← Table of contents
The Origin of Tyranny

Appendix A (to p. 37). The supposed Agricultural and Northern Diakria.

Reading edition

Appendix A (to p. 37). The supposed Agricultural and Northern Diakria.

(A) The farming population took little part in politics,

The agricultural or pastoral explanation of the party that supported Peisistratus has no inherent probability[1485]. Of course if it was specifically stated on good authority that in his days people of either of these two classes played the decisive part in politics, objections would be silenced. But the ancient evidence points all the other way. Aristotle repeatedly states that of all people farmers and herdsmen are least prone to support revolutions[1486], and definitely pictures these two classes as having played an entirely passive part both under the regime of the early tyrants and during its establishment[1487]. When on the throne Peisistratus gave financial help to impoverished farmers[1488], a fact that is brought by Grundy[1489] into connexion with his supposed agricultural Diakrioi. But in doing so Grundy disregards some of the words that he himself quotes, which show that the tyrant is dealing not with his supporters but with a body of men who were not interested in politics but threatened to become so if driven off the land. Geographically there is nothing to connect with the Diakria the men whom Peisistratus thus relieved. In his earlier days the most distressed and discontented part of the agricultural population were the pelatai and hektemoroi[1490] who worked the lands of the rich[1491] and therefore presumably lived in the Plain.

According to the Constitution of Athens the hill men were made up largely of people not of pure race, whose claim to citizenship was more than doubtful[1492]. Such a description is singularly inapplicable to the people on the land in Attica, where in the fifth 308century they still prided themselves on having an undisturbed autochthonous population. Plutarch speaks of the hill men as a “mob of hirelings[1493].” In the days just after Solon shepherds and small farmers of the hektemor class may have been hirelings, but they can hardly have ever been a mob.

There is therefore little to be said for the attempt to identify the hill men with the shepherds and hypothetical farmers of Mount Parnes. We cannot even be certain that the latter ever existed.

The soil of Attica was notoriously poor, abounding in stony districts (φελλεῖς) useful only for pasture[1494]. Attica claimed to be the land not of corn but of the olive. Demeter had her seat not in the great plain of Attica, but in the small and much more fertile plain of Eleusis.

and lived but little on the mountains,

None of the champions of an agricultural hill party dwelling on Mount Parnes seems to have seriously enquired into the upper limit of cultivation with wheat on the mountains of Attica. The only ancient writers who talk of agriculture being carried on there are the writer of the Aristotelian Constitution of Athens and Statius.

The former[1495] tells the story of the man with the farm on Hymettus (τὸν ἐν τῷ Ὑμηττῷ γεωργοῦντα). The story says nothing about the frequency of farms on Hymettus or of the height up the hillside 309of this particular farm. But it does say something about the soil and the crops. The soil consisted of stones, the crops, so the farmer told Peisistratus, were “troubles and sorrows.” This hardly suggests that in the days of the tyranny Hymettus was of any great importance agriculturally. The same conclusion is suggested by the story of the clever Pelasgians who succeeded in cultivating the land at the foot of Hymettus, much to the surprise of the Athenians[1496].

Statius[1497] speaks of the ploughmen of fragrant Hymettus (olentis arator Hymetti), and the vineyards of Parnes (Parnesque benignus uitibus). The former is almost a contradiction in terms. Fragrant is an allusion to the famous honey of Hymettus, or to the thyme that produced it[1498]. Thyme and honey do not go with cornfields. A “Parnes kindly to vines” is not easily reconciled with Pausanias, who makes the mountain a good hunting-place for bears and wild boars[1499]. Plato declares that in his days some of the Attic mountains were barren except for their yield of honey[1500], whereas once they had been covered with forests[1501], some of which had only recently been cut down. The fame of the honey of Hymettus went so far back, that the mountain was claimed as the place where bees were first created[1502]. Aristotle divides bees according to whether their haunts are cultivated (ἥμερα) or mountainous (ὀρεινά). The latter are described in the next sentence as haunting the forests (ὑλονόμοι)[1503].

which were occupied by forests and wild beasts.

At the present day the Attic mountains are scarcely cultivated at all[1504], and though in ancient Attica cultivation may have been more intense, yet apart from the difficulties of carrying it up the mountain side, the whole scheme of life presupposes vast supplies of timber for shipbuilding, fuel, and countless other purposes. Bursian is probably right when he says that in antiquity Parnes was “thickly covered with forest in which numerous beasts found shelter, including wild boars and bears[1505].” During the period of Athens’ greatness, between 310550 and 350 B.C., the supply of timber must have been constantly diminishing. Yet towards the end of the fifth century the charcoal-burners had their centre at Acharnae, below the southern slopes of Parnes, only about seven or eight miles from Athens. Thucydides excludes Acharnae from the plain[1506], and we must infer that it was not then the land of corn and vines that it is now. If not forest it was waste. If the land round Acharnae had not been claimed for farming, it is hardly likely that farmers abounded higher up[1507].

