THE QUARTERLY OF THE Oregon Historical Society. (continued 2)

In April, 1856, after peace had been concluded between the whites and Indians, the Ledford massacre took place in Rancherie Prairie, near Mount Pitt, in this county, in which five white men were killed. This event was the last of the "irrepressible conflict." Soon afterward the Indians were removed to the Siletz reservation, where their descendants now live and enjoy the favors of the government which their fathers so strongly resisted.

The war in Rogue River Valley had now virtually ended. "Old Sam's" band, with an escort of one hundred United States troops, was taken to the coast reservation at Siletz. Chiefs "John" and "Limpy," with a large number of the most active warriors, who had followed their fortunes during all these struggles, still held out and continued their depredations in the lower Rogue River country and in connection with the Indians of Curry County.

Gen. John E. Wool, commander of the department of the Pacific, in November, 1855, had stopped at Crescent City while on his way to the Yakima country. He received full information while here of the military operations in southern Oregon. Skipping many details, it is sufficient to state that he ordered Capt. A. J. Smith to move down the river from Fort Lane and form a junction with the United States troops under Captains Jones and E. O. C. Ord (afterward a major-general in United States army), who were prosecuting an active campaign in the region about Chetco, Pistol River, and the Illinois River Valley. Captain Smith left Fort Lane with eighty men—fifty dragoons and thirty infantry. I can only take the time to mention a few of the fights in that region during the spring of 1856. On March 8th Captain Abbott had a skirmish with the Chetco Indians at Pistol River. He lost several men. The Indians had his small force completely surrounded when Captain Ord and Captain Jones with one hundred and twelve regular troops came to his relief. They charged and drove the Indians away with heavy loss. On March 20, 1855, Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan, assisted by Captains Jones and Ord, attacked an Indian village ten miles above the mouth of Rogue River. The Indians were driven away, leaving several dead and only one white man wounded in the fight. A few days later Captain Angne's [Augur?] company (United States troops) fought John and "Limpy's" band at the mouth of the Illinois River. The Indians fought desperately, leaving five dead on the battlefield. On March 27, 1855, the regulars again met the Indians on Lower Rogue River. After a brisk fight at close quarters the Indians fled, leaving ten dead and two of the soldiers were severely wounded. On April 1, 1855, Captain Creighton, with a company of citizens, attacked an Indian village near the mouth of the Coquille River, killing nine men, wounding eleven and taking forty squaws and children prisoners. About this time some volunteers attacked a party of Indians who were moving in canoes at the mouth of Rogue River. They killed eleven men and one squaw. Only one man and two squaws of the party escaped. On April 29, 1855, a party of sixty regulars escorting a pack train were attacked near Chetco. In this fight three soldiers were killed and wounded. The Indians lost six killed and several wounded.

The volunteer forces of the coast war were three companies known by the names of "Gold Beach Guards," the "Coquille Guards," and the "Port Orford Minute Men." I have not the time to enter into the details of the battle that was fought on the twenty-seventh of May, 1855, near Big Meadows, on Rogue River. Captain Smith was in command of his eighty regulars. Old "John" lead the Indians. The operations covered a period of two days, John using all the tactics of military science in handling his four hundred braves during the battle. Just as everything was ready, according to "John's" plans for an attack upon the regulars, Captain Angne's [Augur?] company was seen approaching. The Indians were then soon dispersed. Captain Smith lost twenty-nine men killed and wounded in this battle, and had it not been for the timely arrival of Angne's [Augur?] company, his men would all have been killed.

While these operations were being carried on by the United States troops, the volunteer forces were not idle. They were kept busy with "Limpy" and "George's" warriors, at points in Josephine County. On January 28, 1856, Major Latshaw moved down the river with two hundred and thirteen men. He had several skirmishes and lost four or five men in killed and wounded. On May 29th "Limpy" and "George" surrendered at Big Meadows to Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan. On May 31st Governor Curry ordered the volunteer forces to disband—nearly all the Indians had surrendered. About one thousand three hundred of the various tribes that had carried on the war were gathered in camp at Port Orford. About July 1, 1856, "John" and thirty-five tough looking warriors, the last to surrender, "threw down the hatchet." I have now gone over, in chronological order, the principal events connected with the Indian wars of southern Oregon. I am fully aware that the narrative is very defective, and that many events of importance have not even been mentioned. You who took part in these early struggles can easily fill in the gaps, and correct the errors that I may have unconsciously made.

There were some men who took part in the Indian wars of southern Oregon who afterward became prominent in the history of the Nation. I will name a few, viz, Gen. U. S. Grant, Gen. J. B. Hood (late of Confederate army), Gen. Phil Kearny, Gen. Wool, Gen. A. J. Smith, Gen. Geo. Crooks, Gen. A. V. Kautz, Gen. Phil Sheridan, Gen. J. C. Fremont, Gen. Joe Lane (candidate for vice president of the United States in 1860), Gen. Joe Hooker (who built the military road in the Canyon Mountains in 1852), and Kit Carson.

We all rejoice that the general government has at last acknowledged the value of your services to civilization; and has made some provision of recompense for the privations which you suffered.

I see before me old gray headed mothers who will also share with you this recognition of the Nation's gratitude. It is well, and to my comrades of the Civil war, who are here, and who have been the promotors of this reunion of veterans, let me say that no women of any war, in which the American people have ever been engaged, are more deserving of the Nation's bounty than these old, feeble, pioneer mothers of southern Oregon. When their fathers, brothers, and husbands went out to meet their savage foes, these women were not left in well protected cities, villages, and homes, but often in rude cabins, situated in close proximity to the conflict; and unlike the chances of civilized warfare, no mercy could be expected from the enemy—surrender meant not only death, but torture and heartless cruelty. In every hour of those dark days these women proved themselves to be fit helpmates to a race of daring men—and worthy all honors that are accorded the brave.

MINTO PASS: ITS HISTORY, AND AN INDIAN TRADITION.

By John Minto.

There was a tradition among the Indians of the central portion of the Willamette Valley at the time when the missionaries of the Methodist Episcopal Church attempted christianization from 1834 to 1840, that a trail or thoroughfare through this natural pass had formerly been much used by their people and that its use was abandoned after, and as one of the results of, a bloody battle between the Mollalas (who claimed the western slopes of the Cascades from the Clackamas River south to the Calapooia Mountains,) and the Cayuses who were originally of the same tribe, but who had become alienated by family feuds, of which the battle or massacre of their tradition was the end. The superstitious belief of the Indians in the transmigration of the souls of dead warriors into the bodies of beasts of prey, like panthers, bears, and wolves, would of itself go far to cause the Indians to abandon the use of such a trail, but the formation of the gorge by which the river cuts its way through the roughest portion of the range is such as to give great numbers of opportunities for ambuscades—a common resort of Indian warfare. Certain is it that for some cause the Indians of Chemeketa, Chemawa, and Willamette spoke with dread of going up that river. They did, however, have trails on each side of this natural pass,—that to the south being first used by a pioneer settler named Wyley. It became known as the Wyley Trail, and subsequently was adopted as a general route over which the Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain Military Wagon Road was located. The other to the north comes into the Willamette Valley via the Table Rock and down the Abiqua. Both these trails were used exclusively by the Indians of the east side of the range as means of coming into the Willamette Valley with the exception of the Mollalas, who were intermarried with the Warm Springs Indians and the Klamaths when the settlement by the whites began. The free trappers and the retired Canadians, who had settled as farmers and trading parties of the Hudson Bay Company, continued to use the trail up the North Santiam Valley until 1844-45, when, in addition to the country reached by it being "trapped out," furs fell in price in the general market so that it temporarily ceased to be used by the engagees of the Hudson Bay Company. In the summer of 1845 Dr. E. White, then a sub-agent of the United States for the Indians of Oregon, examined, or claimed to have examined, the route as a means of getting immigration into western Oregon more easily than by way of the Columbia River Pass. Either the doctor did not examine closely or was very easily discouraged; at all events no beneficial results followed. At this same time Stephen L. Meek was leading a party of the immigration of that year with the purpose of entering the Willamette Valley by that way. Meek had trapped on the head waters of the John Day River a few seasons previous, and had here met Canadians from the Willamette, who had come over the trail and doubtless thought he could easily find it; and there is little reason to doubt that he would have done so had it not been that by reason of their much wandering in searching the way from the mouth of the Malheur to the waters of the Des Chutes, the people he led were in such desperate straits that he had to flee for his life. There was another reason: a ridge makes out on the east side of the main range, but parallel with it, which completely shuts the pass from being seen in outline from the east.

The failure of Meek to get his party through raised the question in the settlements as to whether there was so easy a means of passing the Cascade range at that point as the Hudson Bay Company trappers and traders represented, and in the spring of 1846 a public meeting was held at Salem and a committee of six citizens was selected to go and make an examination of the trail. Col. Cornelius Gilliam was the head of the committee of the American portion of the party, and Joseph Gervais, a Canadian trapper, preëminent for general intelligence among his class, went along to show the way. The Hon. T. C. Shaw, nephew of Gilliam, was of the party (the youngest). He is at present (1887) county judge of Marion County, and recently went over part of the ground they then passed. From him it is learned that the trail did not then pass through the narrow gorge which has been spoken of, but took over the tops of the most broken and rugged portion of the range. The party proceeded until they came to what they termed the "scaly rock mountain," which Colonel Gilliam pronounced impassable for wagons. The party returned and reported accordingly, and from that date till late in 1873 that pass way was unused and to a great extent forgotten.

