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The Oriental tale in England in the eighteenth century

Chapter II · THE MORALISTIC GROUP

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If among the imaginative tales there are some that approach the moralistic, on the other hand there are among the moralistic tales at least three thoroughly imaginative. Two are translations of contes by Marmontel: The Watermen of Besons and Friendship put to the Test; the third is Thomas Parnell’s poem, The Hermit. Marmontel’s two tales share the characteristics of his Contes Moraux in general, “light, elegant, and graceful beyond anything to which I can compare them in English: their form is exquisite, and they are sometimes imagined with a fineness, a poetic subtlety, that is truly delicious. If the reader can fancy the humor of some of the stories in the Spectator turned wit, their grace indefinitely enhanced, their not very keen perception of the delicate and the indelicate indefinitely blunted, their characterization sharpened almost to an edge of cynicism at times, he will have something 74like an image of the Moral Tales in his mind.”[68] In fact, as Mr. Howells suggests in the same essay, “The Moral Tales of Marmontel are moral, as the Exemplary Novels of Cervantes are exemplary; the adjectives are used in an old literary sense, and do not quite promise the spiritual edification of the reader, or if they promise it, do not fulfil the promise ... they are not such reading as we might now put into young people’s hands without fear of offending their modesty, but they must have seemed miracles of purity in their time, and they certainly take the side of virtue, of common sense, and of nature, whenever there is a question of these in the plot.” Marmontel himself says that he has endeavoured “de rendre la vertu aimable”; and he adds: “Enfin j’ai tâché partout de peindre ou les mœurs de la societé, ou les sentiments de la nature; et c’est ce qui m’a fait donner à ce Recueil le titre de Contes Moraux.”[69]

Clearly, then, Marmontel stands half-way between purely imaginative writers and weightier 75moralists like Dr. Johnson, who paraphrased Horace:—

“Garrit aniles

Ex re fabellas.”

—Sat., II., VI., 76.

“The cheerful sage, when solemn dictates fail,

Conceals the moral counsel in a tale.”[70]

The Watermen of Besons[71] is a story of multifarious adventures. The beautiful and virtuous heroine, a young French girl, is slave successively to a sultan, a prince, an old Cypriote, and a Knight of Malta; preserves both life and honour; and is ultimately reunited to her faithful lover André, the Waterman of Besons. He, meanwhile, has been hither and yon in the Orient, as prisoner, vizier, and cook, escaping from one farcical predicament after another. The scenes change from France to Persia, India, and Syria. The oriental setting is picturesque, if slight, and assists in emphasizing the virtue and piety of the heroine and in exalting the simple country life of the boatman and his family in contrast to the luxury and vain pleasures of the sultan’s court. The story is cleverly told from introduction to 76close; and, except for some ostentatious moralizing and a few questionable incidents, is thoroughly attractive. In Friendship put to the Test,[72] there is more moralizing and less art. It is a commonplace tale of the self-sacrifice of a youth who relinquishes his bride to his friend on discovering their mutual love. The heroine is a young East Indian, daughter to a pious Bramin who worships Vishnu by the sacred Ganges. The author endeavours to give additional local colour by referring to “the custom of flattering a widow before she is burned.” He satirizes European bigotry by describing the Brahmin’s tolerance toward other creeds; makes one of his oriental personages criticize European etiquette in the manner of the Lettres Persanes; and praises simplicity and the ingenuous emotions of nature quite after the fashion of Rousseau.[73]

Marmontel’s tales have been praised by no less a critic than Ruskin as being “exquisitely 77finished.” With them, so far as careful structure and polished style are concerned, The Hermit[74] of Thomas Parnell may not unreasonably be classed. The poem is so well-known that only a brief comment is necessary here. It is a good example of the beauty and force given to an exceedingly simple narrative by the power of style. The tale was not original with Parnell, but was an inheritance from the earlier stores of oriental fiction given to Europe by the East during the Middle Ages. Pope writes: “The poem is very good.” The story was written originally in Spanish [whence probably Howell had translated it into prose, and inserted it in one of his letters].[75] Gaston Paris mentions the same story, L’ange et l’Ermite among the contes dévots of the Middle Ages, and says it is “juif sans doute d’origine.”[76] Wilhelm Seele[77] enumerates various versions and 78mentions that of Parnell as one of the accepted sources of Zadig.

The opening lines of Parnell’s poem describing the peaceful life of the hermit are characteristic:—

“Far in a wild, unknown to public view,

From youth to age a reverend hermit grew;

The moss his bed, the cave his humble cell;

His food the fruits, his drink the crystal well:

Remote from man, with God he pass’d the days,

Prayer all his business, all his pleasure praise.”

A doubt of the wisdom and power of Providence impels him to go out into the world to observe the ways of God with men. A beautiful youth becomes his companion and startles him by committing strange crimes culminating in apparently wanton murder. The hermit, in anger, begins to rebuke the youth:—

“‘Detested wretch!’—but scarce his speech began,

When the strange partner seem’d no longer man:

His youthful face grew more serenely sweet;

His robe turn’d white, and flow’d upon his feet;

Fair rounds of radiant points invest his hair;

Celestial odours breathe through purpled air;

79And wings, whose colours glitter’d on the Day,

Wide at his back their gradual plumes display.

