kṛṣṇavijaya of Ven̄kaṭavarada, and the Manmathonmathana65 of Rāma, Note 105 · The An̄ka, or one-Act play, is represented by very few specimens. The term is often applied to denote a play within a play, in the BālarāmāyNote 106 · The term Prekṣaṇaka is also applied to the Kṛṣṇābhyudaya of Lokanātha Bhaṭṭa, written for the raintime procession of the Lord of Hastigiri, Note 107 · Of the types of Uparūpaka, other than the Nāṭikā and Saṭṭaka, there are very few represented, and these only obviously written in accord witNote 108 · It is extremely doubtful at what date the shadow-drama appeared in India; the first play which we can be certain was represented in this wayNote 109 · It is natural to suggest, as did Pischel, that the Dūtān̄gada of Subhaṭa, which is styled a Chāyānāṭaka, really was a shadow play. On the otNote 110 · We have no other play of which we can say with even the slightest plausibility that it was a real shadow-drama. There are three works by VyāNote 111 · Professor Lüders73 adds to the almost non-existing list of shadow dramas, the Mahānāṭaka. He does this on the strength of the fact that it iNote 112 · The history of this play is curious. It is preserved in two recensions, one in nine or ten Acts redacted by Madhusūdana and one in fourteen Note 113 · The exact purpose of such a play is not obvious, but it looks rather like a literary tour de force, possibly in preparation for some form ofNote 114 · The type of the Mahānāṭaka may be compared with the Gītagovinda,77 which, written by Jayadeva under Lakṣmaṇasena in the twelfth century A.D.Note 115 · In the Gopālakelicandrikā78 of Rāmakṛṣṇa of Gujarāt, of unknown date, but certainly later than the Mahānāṭaka and the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, we hNote 116 · The connexion of the play with the Hanumannāṭaka is expressly admitted in the prologue; the actress, who enters with the usual inquiry in PrNote 117 · The work begins with an act of religious devotion, the performance of the ceremony of the waving of a lamp in honour of Kṛṣṇa, who appears iNote 118 · A glimpse into a form of entertainment not represented by any Sanskrit drama so far published is given by the changes made in the fourth Act
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