In October, 1873, two hunters in search of good game range penetrated up the north bank of the river through the gorge before mentioned, and found that about twelve miles from the then settlement on King's Prairie that the valley widened out and the mountains seemed lower; narrow belts of bottom land lay between the mountains and the river, and appeared to continue up to near the base of Mount Jefferson, which, in fact, they do. One of these hunters (Henry States) sent for John Minto, being unable, on account of a sprained ankle, to go to the latter, and told him of their findings. This rediscovery or new discovery revived recollections of statements made by Joseph Gervais and others, and Minto took sufficient interest in the subject to go before the board of county commissioners of Marion County and repeat the statements of the hunters, volunteering the suggestion that it was important if such a natural pass existed as was thus indicated the county had an interest in making the fact known. One of the commissioners, Hon. Wm. M. Case, had long lived near neighbor to the famous Hudson Bay Company's leader, Tom McKay, and had often heard him speak of that as the shortest and best way across the Cascades. A short consultation resulted in the "order" that Mr. Minto take two comrades and proceed up the valley of the North Santiam until he was satisfied whether it made such a natural cut into the range or not. After an absence of twelve days the party returned and Minto reported a deep valley apparently almost dividing the range, and so sheltered that several varieties of wild flowers were found in bloom on the eighteenth of November. Upon this representation a petition for the survey of a road was presented to the board of county commissioners early in 1874, and the viewing out and survey of such a road ordered, Porter Jack, Geo. S. Downing, and John Minto to act as viewers, and T. W. Davenport as surveyor. The survey was made and the viewers' report in favor of an excellent roadway was made to the county commissioners of Marion County, August, 1874. The results were got by following up the north bank of the Santiam River, generally within sight or sound of its waters, from the point where it enters the Willamette Valley to its most eastern springs. Starting from the bank of the Willamette River at Salem, where its course is east of north parallel with the Cascade range, the survey leads up its Santiam branch eighty-three (83) miles, to the true summit of the Cascades, here found in a narrow cut or pass lying across the summit ridge, the general course of the survey being southeast by east. From the summit thus found it is an estimated distance of only five (5) miles down to the Matoles branch of the Des Chutes River, here running east of north parallel with the range, the same course as that of the Willamette on the west side; but taking down the eastern declivity with an easy grade for a wagon road, the plain of the Des Chutes would be reached in about seven miles and the Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountains Road, where it skirts the base of Black Butte, three miles into the Des Chutes plain, in about ten miles. In making this view and survey an old and deeply worn trail was frequently crossed, and such a trail, less deep, was found leading over the pass eastward. The first observed trail gives some support to the Indian tradition of a former native thoroughfare down the valley.

The trail out of the pass is not so much worn, neither is the Strong trail leading off towards the west from a point about seven miles eastward, used by Lieutenant Fremont as he passed the locality in 1843. The trail so noted reaches first the immense springs of Matoles, where a full grown river rises from under the northeast base of Black Butte, into which the salmon ascend in July and August for spawning purposes, at that date and since making a valuable fishery for the Indians, and scarcely less valuable as fisheries where the numerous lakes to the westward, which, taken in connection with abundant game of the entire region, make it a hunter's paradise. At the date of Fremont's march, of which had Meek been informed in 1845, he would have almost certainly succeeded in getting the people he led into the Willamette Valley by that way easier than they reached The Dalles after he abandoned them.

After the viewing out and survey of the wagon road as before related, parties incorporated or filed articles of incorporation for a projected railroad through the pass to Winnemucca. It was a mere speculation on the part of persons who had neither money nor credit of any kind. It had the effect of weakening the public interest in having a common road constructed, so that after the lapse of the legal hold on the pass thus attained, there was little disposition to spend money on the opening of a common road which was liable to be destroyed at any time by a railroad interest. An association was formed, however, and a stock trail was opened at a cost of $1,800, in labor. As much more spent at that time would have enabled wagons to pass. For lack of this small sum the trail constructed did not attract the public use except in a small measure for horses. In 1880 Hon. John B. Waldo, while enjoying a summer recreation trip along the summit ridge, came to a point some seven or eight miles south of the point to which the survey had been made and over which a trail had been opened, which he felt confident was lower than it. He spoke of it to Mr. Minto, who, the next spring, had a small sum ($200) placed at his disposal by Marion County in order to remove obstructions which had fallen into the trail. After removing these obstructions that had fallen in during the previous four years, Mr. Minto had $111 of the money left which he asked permission of the board of commissioners to use in viewing out and surveying the most southern of the two main branches of the Upper North Santiam. The suggestion was made that this arm of the stream trended so far southward that it would probably be found to reach the summit by a greater meander and consequently afford a more gradual approach to this supposed lower point of the summit, and therefore be more favorable for railroad purposes. The order was made in accordance with the suggestion, and Capt. L. S. Scott, Geo. S. Downing, and John Minto were appointed viewers and T. W. Davenport surveyor. After some loss of time by efforts to locate a line of communication, Minto took one comrade and went eastward through the old pass, taking the altitude of it as he went and finding it, according to an ordinary barometer, such as is used by railroad surveyors, to be five thousand five hundred and thirty-six feet above the sea, and proceeding southward and then westward on the same day found the instrument to read at the point indicated by Judge Waldo, four thousand nine hundred and eleven feet above the sea. From this point a line was struck and surveyed, which by way of the southeast branch of the North Santiam, connects with the original survey by an easy grade for railroad purposes and of which the projectors of the Corvallis and Eastern railroad were immediately informed. An examination of the whole route from Gates to Summit via the last viewed section, was made by Colonel Eccleson, civil engineer, and Summit was reached by a fraction over a two per cent grade. Construction began at the Summit with the least possible delay and rails were hauled by wagon from Albany and laid in order to hold the pass. From the pass westward more than half of the right of way was cut and much of the grade made ready for the ties between this lowest pass and the junction with the original Marion County survey at what the party making it called Independence Valley, directly south of and as the bird flies about eight miles from the apex of Mount Jefferson. From Idanha, the terminal of railroad track laid, four miles east of Detroit, fully twelve miles of right of way and grade were constructed when work was suspended by the original railroad company. From Mill City eastward to the Summit, the company appropriated fully ninety per cent of the original surveys made at the cost of Marion County. This need not be objected to, but in addition to this these railroad promoters often exercised an assumed right to name points that will be of permanent interest which they did not discover. This seems hardly fair. From my point of view the Hon. John B. Waldo, who first observed the apparent lowness of the pass, and called my attention to it, is more entitled to have his name attached to it than Col. T. E. Hogg, whose name I understand was given to by J. I. Blair, the railroad magnate of New York, who was one of the chief supporters of Colonel Hogg's enterprise.

As a matter of some historical interest I will close this paper by inserting some of the original names given places and things by the first white explorers of the valley.

The stream named Breitenbush was named by Henry States, Frank Cooper, and John Minto on the first legal examination for the pass for John Breitenbush a hunter who had cut his way to it ahead of them. Detroit was named by the man from Michigan who first opened a house for entertainment there. Boulder Creek was named by T. W. Davenport on his survey notes in 1874. It makes in from the north at Idanha which was a Muskrat Camp of first surveying party, but renamed by the proprietor of the first summer resort house. Minto Mountain was named by some one unknown to the writer, after he had led to the opening of a trail to Black Butte, in Crook County, in 1879. It was the grass covered mountains seen by Minto from the top of a fir tree into which he pulled himself to get a view of their surroundings when first seeking the pass in November, 1873, and which grass land his associate, Frank Cooper, asserted was in eastern Oregon, to his, Cooper's, personal knowledge, though he would not risk climbing the tree to see it, being a very heavy man. This mountain will for all time be an attractive object to summer recreationists and the most easily reached from the center of the Willamette Valley when the railroad is extended twelve miles farther east. The first stream making in from the northeast of Boulder Creek was called, by the surveying party of 1874, the White, a first fork from Jefferson. In August the snow melts from the southwest slopes of Jefferson and runs through volcanic ash as fine as bolted flour and it enters the main Santiam like thickened milk, coloring it down to Mehama sometimes. Custom has adopted the name "Whitewater." In 1879 I gave the name Pamelia Creek to the next stream which flows off the south face of Mount Jefferson and the same name now attaches to the lake at its south base. The name was given for Pamelia Ann Berry, because of her cheerfulness as one of the girl cooks of the working party, of which her father and sister were valued members. Independence Valley was so named by the road viewing party in 1874. Our party rested there on the fourth of July. The first waterfall on the east branch was named Gatch's Falls for Prof. T. M. Gatch, by election of the party, the young members all having been his students. Marion Lake and Orla Falls at the head of it were named at the same time. The latter by the younger members of the company who had danced with Miss Orla Davenport, the oldest daughter of our surveyor. The most of the water of Marion Lake seems to come over these falls from the northern declivities, a rocky peak of many pinnacles, locally called "Three-fingered Jack," but to which the name of Mount Marion was given in the report of this survey. This peak rises from the summit ridge south of Mount Jefferson and north of Mount Washington about equal distance of seven miles from each and about fifteen miles from the most northern of the Three Sisters. There are inviting situations for delightful summer residences on or near the ridge, both north and south of Mount Marion, which will in the near future probably become sites of permanent homes. The climate, as indicated by plant life, is that of the Highlands of Scotland, as here the American congener of both purple and white heather is found on and near the summit ridge.