The same inference is suggested by a passage of Xenophon which implies that corn could not be grown in the mining district, which is distinctly hilly but does not reach anything like the height of Pentelicon, Hymettus, or Parnes, “and there is also land which when sown does not bear fruit, but being mined supports a population many times larger than it would if it was producing corn: and its argentiferous character is plainly due to Providence,” etc.[1508].

Then again frequent mention is made in ancient Attic documents of “boundary estates” and these are explained by the scholiast to Aeschines as “lands on the border of the country, extending either to the mountains or the sea[1509].” Such a definition implies that the mountains were almost as unused to cultivation as the sea itself. 311In Italy too the limit of cultivation of wheat seems to have been low. Latin writers repeatedly contrast the forest-clad mountains with the arable lowlands, and in some cases the mountains that these writers have in mind are considerably lower than the heights of Parnes[1510].

(B) The case for a North-east “Hill Country” rests on misreadings or misinterpretations of ancient authorities.

Enough has been said to show how little reason there is for picturing the mountains of North and East Attica in the days of Peisistratus as the home of a large and active agricultural population. It remains for us to examine the evidence for thinking that this district was known as the “Hill Country.” We shall find that if possible it is flimsier still. The supporters of the prevailing view base their case mainly on the definition of the Diakria found in the printed editions of Hesychius. This definition is the main source of all existing misconceptions. It is necessary therefore to examine it. The words of Hesychius as generally quoted are these. “Diakrieis: not only certain of the Euboeans but also of the Athenians: also a place (τόπος) in Attica: the Diakria is the land from Parnes to Brauron.” The modern name for the hills at Brauron is Περάτι (End), which seems at first sight to harmonize well with the definition of the Diakria just quoted. But if we examine any good map of Attica, we see that Περάτι does not end the Southern extension of Parnes; it forms the North-east extremity of the hills of South Attica. That is a first difficulty. It is at least unusual to define the limits of a district by places beyond those limits. We do not say that Germany extends from Tilsit to Verviers.

The second objection is far more serious. It is that the MSS. say nothing of Brauron. The word they give is Balylon (εἰς Βαλυλωνος, sic). This was emended by Aldus to Babylon. Brauron is a conjecture of Palmerius, and by no means a certain one. In Byzantine times the familiar Babylon (pronounced Vavylon) would indeed be a very natural corruption for the then obscure Brauron (pronounced Vrafron). The MS. Balylon is not nearly so likely to be a phonetic corruption of Brauron. It might conceivably be an 312orthographic corruption of Aulon, a place or region in the mining district in the extreme South of Attica[1511]. The εἰς with the genitive of the MS. suggests however some more complete corruption[1512].

But even if the reading “to Brauron (εἰς Βραυρῶνα)” were certain, Hesychius would still be a doubtful authority on this point. His definition of the “Coast” runs thus: “the Coast: Attica, whence also the ship Paralos (ἡ παραλία· ἡ Ἀττική, ἔνθεν καὶ ἡ ναῦς πάραλος).” This presumably means that the Coast was a synonym for Attica, the coastland par excellence. Such a definition might be supported by philological connexions between Ἀττική and ἀκτή[1513]. Conceivably with ἡ Ἀττική we should understand not γῆ but παραλία: the Coast means par excellence the Attic coast (compare the modern “Riviera”). This interpretation is supported by our author’s definition of the men of the coast (οἱ παράλιοι), which runs “those who occupy the coast of Attica.” Neither interpretation vindicates Hesychius as an authority on the triple division of Attica. He makes no mention of the Plain.

Modern writers, it is true, give the word “coast” (παραλία) a conventional meaning and confine it to the Southern apex of the Attic triangle, the district of Attica that has the largest proportion of coast to interior[1514]. Their view has one fact in its favour. After the expulsion of the tyrants, when Cleisthenes set himself to break up the old local political parties, the whole of this Southern apex was included among the “coast” trittyes or (th)ridings of his new triple division of the whole country. But there are indications that the inclusion of this whole district in the coast was never anything but an artificial arrangement[1515] to prevent either of the other two divisions from overbalancing the coast[1516]. The Cleisthenic coast was 313of course not confined to this Southern apex. The moderns who imagine this restricted use base their assumption on a misunderstanding of their authorities. They quote Thucydides II. 55, where in reference to a Peloponnesian raid on Southern Attica he speaks of “the so-called coast land.” But the precise words of Thucydides show that the ravages were confined to the coast[1517], while inscriptions and passages in other writers prove that the name “coast” was not confined to the Southern apex of Attica but was normally applied to the whole Attic seaboard[1518]. When Thucydides uses the expression “what is called the coast land” he need not be taken as meaning that the name “coast” in Attica was used as a synonym for what Herodotus calls the Sunium Heights[1519]. Very possibly he is commenting rather on the fact that the Attic coast was called by the poetical name πάραλος γῆ, παραλία (the land of the brine) instead of the good fifth century prose word παραθαλάσσιος, ἐπιθαλάσσιος (the land by the sea). He himself uses ἐπιθαλάσσιος in the very next chapter for the coast land of the Peloponnese[1520].