The writer, who was an active member of these first exploring, surveying, and road constructing parties, closes this with the statement that the rugged labor sometimes involved was the very best kind of summer recreation, where nature in all her varying phases was enjoyed and the sights of the day made themes of camp fire talks, intermingled with subjects connected with social, educational, business, and public interests. There was little difference in this respect between the camp fires of a party of professional men seeking rest and that of road makers constructing lines of development.

REMINISCENCES.

Secured by H. S. Lyman.

ANSON STERLING CONE.

Anson Sterling Cone, who came to Oregon in 1846, and is now—February, 1900,—living upon his donation claim a mile and a half from Butteville, on one portion of French Prairie, is a native of Indiana, having been born in Shelby County of that State in 1827. At the age of seventy-three he is still in good health, and of good memory. He is carrying on a large farm, and, together with his wife, is supporting the family of his brother's daughter, as his own. He is a man of medium size, of rather sandy complexion, with hair and beard now white. He is plain and straightforward in manner, and remembers distinctly many details of his early experiences in Oregon. Some of the most interesting features of his narrative are his meeting with Whitman; his service as juror on the trial of the Indian murderers of Whitman; and his trip overland to California in the first wagon train to the mines. His story, however, will be given as he relates it, and the reader may then use his own judgment as to the relative importance of his recollections.

With his father's family, who removed for a short residence from Shelby to La Porte County, Indiana, he went as a mere lad to Iowa. The farm occupied by his father was alongside one of the main roads, and there, year after year, he saw the emigrants in their great wagons on the way to Oregon. In the course of time he took the fever to go with them to that enchanted country. The opportunity was not long withheld.

In 1846 a well-to-do neighbor, Edward Trimble, made up a party, in which an older brother of Anson's, Aaron Cone, was to go. Obtaining permission of his father, Anson, then but a youth of eighteen, assisted in helping the train off, and drove with the party for some distance. When the time arrived for him to return home (his dejected appearance probably indicating his longing to go on with the emigrants) Trimble said to him: "Anson, I don't advise or ask you to go to Oregon; but if you are bound to, you may go with me." "I have no outfit," said the young man. "I have $1,000," answered Trimble; "and as long as that lasts you shall have your share of it."

Anson went. His patron, however, never reached Oregon. Trimble was one of the comparatively few who fell a victim to the treachery of the Indians. He was killed by the Pawnees, on the Platte River, near the big island. He had been selected captain of the company of forty-three wagons which was made up at Saint Joe, where the train crossed the Missouri, and took the route south of the Platte.

At a point opposite the big island, as then known, the cattle were stampeded by the Pawnees, and driven away, so that the train was left entirely without teams. Trimble started out to hunt the animals; but his wife, seeing that he had no arms, said to him, "Edward, you had better take your rifle." He answered, "I do not need it; I am only going to look for the trail." But reaching a knoll and finding the trail of the lost stock, which led to the river, he and a man named Harris rode on without stopping, until they discovered the cattle on the island. Going down to the river side, however, they were suddenly confronted by a party of armed Pawnees, who had secreted themselves under the steep bank. Harris then, in his excitement, left his horse, and Trimble delaying for him was shot by the Indians. His body was not recovered but arrows stained with blood were found, which had probably been shot through his body. These were preserved by Mrs. Trimble, and it is thought that they are still in possession of the family; a daughter of Trimble, having become Mrs. Pomeroy, of Pomeroy, Washington.

By the men of the train who saw the affair, Harris was rescued, and the most of the oxen, though in a sad state of demoralization, were recovered. A considerable number were never found, and on account of this seven wagons were compelled to return to Saint Joe, with just enough cattle to draw them. But the mischief was also played with the oxen that went forward. After one thorough stampede such animals are always unreliable. Mr. Cone remembers one serious stampede later, of the whole train on the road, which was started only by a jack rabbit driven by the dogs under a wagon. "It was a pretty hard sight," he says, "to see the wagon hauled off, with oxen on the run. But they had to stop at last; some fell down and were dragged along. Many an old ox lost his horns. There were horns flying then—let one catch his tip in the ground and it was gone!"

However, though under unusual strain from this unlucky incident with the rascally Pawnees, the plains and mountains were crossed at last. Fort Bridger, Fort Hall, and the Grande Ronde and Blue Mountains were passed in due order, and about the middle of October the wagons descended upon the Umatilla.

Here the two young men, Anson and his brother Aaron, thought it advisable to leave the train and push on to the Willamette. To accomplish this they went over to the Walla Walla, with the idea of working for Whitman long enough to pay for a pack horse. At Waiilatpu they found the doctor at home, and made known their intention. "Boys," replied the Old Man (A. S. C.), "you had better take Bob there, and all the provisions you need, and go at once. At the end of the season there will be those coming who will have to stay here anyhow, and I had better save the work for them. I will be down in the Willamette country next summer, and you can pay me then." The young men accordingly took "Bob," a trusty old white cayuse horse and a good pack animal, who had somehow lost his tail, all except a short stump, just sufficient to hold the crupper.

By this kindness and confidence of Whitman Mr. Cone was greatly impressed. "He was a good man," he says, "he had a heart like an ox!" According to his recollections Whitman was about six feet tall, straight as an Indian and of fine presence. His face was florid, his hair chestnut, and not noticeably gray. In manner he was quick "for a big man," and "always in for anything that had life"—sociable, and a good joker. The horse and provisions, taken from the doctor's door, amounted to about $25 worth; "and the next summer," says Mr. Cone, "when I heard that the Old Man was at Oregon City, didn't I rustle around to have the money ready for him!"

Young Cone arrived at Oregon City on November 6th, his nineteenth birthday. He began almost immediately to look about the country, and taking the road to Tualatin Plains, was surprised, but greatly pleased, to meet on the way—at the house of Mr. Masters, near the present town of Reedville—an old friend, whom he had known at the East. This was T. G. Naylor, long a well known resident of Forest Grove. By this hospitable friend Cone was invited to spend the winter on the farm on Gale's Creek, and actually spent two months, managing to find eight working days between showers, out of that time—which indicates that the climate, even then, was rainy. However the young immigrant had good health, enjoyed life, and grew fat. For his eight days of work he received an order for eight bushels of wheat, and being in great need of new clothes, went back to Oregon City, and obtaining work at rail splitting, he succeeded in mending his fortunes sufficiently to procure new garments. He also found work afterwards in the sawmills. "Many a day," he says, "I worked alongside the Kanakas." There was at that time a considerable number of these native Sandwich Islanders in Oregon. They were good workmen, says Mr. Cone, being especially useful in work about the water. They had their own quarters, which they kept themselves, and provided their own sustenance quite independently.

During the dry season of 1847 the two brothers having decided to return East across the Plains, made a long tour of the Willamette Valley, in order to tell all about Oregon, with which, however, they were not fully satisfied as a permanent home; but their preparations not being complete they were delayed until late in the next season.

It was in August of that year that the Cayuse Indian murderers were brought down from the upper country, and were tried and hanged at Oregon City [Mr. Cone was evidently confused in this part of his recollections as the Cayuse Indian murderers did not give themselves up until April 1850; and were tried later in that year.—Editor.] The Indians had the benefit of counsel, and the usual motions were made for acquittal. Among others was rejection of many jurymen, on the ground of prejudice. As it began to seem that no jury could be found, Cone, who was present as a spectator at the trial, whispered to a companion, "Come, let's go; they will be getting us on the jury!"

They quietly slipped out, therefore, and retiring to a big rock on the bluff, were engaged chatting. A young man soon approached, however, whom they took to be another like themselves, but they recognized that he was after them and a deputy sheriff, when he proceeded to summon them to the jury box. They were accordingly impaneled, with the necessary number, and listened to the evidence. The case was entirely clear, the prosecution simply presenting evidence to show that the accused were the Indians who had committed the crime.

As to the motive of the murder, or the causes back of it, Mr. Cone inclines to the opinion very prevalent at the time, that it was due to religious differences; "there was another church there, and this I know, that none of the other church were hurt." He mentions particularly Joe Stanbough, who was not injured, yet was a full-blood white man. This is mentioned here, and indeed is given very cautiously by Mr. Cone, not as any brand for present sectarian differences, but as a true reflection of opinion at the time. The precise justice of that opinion is not discussed here.

Very soon after the trial Cone was told by General Lovejoy, at Oregon City, of the discovery of gold in California. "If I were you," said Lovejoy, "I would go as soon as possible." By this advice Cone and his brother were led to get together three wagons and join the overland company. This was a most eventful journey and illustrates the capacity of the trained Oregon men.

According to Mr. Cone's recollections there were forty one wagons; though Peter Burnett says, in "An Old Pioneer," that there were fifty and one hundred and fifty men. There was but one family in the train, the name of which Mr. Cone has forgotten. In this he coincides with Burnett. Cone also recalls Thomas McKay very distinctly as the guide and virtual leader; who said that he could take them through to the Sacramento River without trouble; "and there is only one place that I am afraid of; that is going down the mountain into the Sacramento Valley. You may have to let your wagons down with ropes there."

Burnett, in his vivid sketch of this journey, says that he went to Doctor McLoughlin for advice, and was directed by him to employ McKay, as this intrepid son of the unfortunate Alexander McKay was acquainted with every foot of the way and was especially efficient in dealing with the Indians. But Mr. Cone recollects nothing of Burnett.

As to Indian troubles, Cone says that there was only one Indian killed. This was in the Umpqua Valley, and the deed was without provocation, and by an irresponsible young man, of the kind that hung on to almost every party. McKay read the young man a severe lesson, and complained to the company, endeavoring to show how reckless such actions were. The young man made the saucy reply that he must be still, or else there would be another Indian killed—alluding to McKay's Indian blood. However, there were no other natives disturbed, and the way was through the country of the Klamaths, the Modocs, and the Pitt River Indians. Burnett mentions meeting a very few natives near the end of the journey, but says there was no trouble whatever.

In the Pitt River Valley the Oregon wagon train came upon the track of the California immigrants, whom Peter Lawsen—or Lassen, as Burnett spells the name—was guiding to his great ranch on the Upper Sacramento. When at last overtaken they were found to be in great destitution, and so exasperated at Lassen, who had lost the way, and was wandering in the Sierra Nevadas, trying to find a practicable way down their stupendous western declivities, that he seemed in danger of his life. A practicable descent was found at last, however, and then began the race to see who would be first into the valley. This was near Lassen's Peak, which is so high as to be spotted with old snow, even to late autumn.

Here Mr. Cone describes "the maddest man he ever saw." This was the pioneer, Job McNemee, of Portland. With an extra good team and high determination of his own he had declared that he would be first in the valley. He was well on the way to success, having got and held the lead; but halfway down the mountain side, in his wild career, he ran his wheel against a protruding bowlder, by which the heavy wagon was upset, and there it lay, while the other wagons, nine in number, of that particular section of the train, went bouncing by. But at last, in spite of all accidents, men and animals reached Lassen's ranch, and were there treated with royal hospitality. The vaqueros were directed to slaughter beef, and the Oregon men, as well as the California party, were invited to the barbecue. The Oregonians, however, were not likely to wait long. It was now late in November, and though some went first up to Redding's ranch, all soon struck out for Coloma. Although not an active participant in the Indian troubles there, these are recalled by Mr. Cone. He remembers the murder of the party of Oregon men, recalling the circumstance, however, that the number killed was five, and that one of the six escaped. The Indians, as he remembers, were tracked to their camp on the river, and attacked and punished.

His memory was more deeply impressed, however, with the enormous price of provisions; as, for instance, going down one day to Sacramento, and seeing some nice little hams, he had a mind to purchase one. On asking the price he was told four dollars a pound. He concluded he did not want any. That was late in the season of '48 or early '49. Vast quantities of stores were shipped in soon, and prices fell. Misfortunes robbed Mr. Cone of the results of his adventure. His brother was taken sick and died. He was himself attacked by scurvy, and finally being unable to work longer, sought passage home on a sailing vessel, which crossed the Columbia bar late in the fall of '49, a very smoky season, and of long drouth, the vessel being becalmed for days together.

Mr. Cone remembers many amusing incidents of the mining life; one of which was the shooting of Weimer's pig by his partner—the animal being a nuisance around camp, yet of great value. One morning the partner of Cone said: "Load the gun and I'll shoot the —— sow." To run the bluff, Cone did so, and not to be backed off, the partner shot and killed. Then to hide their trespass the carcass was hidden in the brush; but upon returning at evening from their rockers the young men found that the ravens had taken care of the pork.

In 1850 Mr. Cone, having recovered his health, located a claim on French Prairie. His father arrived in Oregon in 1851. His brothers, Oscar and G. A., Jr., came in 1847. Three other brothers also became Oregonians, Oliver, Francis Marian, and Philander Johnson. All found claims near each other on French Prairie, or just across the river. Anson and Oscar are the only ones now living.

Of the old father, G. A. Cone, there are eighteen grandchildren and thirty-seven great-grandchildren.

Anson Cone was married in 1866 to Sarah A., the widow of his brother Oliver, whose maiden name was Wade, and who is herself a pioneer of '53.

MRS. REBEKA HOPKINS.

Mrs. Hopkins, the daughter of Mr. Peter D. Hall, who perished near Fort Walla Walla—Wallula—after escaping from the Whitman massacre, is now living on the farm held by her first husband, Philander J. Cone. Although past the age of fifty she is in good health, of prepossessing appearance, and of very active habits. Her cosy farm home, which is on the prairie, but at the edge of the grove, and shaded by some oak trees in the dooryard, is ornamented also with choice varieties of flowers, especially of roses, of which she has many rare kinds.

She was but five years of age when the massacre occurred; and by the terror of that event all previous recollections seem to have been completely obliterated. She does not remember anything of her father; but of the massacre itself, so far as her own observation went, she still has a vivid picture in her mind. She recalls the upstairs room where the women and children were huddled together after Whitman was struck down, and where Mrs. Whitman came after she was shot in the breast. Mrs. Whitman, she says, was standing, when wounded, at a window, and was washing the blood from her hands, as she had been dressing the wounds of her husband. Mrs. Hall was with her. It could not have been apprehended that further murders would be committed, and Mrs. Whitman must have been the equal object of the Indians superstitious rage, as she was the only woman killed.

Mrs. Hopkins remembers the appearance of the upstairs room, and that the Indians were kept back from coming up for a time by an old gun, which was probably not loaded, but was laid so as to point across the stairway. The savages would come to the stairway until within sight of this gun barrel, and then afraid, or pretending to be afraid, of its fire, would scamper back. Mr. Rogers was with the women and children.

As to the death of her father, who escaped and sought safety at old Fort Walla Walla, on the bank of the Columbia River, but was refused admission, Mrs. Hopkins believes he was killed near the fort. By Mr. Osborne, who with his family, finally reached the fort, the clothes of Hall were seen and recognized. It was said to him, when he exclaimed, "those are Hall's clothes," that Hall had been drowned in attempting to cross the Columbia.

Mrs. Hopkins considers the account of the massacre as given in the June number of the Native Son [1899], which was furnished by Mrs. O. N. Denny, as the most accurate that she has seen. Mrs. Denny, Mrs. Hopkins' older sister, who was about twelve years old at the time of the tragedy, has a comprehensive recollection of the whole affair.

MRS. ANNA TREMEWAN.

Mrs. Tremewan, now residing at Champoeg, has many most interesting recollections of her early life. Although now past middle age she is of magnificent physique, being about five feet eight inches tall, straight as an arrow and well proportioned, but at the same time of that peculiarly supple mold and movement that so distinguishes the French creoles. Her hair is still jet black, and long and wavy and very thick; her eyebrows heavy and black, and her features, though strong and marked, refined and very intelligent.

Her speech is remarkably clear, every word being distinctly pronounced, with rather an English or Scotch accent, and in a full rich voice of rather low key. During conversation her features light up noticeably, and though she speaks deliberately she has no hesitation, never pausing to think of a word or construction. She complains of her poor memory for dates, but possesses a large fund of family information, both of her own people and the Hudson Bay Company.

Her mother was a daughter of Etienne Lucier, of French Prairie; her father was Donald Manson, a trusted captain of the Hudson Bay Company, and her first husband was Isaac Ogden, a son of Peter Skeen Ogden, governor during the latter years of the Hudson Bay Company's occupation of Fort Vancouver. She is living now at Champoeg, in the old house built by her father, though now owned by herself with her husband.

Her brothers are men of education and ability; Donald Manson, Jr., being a resident of Portland; James Manson, living at Victoria; and William Manson, who was educated in Scotland, being principal of a school at New Westminister, B. C. Another brother, Stephen, no longer living, who was named by his mother or his grandfather Lucier, is described by those who knew him as a man of remarkably handsome appearance, and bright intellect. He was, as a boy, attending the school at Waiilatpu at the time of the Whitman massacre, and although uninjured was so shocked by the bloody occurrence that long afterwards he would start from sleep crying out "The Indians, the Indians!" There were two daughters besides Anna (Mrs. Tremewan), Isabella and Lizzie.

The following are some of the recollections taken hurriedly at a morning call of Mrs. Tremewan. In reply to a question about her father she said: "My father was in the employ of the Hudson Bay Company—you may have heard of it. We lived until I was fifteen in British Columbia; no, not at Victoria, but on the head waters of Frazer River, at Stuart's Lake—you might call that a little ocean. That was a long way from Victoria, though that was our point of supplies, and my father made a trip from there every year to carry out the furs—for that was what he dealt in. He went a part way by river, and a part way by horses. At Fort Langley he met the steamer from Victoria, and from that point the goods were brought up the river to our place.

"Yes, he used to leave us all alone at Stuart's Lake every year while he made the trip, and that would be from April to September. On one time I remember perfectly well he came back on the seventh of September. What makes me remember this was because it was then my sister Lizzie was born, and my mother was still in bed, and when the cry was made that the boats were coming, we were all so eager to have papa see the baby.