Another text which has been thought[1521] to establish a Northern or North-Eastern Diakria and a Southern Paralia is a fragment of Sophocles[1522] in which the mythical king Pandion divides Attica between his three sons. Two scholia of Aristophanes[1523] and a notice in Suidas[1524] equate the North-Eastern of these divisions with the Diakria. But against this equation must be set that of Stephanus Byzantinus[1525], who says that the Diakria fell to the son who received according to Sophocles the Southern division.

314

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · See e.g. Mauri, Citt. Lav. dell’ Attica, p. 30.Note 2 · Aristot. Pol. VIII. (VI.), 1319a.Note 3 · Ibid. 1318b.Note 4 · Aristot. Ath. Pol. 16; cp. Ael. V.H. IX. 25 and Max. Tyr. XXIII. (Teubner, = Duebner, p. 117).Note 5 · Grundy, Thuc. and his Age, p. 117.Note 6 · For a full discussion of these people see Gilliard, Réformes de Solon, chap. VI.Note 7 · Aristot. Ath. Pol. 2.Note 8 · οἱ τῷ γένει μὴ καθαροί ... ὡς πολλῶν κοινωνούντων τῆς πολιτείας οὐ προσῆκον. Aristot. Ath. Pol. 13.Note 9 · θητικὸς ὄχλος, Plut. Sol. 29.Note 10 · Thuc. I. 2. Xenophon indeed, de Vect. I. 3, calls Attica all productive (παμφορωτάτη), and declares that things that could not even grow in Note 11 · Aristot. Ath. Pol. 16. So (ap. Leutsch, Paroemiograph. Gr. II. p. 756) Mantissa, I. 76 (where Peisistratus expresses surprise at anyone farmNote 12 · Hdt. VI. 137.Note 13 · Stat. Theb. XII. 622, 620.Note 14 · Athen. I. 28d, θύμον Ὑμήττιον.Note 15 · Paus. I. 32; cp. Plut. Sol. 23 (Solon offered rewards for killing wolves).Note 16 · Plato, Critias, 111c; cp. references, Bursian, Geog. Gr. I. p. 254.Note 17 · Cp. the “forest clad mountain (ὄρος καταειμενον ὕλῃ)” of Odyss. XIII. 351.Note 18 · Columella IX. 2.Note 19 · Aristot. Hist. Anim. IX. 624b.Note 20 · Zimmern, Greek Commonwealth, p. 44, quoting J. L. Myres.Note 21 · Bursian, Gr. Geog. I. p. 252; cp. Cavaignac, Études Financ. p. 13; Guiraud, Prop. Fonc. p. 505, n. 5. Bursian is based on Paus. I. 32 (quoteNote 22 · Thuc. II. 20, 23; cp. Loeper, Ath. Mitt. XVII. (1892), p. 394, n. 1.Note 23 · Another possibility is to equate the Plain of Thucydides with the Parts round the City of Cleisthenes. This is only probable on the assumptiNote 24 · Xen. de Vect. I. 5; cp. Strabo IX. 400, “far the best honey comes from the mining district.” The passage from the de Vect. is misunderstood Note 25 · Schol. Aesch. c. Timarch. 97 (13); cp. Harpocrat. s.v. ἐσχατιά, and Lex. Seguer. ap. Bekker, Anec. Gr. p. 256. See further Boeckh, Pub. EconNote 26 · Lucret. V. 1370–5; Virg. Aen. XI. 316–20 and Servius, ad loc.; cp. Aen. XI. 569; Tac. Ann. I. 17. The Latin evidence all shows that when PliNote 27 · C.I.A. II. 782; Aeschin. c. Timarch. 121 (17).Note 28 · The MS. is much abbreviated and very corrupt, Schow, Hesych. p. x.Note 29 · Cp. Strabo IX. 391.Note 30 · Cp. the maps of Milchhoefer, Abh. Berl. Acad. 1892 after p. 48, and Loeper, Ath. Mitt. XVII. pl. XII. Milchhoefer’s “coast” goes considerablNote 31 · Perhaps not altogether so, at least after the Persian peril and Themistocles had given the mining district something of a naval character. SNote 32 · “It would be tedious to enumerate the demes of the interior owing to their number,” Strabo IX. 399, just after a (presumably full) enumeratiNote 33 · “First they ravaged the land that looks towards the Peloponnesus, then (ἔπειτα δέ) that which faces Euboea and Andros.” “The addition of δέ Note 34 · Hdt. V. 81; Strabo IX. 395, 400; C.I.A. II. 1059 (cp. Strabo IX. 398), 1194, 1206b, 1195.Note 35 · γουνὸς Σουνιακός, Hdt. IV. 99. The meaning of γουνός is not certain, but see Liddell and Scott s.v.: Macaulay translates “hill region.”Note 36 · Hesych. and Suid. explain παραλία and πάραλος by παραθαλάσσιος,. M. Psellus by ἐπιθαλαττίδιον.Note 37 · See Loeper, Ath. Mitt. XVII. p. 429.Note 38 · Strabo IX. 392.Note 39 · Vesp. 1223, Lysis, 58.Note 40 · Suid. s.v.Note 41 · Steph. Byz. s.v.
Explore with AITake your curiosity a little further.

Reading settings