"Indeed, Stuart Lake was a beautiful place, the loveliest I have ever seen. The mountains were blue across it, they are so far away. When the wind blew the waves rolled up like a sea. The water is perfectly clear. When we used to walk along the shore, or swim in the lake, we could see to the bottom. It was full of fishes of all kinds; salmon and sturgeon and trouts. I have often told my husband that I wished I could see Stuart Lake again.

"But I was born in Alaska,—in the land where the gold is now; at Fort Stikeen. The cabin was so near the water that the waves rolled up against it. I have have often heard my mother tell about it.

"Yes, I remember the trip out from Stuart Lake perfectly. Our first stop was at Fort Alexandria; then we came on by boat to a place called Kamloops, where we waited a month while the horses were got together and trained for the rest of the journey. We came on to Fort Hope, and then by boat to Fort Langley. There we took the steamer Otter. There were two steamers then, the Otter and the Beaver; we had the Otter.

"I did not know what a Yankee was. I remember that when I was on the steamer they used to say to me 'So you are going to be a Yankee!' I did not like it a bit. We had more the English way of talking, and did not say 'I guess.' It was a long time before we could talk like the Yankees.

"When my father first came to Oregon he was pretty wealthy and bought this place. But he lost so much in the flood of '61 that he was nearly broken up. He never fully got over this—together with sickness and other things.

"When the Hudson Bay Company was at Fort Vancouver, and during the Whitman massacre, Ogden was governor at the fort. Well, his son was my first husband—his name was Isaac. Peter Skeen Ogden was a wealthy old man; he was from Montreal. He left considerable money to his children. He had four; Isaac, who lived at Champoeg, where we were married; William, who lives in Portland; Emma, who died at the age of thirty; and Mrs. Sarah Draper, of McMinnville, who has six children.

"My mother was a daughter of Stephen Lewis—I think that would be the English of it; but the French called it Lucier, Etienne Lucier. What makes me think it was 'Stephen,'—I have heard mother say she named my brother Stephen for his grandfather. My grandfather was a Frenchman from Canada, and my mother was the daughter of his first wife; I think she came from east of the Rocky Mountains."

Mrs. Tremewan was well acquainted with Archibald McKinley, who settled just across the river from Champoeg; and the family of Mr. Pambrun, one of whose daughters was Mrs. Dr. Barclay, of Oregon City; Mrs. William Pratt, another; and Mrs. Harriet Harger, of Chehalem Valley, another. Mrs. Harger has a family of six daughters.

LOUIS LABONTE'S RECOLLECTIONS OF MEN.

See Reminiscences of Louis Labonte, Vol. 1, p. 169.

Doctor McLoughlin: Big man, hair white as snow, face ruddy; fine man, but like a grizzly if he was mad; carried a cane, stood straight as an arrow; treated him very kindly; got him to school at Vancouver, took him by the hand, told him he would provide him books and pens; he went to school to Mr. Ball.

Douglass: Slim, but even taller than McLoughlin; his hands reached below his knees.

Peter Skeen Ogden: A tall, big man—big as McLoughlin; an American by birth.

Donald Manson: A large man; face ruddy; white hair.

Jason Lee: Very tall, powerful; not straight.

Doctor Barclay: Medium height, heavy set.

Pambrun: Medium size; his wife from the Red River.

Archibald McKinley: Lived across the river from Champoeg; big man; red face.

George T. Allen: A small looking man; he was nicknamed Twahalasky, Indian name for coon; and a small-sized Cascade Indian bearing that name traded names with Allen.

James Birnie: A powerful, heavy man; very fine looking; exceedingly hospitable.

Alexander Latty: A fine man; captain of steamer Beaver two years; he was also mate of the schooner Cadboro, built in England.

Captain Scarborough: Medium size, good looking; father of Edward Scarborough, of Cathlamet; had a Chinook wife; made frequent trips to England in command of Hudson Bay vessels, and introduced pigs and Shanghai chickens from China; also took pains to bring ornamental shrubbery, perhaps introduced the "Mission Rose."

Captain Brotchie: Another sea captain on Hudson Bay vessels; introduced from England the "Brotchie" potato, an early kidney variety.

Robert Newell: A very fine man; Labonte's captain when in the Indian war of '56, stationed at Vancouver.

Calvin Tibbetts: Came with Wyeth.

Alexander Duncan: Captain of the Dryad; came in the river when Labonte lived at Scappoose; particular friend of Birnie's.

Thomas McKay: About six feet tall; walked with a limp; never was scared; very keen eyes; shot "War Eagle" in Cayuse war.

COMMUNICATIONS.

EARLY SCHOOLS IN LANE COUNTY.

Latham, Oregon, February 6, 1902.

Mr. Geo. H. Himes, Assistant Secretary Oregon Historical Society, Portland, Oregon—

Dear Sir: Your letter of 3d received [asking for data on early schools in Lane County.] In response would say the first two schools I remember in our district were taught by Mr. James M. Parker and Mr. H. Clay Huston, in a log house on my claim in Lane County. The branches taught were A B C's, spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar, geography. I do not recollect which of these two gentlemen taught first. I taught many terms of three months each in various districts. In early days most districts were weak financially, and but few could afford more than one term in a year. Public money from school funds would not be quite enough to pay the bill, and rate bill would be made for balance and collected from patrons. The method of making rate bills would be to average and find price per day per scholar, and number of days' attendance per rate would be each scholar's fee. Sometimes a subscription school would be gotten [up] at so much per scholar for the term, the teacher taking the subscribers for pay.

The houses were either log, frame, or box, principally log, but as fast as district became able improvements were made. Some had huge fireplaces where red hot coals assisted the teacher's switch to keep the outer boy and girl warm while he stored away his A B C's or fed his mind on ab, ib, ob. Some were heated by stoves. Some would have long, narrow windows, one on each side of the house, and under them long desks fastened to the walls to write on, and long benches for the writers to sit on; others would be constructed with plenty of windows and reasonably comfortable seats and desks.

The books principally used were Sanders' and Webster's elementary spelling books, Sanders' first, second, third, and fourth readers. I think Montieth's geographies, Thompson's arithmetics, Smith's and Clark's grammars. Teachers set most of copies for writers, but some copy plates were used. Classes would be formed as much as possible. A-B-C scholars would have to be heard singly, and those just commencing to spell. Those in arithmetic would have to be attended to singly except in general exercises on blackboard. Four lessons a day in A B C's, spelling, first, second, and third readers; two in the fourth reader, besides closing spelling classes at noon and night. Often these would consist of two classes, one class containing the smaller, the other the larger scholars. One geography, one grammar, one blackboard exercise for each class—about fifteen or twenty minutes, set apart especially in fore and afternoon for writers, so teachers could give them close attention. Commencing with the A B C's first, after calling school to order, then the spellers, next first, second, third, and fourth readers; mingled with this would be the necessary assistance to the arithmeticians, geographers, grammarians. Classes having recited, then write geography, grammar,—and blackboard exercise heard, usually in the afternoon. Quiet could be better kept by requiring the scholars to ask permission to speak when they wanted to whisper, to leave their seats when wanting something in another part of the room, or to go out when they wanted to leave the room. Compositions would be better written, speeches committed to memory, and read and delivered at stated times; spelling schools in winter at night, and sometimes examination or exhibition on last day. Christmas times were apt to be jolly times. The scholars made it a point to get to the schoolhouse before the teacher and either bar him out or catch him before he got in, carry him to a pond of water, and make him treat. Teachers would sometimes board around among the scholars and sometimes board at one place. The easiest, best way to control the school was to make no rules only as needed; when irregularity occurred, correct as required, with the understanding that no such would be allowed the second time.

Patrons of the school furnished fuel, usually hauling wood, wagon lengths, about ten or twelve feet long. Teacher and larger scholars would chop it up for fires. Teacher or large scholars did the sweeping.

Respectfully. JOS. H. SHARP.

THE MONTURES ON FRENCH PRAIRIE.

In his history, H. S. Lyman speaks of "Montour, a character considered fabulous by Bancroft, but said to have made a settlement on French Prairie."

Referring to notes given me by Mr. L. H. Ponjade, one of the old residents on French Prairie, I found the following:

My father, the old French doctor, had studied at Montpelier, and after receiving his diploma as surgeon and physician, was immediately taken into the service of Napoleon, and served three years as surgeon on the army of France, mostly in Spain. He naturally did not wish to serve in the army again, so came to America, found his way to Oregon, and from force of associations, made his home on French Prairie.

Our first camp was at the ranch of old man Monture, that at that time looked like an old farm, as it was well improved. Peter Depot then owned the claim where Gervais is now situated, and I understood that he got it from Monture some time previous to that, but do not know the particulars.

Monture had two sons, named George and Robert. Whether they were both sons of the wife he then lived with I do not know, as morals were rather loose previous to arrival of the missionaries. There was a custom among ex-servants of the Hudson Bay Company to claim a wife wherever they might be among the Indians. After the arrival of Father Blanchet they were allowed to have but one wife.

I remember that George Monture was a very large man and very powerful; must have weighed 350 pounds. I have seen him lasso wild cattle and hold them to be branded without any cinch or other thing to hold the saddle on the horse. He did it by mere weight and bodily strength. He would do this for half a day together at a time.

Bob—as he was called—was not so large, but was stout and active. He was a fine shot with his rifle.

When I saw this mention of "Montour," I wrote to my old friend, L. H. Ponjade, to ask if his mention of Monture meant the same that Lyman thus referred to, and he confirms it as the same, and adds: "The old place where they lived was about one quarter of a mile west of Parkersville. Every man with any knowledge of old settlers knows of the Montures."

S. A. CLARKE.

DOCUMENTS.

Oregon Material Taken from a File of an Independence (Mo.) and Weston (Mo.) Paper for 1844 and 1845; Also Some Minor Extracts from Other Papers in That Vicinity.

During this time these towns were important outfitting points for Oregon pioneers. The Oregon fever was raging throughout the surrounding country, the frontier counties of Missouri. The newspapers, Democratic and Whig, in this vicinity appreciated the interest in the Oregon Country and in the movement of emigration thither. Their columns were open to reports of travelers returning from the Columbia. Letters sent back by pioneers in the Willamette Valley seemed to be in great demand. The documents printed below contain two noteworthy letters from persons who were in the great migration of 1843. Contemporary sources of the history of that epochal event are especially valuable.

[These extracts were made from the files of these papers in the possession of the Missouri Historical Society, Saint Louis, Mo.]

From the Independence Journal, September 12, 1844. (Vol. I, No. 1, G. R. Gibson, editor.)

"Civis," in a communication, dwells upon the importance of the Independence trade in outfitting Santa Fé traders. One hundred and fifty thousand dollars are annually expended at Independence for this purpose. There are good reasons for believing that in a few years it will quadruple that amount. Concerning the outfitting of the Oregon pioneers, he says:

"The Oregon emigrants will, no doubt, continue to rendezvous near this place, and will number annually 1,500 persons, the outfit for which number will cost $50,000, and all of which our citizens may furnish."

Mountain trade, now of inconsiderable importance, will be worth $10,000 per annum. "Civis" is urging the establishment of a turnpike to the Missouri River.

From the Independence Journal, September 12, 1844.

OREGON TERRITORY.

Last Saturday's Expositor contains a long letter from Peter H. Burnett, dated Linnton, Oregon, July 25, 1844, which we shall publish in our next; not having received it in time for this week's paper.

From the Independence Journal, September 12, 1844.

OREGON EMIGRANTS.

We have news from the Oregon emigrants up to the 3d of August, at which time they left Fort Laramie. They expected to reach their destination about the beginning of October. They were deficient in breadstuffs and could not procure any at the fort without money. They expected to obtain a supply at Buffalo, five or six days' journey from the fort. Some fears were entertained that the Sioux Indians would steal their stock, and otherwise give them trouble. Altogether they appear to have got along very well, considering the unusual weather they experienced between this and the Big Platte.

The Independence Journal of September 19, 1844, gives Peter H. Burnett's letter, written from Linnton, Oregon, July 25, 1844. [This letter was printed in the June Quarterly, 1903, pages 181-184 of this volume. It was taken from the Ohio Statesman, which quoted it from the Washington Globe.]

In the Independence Journal, September 19, 1844, under the caption of "Independence: Its Trade and Prospects," the high state of prosperity of the town is spoken of. Wagon makers are employed to build seventy-five wagons for the Santa Fé traders by next spring, in place of only fifty made the present year. Santa Fé road within the State must be improved. United States Government should give it a port of entry, and the State legislature should locate a branch of State Bank there to accommodate Santa Fé traders and commerce of western part of State.

From the Independence Journal, October 24, 1844.

Mr. Gilpin, of this place, who went out to Oregon about eighteen months since, arrived on Tuesday last with several other persons. They left Bent's Fort on the 22d of September. All was quiet and well at the fort, but there was a difficulty between the Santa Féans and Eutaw Indians. The Spaniards had killed some Eutaws; and the head chief and five other principal chiefs went to Santa Fé to receive compensation. The Governor gave them what he could, or what he thought was enough, and, refusing to give more, the head chief, in a passion, pulled his beard, when he seized his sword and killed him and another, and the guards, being called, fell upon the other four and killed them. The Indians who accompanied them immediately left, and killed, on their retreat, several Spaniards who were going from Taos to Santa Fé. Altogether they had killed ten or twelve Spaniards. A war between the Indians and Santa Féans, of course, was expected. Some Spaniards, who were out on a buffalo hunt, met Colonel Owens' company at the Cimmaron, and dispatched immediately an express to Santa Fé. They made up a company at Santa Fé, on receipt of the intelligence, among whom were Messrs. Chavis, Armigo, and Percas, to escort him to Santa Fé; and brought out fresh mules, and everything they would probably need. Colonel Owens accompanied them to Santa Fé, where a ball was to be given him. They met Charles Bent, Mr. Alvarez (our consul at Santa Fé), and Mr. Ferguson, at Choteau's [Chouteau's] Island, about three days' travel this side of Bent's Fort. Mr. St. Vrais [Vrain?] was this side of Corn Creek with waggons, going on well. Doctor Connolly, with Lucas, was between Ash Creek and Pawnee Fork, twenty-five miles ahead of Mr. Speyers' company, which was near Walnut Creek. Mr. Speyers' mules were poor and much worn out; they had left several on the road, beside ten or fifteen lost shortly after they left Independence. All the teams of Messrs. Bent and Connolly were in good order, and they were getting along well.

We are indebted to a Spaniard, who accompanied Mr. Gilpin, for the foregoing. We have not heard anything of particular importance from Oregon. Mr. Gilpin brought a large number of letters, but we have not, as yet, been favored with the perusal of any. The emigrants, we understand, were generally getting along well.

The Independence Journal, October 31, 1844, under the heading "Oregon and Colonel Polk," gives an extract of a speech delivered by Colonel Polk in Congress on a bill for extending jurisdiction of the laws of the United States over all the people of Oregon Territory, and directing officers of the Government to take possession of the mouth of Columbia River, and establish a fort there. This, it says, will show whether he (Polk) is for immediate occupation of it or not; and that his opinions coincide with Mr. Clay's upon this subject. Gives an extract of Polk's speech to substantiate its claim that Polk was no more radical than Clay on this Oregon question. (Independence Journal was supporting candidacy of Clay.)

Weston Journal, January 4, 1845 (Vol. 1, No. 1), Geo. R. Gibson, editor (the same who edited Independence Journal in 1844), in leader: "To the Patrons of the Journal," he refers to recent political campaign, and says, among other things:

We shall advocate the annexation of Texas, but we wish to do it without dishonor and by common consent. We shall advocate the occupation of the Oregon Territory, and the erection of a chain of posts from Missouri to the mountains; to protect and extend facilities to companies, etc. Proposes to open correspondence as soon as possible with mountain traders and the settlers in Oregon.

The Weston Journal prospectus contained regularly this paragraph:

From the great intercourse between this place and the mountains, the editor will pay special attention to the news from that quarter, the Oregon Territory, and the whole Indian country. The Oregon Territory, attracting at the present time the public attention, the patrons of the Journal may expect to find in its columns everything of interest which may be gathered either from public or private resources, relative to a country of such vast extent, varied scenery, and diversified soil and climate.

From the Weston Journal, January 4, 1845.

LETTER FROM THE SANDWICH ISLANDS, OREGON, CALIFORNIA, EMIGRATION, ETC.

We publish the subjoined letter, received by one of our citizens a few days since, from a gentleman who accompanied the Oregon emigration last year [1843]. We give it entire, that our readers may have all the information that can be gathered from this section of the country. It is not so favorable, in some respects, of the Oregon Territory, as the accounts of others, but it is by no means disparaging. Mr. Gilpin thinks that corn can be raised to advantage, and says that the reason why they have none, is—because they plant none. It is undoubtedly a fine country for all the small grains and is unsurpassed as a grazing country. The emigrants who went out the past season have made a great change in business, and money now circulates on the Columbia as well on this side of the mountains, and everything begins to assume the appearance of civilization, business, trade, and the refinements this side the mountains. We see that Mr. Cushing, our minister to China, has returned by way of the city of Mexico; and here we have a letter from one of our enterprising citizens from the halfway house—the Sandwich Islands.

We have been in the habit of looking to Europe for Asiatic news; let our government establish a chain of posts from this to Oregon, an overland mail will speedily follow, and the China and East India trade will pour into our channels of commerce from the gorges of the Rocky Mountains: and a journey from New York to China, by way of Oregon, will be less thought of than it formerly was to Saint Louis. The Government should consider that a little enterprise will place the East India trade at our door; and the sooner the better. We hope Congress, this winter, will take active measures to bring about such a state of things. What is a few thousand dollars compared with the object to be acquired?

Lahiana, Maui, Sandwich Islands, July 17, 1844.

J. Wells, Esq.—

Dear Sir: In a few days the first ship that has left this place for the States, since my arrival here, will sail, and I take this opportunity to tell you something of my journey and Oregon, etc., though probably you have heard all the news long before you get this. I should have written you ere this, had an opportunity offered. But to tell you of the trip: I left the Shawnee mission on the 29th of May; our route was through the Caw Indian country, which is good, has considerable timber, and is well watered. It is a bad country for wagons to travel through, having so many sloughs and bad creeks; the teams were often stalled, and made very slow progress. We had three rivers and creeks to cross before we reached the Platte River. The Platte River has good grass—plenty of it—but is destitute of timber; here we saw the first buffalo—they were poor and tough. We saw a few of the Pawnee Indians. They are fine looking fellows, and no doubt, live well on buffalo meat; they are quite treacherous. We reached the crossing of Platte on the twenty-sixth day of July, a little more than one month out. The traveling up the Platte is very good, level, and hard. We struck from this to the north fork of the Platte, one day's travel. On the 13th of July we arrived at the crossing of Laramie's Fork, at the fort of the American Fur Company; before arriving here we saw many splendid sights; also many of the dog towns that you have heard of. I saw quantities of the dogs; they are small, round animals, the size of a cat. Certain it is that there are owls that visit them, also rattlesnakes, but for what reason is a matter of dispute. After we left Laramie we came to the Black Hills, the worst of all traveling,—hilly, sandy, and full of wild sage—'tis death on a wagon. The country is all of this barren, sandy kind, until we reach Fort Hall and destitute of timber. Arrived at Fort Hall the 13th of September, after experiencing some cold rains, snow, hail, etc. At Fort Hall we could get no provisions, and were obliged to go down the river (Snake), and depend on getting fish to subsist on; this was the reason of my going to Oregon instead of California. The country down Snake River is hilly, rocky, sandy, no timber, but an abundance of sage, until we get to the Blue Mountains; here is plenty of pine, the country very broken, and bad traveling, though the wagons went through. After getting through the Blue Mountains we came to a splendid country of grass, where there were thousands of Indian horses grazing. About twenty miles from this, we come to the Walla Walla Valley. There is a missionary establishment here. They raise grain and vegetables, but no timber, except for firewood. About twenty miles from this we came to the Columbia River. Many of the emigrants sold their cattle here, and went down the river by water, as they could not cross the Cascade mountains with their wagons, though they could go down one hundred miles farther and then take water, as many did. The country on the Columbia is only fit for grazing, being good grass, but sandy soil. On the 3d of November arrived at Fort Vancouver, just as the rainy season had commenced; and it was very disagreeable and rained most of the time I was there. I then went to the Willamette Falls; quite a town here—forty houses, four stores, two sawmills, one flour mill, and another to be erected soon. This country is not capable of half as large a settlement as people represent; there is much timber, and it can not be cleared in many years, so as to be capable of great production; and what prairie there is will not produce as much as your land; but the wheat is better. Neither do many think the soil will last long, but that it is rather shallow; and there is much fever and ague. Besides, the winters are so wet 'tis impossible to do much out of doors. It has the advantage that grain (wheat) is worth eighty cents per bushel, and cattle will winter themselves. Take it all in all, 'tis nothing like your country.

After my arrival there, finding that I could not get to California until spring, I concluded to take a vessel for the Sandwich Islands, and then go from here to California, so I concluded to stay. It [this] is a fine climate—a perpetual summer, and little rain. The natives require but little clothing, and, in fact, some of them do not wear any.

I hardly know what to write about Oregon, or what you would like to know; though if I was where you are, and should see some one from Oregon, I could ask him a hundred questions, as you could me. The report of Wilkes that you had is very correct. There are thousands of salmon here [Oregon]—some wild game, plenty of ducks, geese, and swans, and some good wet places to raise more of them—as there must be some wet places, being so much rain in the winter, and no snow.

There is scarcely any corn raised—it will not do well. I saw a little, but it was poor. Most other kinds of grains do well. There is no money in Oregon; although most of those who have been farming a few years have made property, as grain is high and cattle take care of themselves, and sell high. Oxen are worth $75 to $125 per yoke; beef, six cents per pound. Many of the people who went to California have left it and gone to Oregon. I saw many of them while there, and they gave as one of the reasons of leaving—trouble with the Spaniards.

Truly yours, JOHN BOARDMAN.

From the Weston Journal, January 11, 1845.

THE OREGON.

The editor of the New York Commercial has read letters from the Oregon Territory, brought overland and mailed at the extreme western frontier of the United States. They are as late as June 17th, from the Methodist missionary station at Willamette. The Rev. Mr. Gary, who was sent out by that missionary society, had arrived at Willamette via the Sandwich Islands, himself and wife in good health. Mr. Gary had been but a short time in Oregon when an opportunity offered of sending a communication to the Board of Missions by a small party who were about to return to the United States. He had, however, seen all the mission family, except Rev. Mr. Perkins, who was at a distant post. The missionaries and their families were in good health at the date above mentioned. No event of special interest regarding the mission had taken place since last previous advices. Mr. Gary concurs, with several missionaries who have returned from that far country, in the opinion that the natives are a degraded race of beings, and that there is little prospect of doing them permanent good by any ministerial labor which may be expended among them.

From the Weston Journal, January 18, 1845.

OREGON AND CALIFORNIA.

A gentleman well qualified for the task has prepared a pamphlet, called a guide to Oregon and California, which will probably be published during the present winter. The readers of the New Era will recollect several well written communications on that subject published during the past year, which emanated from the same pen. The writer has lived in Oregon and California, has traveled different routes to and from those regions, and is well qualified to give full and satisfactory information to emigrants and other persons. Success to his efforts.—New Era.

From the Weston Journal, January 25, 1845.

OREGON.

(Editorial.)

Congress may provide for the occupation of it—for the formation of a territorial government—they may establish posts and a military road across the mountains, and encourage emigration in every possible manner, and the whole will not contribute so much towards its settlement as the negotiations of a treaty with China, opening to us a market for our products in that country. If the one now before Congress has done so, Great Britain may set her claim to the Columbia—it will be a claim for but a short time. Our shipping, farmers, merchants, and tradesmen will soon find a road to a country possessing the advantages the west side of the American continent would possess, in that event, and but a short time would elapse before China would be supplied by American skill and industry, from the mouth of the Columbia, with all she would admit.

The Weston Journal, March 1, 1845, under heading, "Oregon Territory," speaks of a bill introduced into the Senate proposing that Oregon include: All the territory lying west of the Missouri River south of the forty-ninth degree of north latitude and east of the Rocky Mountains, and north of the boundary line between the United States and Texas, not included within the limits of any State, and also over the territory comprising the Rocky Mountains, and country between them and the Pacific Ocean south of fifty-fourth degree and forty-nine minutes of north latitude, and north of the forty-second degree of north latitude, etc. [!!!]

From the Weston Journal, March 1, 1845.

RAILROAD TO OREGON.

The Philadelphia Ledger's Washington correspondent says that Mr. Whitney, of New York, contemplates the construction of a railroad from the western shore of Lake Michigan, in a direct line through to the Columbia River, covering the distance of some 2,100 miles, which shall be the point of debarkation to China.

The cost of the road, when completed, is estimated at fifty millions of dollars, and twenty-five years would be required to perfect the scheme. Eight days would be about the traveling time from New York City to the terminus of the road, and if [steamship?] facilities were employed, some twenty-five more would convey one to Amoy, in China, so that by this short cut, a journey across the globe might be accomplished within the narrow limit of a single month.

By the establishment of this means of communication, we should be enabled to command the Chinese market, and to extend our commerce with South America, Mexico, India, and other parts.

And, in addition to the vast results that would necessarily ensue from this work by the force of circumstances, we should secure the transportation of the English trade on account of the great shortening of time.

All the coöperation and assistance that Mr. Whitney asks the government is a grant of sixty miles wide of the public land, from one terminus of the contemplated road to the other, for which a full consideration would be given in carrying the mails, and transporting ammunition stores, soldiers, and all public matters free of cost.

From the Weston Journal, March 15, 1845.

OREGON EMIGRANTS.

Preparations are making on the whole frontier, by the Oregon emigrants, to leave at an early day. One company goes from Savannah, another from some point between that and this, and the company from this county, we understand, will leave at Fort Leavenworth, or its neighborhood. One of the emigrants who goes with the Savannah company informs us that not less than one hundred families will leave at Elizabethtown, and thirty families from the other points. The number from this county we do not know. * * * A committee has submitted some rules and regulations for the intending emigrants. They have not yet had a meeting to adopt them, but they no doubt will do so. They go about it in the right way, and the rules and regulations are such as to secure order and method. They expect to leave about the first of April, if the grass is sufficient, or as soon thereafter as it is.

REPORT Of the committee appointed to draft a constitution for "Savannah Oregon Emigrating Company."

Whereas, in order the better to prepare the way for and to accomplish our journey to Oregon with greater harmony, it was deemed advisable to adopt certain rules and regulations; and whereas the undersigned, having been appointed a committee to draft and prepare said rules and regulations, and having given the subject that attention which its importance demands, beg leave respectfully to report the following as the result of their deliberations, viz:

§ 1. This association shall be known by the style and name of the "Savannah Oregon Emigrating Company."

§ 2. Any person over the age of sixteen may become a member of this company by subscribing to this constitution and paying into the treasury the initiation fee of one dollar.

§ 3. No person under the age of twenty-one years can become a member without the consent of their legal guardian.

§ 4. No person shall be admitted whose intention is obviously apparent to avoid payment of his debts.

§ 5. A majority of the members shall have power to expel any member for good cause.

§ 6. The officers of this company shall consist of a president, commandant captain, lieutenant, secretary, treasurer, and executive council of thirteen, the commandant being one thereof, and such other inferior military officers as the executive council shall determine.

§ 7. The president shall be elected on the adoption of this constitution, and shall continue in office until the commandant captain shall be elected, when his functions as presiding officer shall cease.

§ 8. The secretary shall be elected on the adoption of this constitution, and shall continue in office until the completion of the objects of this company; and he shall keep a record of the transactions of the company, and perform such other duties as usually pertain to his office.

§ 9. The treasurer (ditto as to election) shall collect and safely keep, and at the direction of the commandant shall disburse all moneys belonging to the company.

§ 10. The commandant captain, lieutenant, and such other military officers as the council shall determine, shall be elected when the company shall assemble at rendezvous preparatory to a final start; and they shall hold office until the completion of their journey, and shall perform such duties as usually appertain to military officers of their respective grades.

§ 11. The executive council, to consist of twelve men, beside the commandant, shall be elected when assembled at the rendezvous, and shall have general superintendence of the affairs of the company, and perform such other duties as may be assigned to them.

§ 12. The company shall elect, at least one month before the rendezvous, three inspectors (not members of the company), whose duty it shall be, after taking oath, to perform all duty faithfully, to inspect the wagons, teams, cattle, and provisions, and report to the executive council, who shall determine upon their report as regards the outfit of all members of the company; said inspectors to be paid a sum not exceeding one dollar for every day actually engaged in such services.

§ 13. The funds of the company shall be faithfully applied for contingent expenses in furthering the objects of the association.

§ 14. The necessary outfit shall consist of 150 pounds of flour, or 200 pounds of meal, and 60 pounds of bacon for every person (excepting infants) in the company.

§ 15. The wagons shall be expected to be able to carry double the amount of their loads, and the teams to be able to draw double the amount the wagons are capable of bearing.

§ 16. All cattle, excepting teams in use, shall be considered as common stock; an inventory of age, brand, kind, and number, shall be handed in by the contributor to the secretary, and at the termination of the journey the company shall account to each contributor for the amount inventoried.

§ 17. The number of cattle thus inventoried and put in shall never exceed fifty to one driver.

§ 18. No ardent spirits to be taken or drank on the route, except for medicinal purposes, and if smuggled in shall, when discovered, be destroyed under the control of the commandant.

§ 19. Every person over the age of sixteen shall furnish himself with a good and sufficient rifle, —— pounds of powder, and —— pounds of lead, to be inspected by the inspector, and reported on as in other cases.

§ 20. All members of this association shall assemble at ——, and on the —— day of ——, 1845, and organize for the final trip.

§ 21. * * * This constitution may be altered or amended at any time by a vote of two thirds of the members present at any regular meeting of the company, or at any special meeting called by the commandant.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

James Officer, Wm. Deakins, B. M. Atherton, C. F. Hally, Committee.

January 4, 1845.

From Western Journal, March 15, 1845.

LETTER FROM OREGON.

The following extracts from a letter written by one of the emigrants of 1843, will be particularly interesting at this time, and should be carefully read by those going out this spring. It will be particularly useful to emigrants who leave from this part of the country:

Fort Vancouver, November 11, 1843.

Dear Sir: We were six months to-day, from the time we left home, in getting to this place, though we might have arrived one month sooner had we not unnecessarily wasted time on the way. To give you a full description of our travels would occupy more time than I have to spare. I will, however, give you and my friends a short sketch. We left Westport on the 27th of May, and crossed the Kansas River near the old village: thence up the north side of the Kansas, where we had a great deal of rain and stormy weather to encounter which made it very disagreeable traveling. We then crossed over [to] the Platte, about eighty miles above the Pawnee village; thence up the Platte about fifty miles above the forks, where we crossed the South Fork. We then struck over on to the North Fork and traveled up it until we came to Fort Laramie. We then crossed Laramie's Fork of Platte, which we found very difficult to pass. We still kept up the North Fork to within forty miles of the Rocky Mountains, where we crossed it. We came to a small stream, called Sweetwater, one of the streams of the northern branch of Platte; we traveled up this until we passed through the Rocky Mountains, which we found to be as good as any part of our road. We then came to the waters of Green River, which is one of the branches of the Colorado—then to Fort Bridges [Bridger], which is on the waters of Green River; from there we next struck Bear River, which empties into the Great Salt Lake. We traveled several days down this river, then crossed over on to the Snake River, and arrived at Fort Hall on the 25th day of August. Here I found some of the best beef I ever saw. From here we traveled down Snake or Lewis River, crossing and recrossing the same to Fort Bosie [Boisé]; thence to Fort Walla Walla, crossing the Blue Mountains in our route. We passed them much easier than I expected.

At Walla Walla myself and Reeves, and many others of the emigrants, exchanged cattle [for cattle] at Vancouver. We got age for age and sex for sex. Here we found it advisable to take [to the] water and travel down the great Columbia, which we did with some difficulty. Those who did not exchange their stock went to the Methodist mission at the foot of the Cascade Mountains. Here they carried their wagons by water and drove their stock through by land. A large portion of the emigrants have arrived, and the remainder will be here in a few days. Those who have been to the Willamette Valley say it is a rich and beautiful country, but to what extent they know not, as they have not had sufficient time to examine it. I find any quantity of provisions can be had here. Doctor McLoughlin, of Vancouver, has rendered great assistance to the emigrants in loaning them his boats and furnishing them with provisions to take back to the companies that are yet behind—at the same time refusing any compensation for either. We have found the Hudson Bay Company at all the forts very accommodating. The road from Independence to Fort Hall is as good a road as I would wish to travel,—from Fort Hall there is some bad road and some good. The reason why we did not try to take our wagons across the Cascade Mountains was that the season had so far advanced it was thought to be a dangerous undertaking through so much snow and cold weather. We will prepare a road across these mountains next summer, so that the next emigration can bring their wagons through without any difficulty. Some of us will meet the next emigration at Fort Hall.

I will now give you a description of the necessary outfit each person should have to come to this terrestrial paradise. Your wagons should be light, yet substantial and strong, and a plenty of good oxen. Though I wrote while on the Sweetwater that mule teams were preferable, but after seeing them thoroughly tried I have become convinced that oxen are more preferable—they are the least trouble and stand traveling much the best—are worth a great deal more when here. Load your wagons light and put one third more team to them than is necessary to pull the load. Bring nothing with you except provisions and a plenty of clothes to do you one year from the time you leave. They can all be had on as good terms here as in Missouri, and even better; bring but few bedclothes, for they will be worn out when they arrive here—they can be had here on good terms. Your oxen will not require shoeing. Bring a plenty of loose cattle, cows and heifers particularly, as they are but little trouble and are worth a great deal. Bring mules to drive your loose stock. Bring a few good American mares, but use them very tenderly or you will not get them here. American horses are worth considerable in this country. Horses can not get here except they are well used, and you should have two or three pairs of shoes and nails for them and your mules. You should bring 200 pounds of flour, 100 pounds of bacon, for every member of the family that can eat, besides other provisions. Make no calculation on getting buffalo or other wild meat, for you are only wasting time and killing horses and mules to get it. Have your wagon beds made in such a manner that they can be used for boats; you will find them of great service in crossing streams—have your wagons well covered, so that they will not leak, or your provisions and clothes will spoil. Have your tents made water tight; start as early as possible; let your teams and stock all be in good order. Start as soon as your stock can get grass enough to travel on, for the grass will be getting better every day until you arrive at Fort Hall; after that you will find the grass bad in places until you get to the Blue Mountains. You will find plenty of grass from there to the Willamette Valley. Our cattle are in better order than they were one month ago. Large flintlock guns are good to traffic with the Snake Indians. Bring a plenty of cheap cotton shirts to trade to the Indians on this side of the mountains. You might start with calves and kill them on the way, before they get poor, for fresh eating. You will find some beans, rice, and dried fruit of great use on the road. You should travel in companies of forty wagons, and continue together the whole route. You will find some ship biscuit to be of great use at times when you can not find fuel sufficient to cook with.

Be sure and bring nothing except what will be of material use to you on your journey, for, depend upon it, if you overload you will lose your team, wagon, and goods. You will find good stout young cows to answer in place of oxen, in case you should not have sufficient; let them be about middle size; let them be good, sound oxen, that have never been injured. I am satisfied from the products of the country that a man can live easier here than he can in any part of the United States. If he raises any produce he is sure of getting a good price for it in anything he may call for, money excepted. There is very little money in this country, though it is very little use when a man can get anything he wants without it. The merchants here will sell their goods cheaper for produce or labor than they will for cash, because they make a profit on the commodities they purchase, while there is no profit on cash. In fact, business is done here altogether by exchanging commodities. We can purchase anything of the Hudson Bay Company cheaper by promising wheat next year than we can for cash in hand. Cows are worth (that is, American,) from $30 to $50; American horses from $60 to $100; oxen $60 to $80; wheat $1 per bushel; oats, 40 cents; potatoes, 40 cents; peas the same; beef, 6 cents; pork, 10 cents; butter, 20 cents; common labor, $1.50; mechanics, $2 to $3.