The form ethereal bursts upon his sight,

And moves in all the majesty of light.”

The angel explains each apparent crime as in reality a deed of benevolence; the hermit learns to trust the mysterious ways of Providence and returns in peace to his cell. The poem has been called Parnell’s masterpiece; and is, indeed, an admirable example of the conte moral in verse.

We suggested, above, two meanings of the word “moral”: one, that of Marmontel, referring chiefly to manners; the other, that of Dr. Johnson, emphasizing conduct. It is the latter meaning that best characterizes the numerous moral oriental tales in eighteenth-century England—the tales which we designate as “moralistic.”

Even in the hands of Addison and Steele the oriental tale was speedily utilized to inculcate right living and was made into a story “with a purpose,”—in a word, became moralistic. The avowed aim of the Spectator and the Tatler was to reconcile wit and morality, to entertain and to preach, to hold the mirror of kindly ridicule up to society, to smile away the follies or vices of the world, and to present serene, temperate, 80and beautiful ideals of thought and of conduct. Hence, even the fiction that frequently constitutes a vital part of the essays is permeated with the same spirit. This holds true of the character-sketches of Addison’s real and imaginary correspondents and acquaintances, including even Sir Roger himself. It is true, also, of the frequent allegorical visions and dreams, of the numerous classical stories, and of the occasional oriental tales. To these various forms of fiction Addison turned, “rambling,” as he says, “into several stories, fetching one to my present purpose.” Attracted as the great essayists were by the touch of extravagance, the strange dress and colouring, the unfamiliar nomenclature and oriental fancies in these tales, they felt constrained, nevertheless, to apologize for such unclassical material and to justify their use of it. In the Spectator, No. 512, on the fable as the best form of giving advice, Addison tells the entertaining story of the Sultan Mahmoud and the vizier who pretended to understand birds’ conversation, and introduces it by saying: “[There is] a pretty instance of this nature in a Turkish Tale, which I do not like the worse for that little oriental extravagance which is mixed with it.” “The virtue 81of complaisance in friendly intercourse” is “very prettily illustrated by a little wild Arabian tale,” the story of Shacabac and the Barmecide’s Feast.[78]

The story of the Santon Barsisa[79] is praised by Steele for suggesting serious reflections and an obvious Christian moral. Alnaschar from the Arabian Nights is used to conclude an essay upon the transitoriness of human life and the vain hope of worldly ambitions. Addison says, “What I have here said may serve as a moral to an Arabian fable which I find translated into French by Monsieur Galland [and which is marked by] a wild but natural simplicity.”[80] In the story of the Persian Emperor’s Riddle,[81] the question, “What is the tree that has three hundred and sixty-five leaves, black and white?” is one of the riddles in the story of the Princess of China (Persian Tales). The same answer is given, “A year,” but Addison affixes the reflection that the leaves represent the king’s acts, which look white to his friends and black to his enemies. The “Persian story” of the just sultan, 82who executed a culprit in the dark, though he knew that it might be his son, concludes an essay on justice.[82] The riddle-like acts of the sultan and his final explanation seem characteristically oriental.

Two tales are apparently original with Addison: the Story of Helim and Abdallah[83] and the Story of Hilpa, Harpath, and Shalum.[84] The former Addison says he found “lately translated out of an Arabian manuscript.” It has, he thinks, “very much the turn of an oriental tale; ... never before printed; ... [and doubtless will be] highly acceptable to the reader.” From such an introduction the reader naturally infers that Addison invented the tale. The character of the story confirms this inference. Helim, the great physician, educates Ibrahim and Abdallah, sons to the tyrant Alnareschin, who has killed thirty-five wives and twenty sons. Abdallah and Balsora, the daughter of Helim, fall in love; the king covets Balsora; Helim gives her a sleeping potion; and she wakes in a tomb with Abdallah.[85] They escape past the guards in the 83guise of spirits and live happily in a beautiful retreat on a mountain. After the tyrant’s death Helim reunites Ibrahim and Abdallah, and ultimately Abdallah’s son succeeds Ibrahim. For oriental colouring Addison refers to the seal of Solomon, Persia, Mahomet, etc. His characters are the commonplace types: the tyrant, the wise physician, the beautiful girl, and others. He employs fanciful touches in describing the black marble palace with its hundred ebony doors guarded by negroes and its five thousand lamps; and also in recounting the lovers’ escape by moonlight as spirits in white and azure silk robes. No direct moral is drawn, but virtue is rewarded and vice thwarted. The other moral oriental tale by Addison is called by him “an antediluvian novel,”[86] the Story of Hilpa, Harpath, and Shalum. He pretends to have found it in Chinese records, “the only antediluvian billet-doux in existence,” and attempts to give verisimilitude by localizing it in places with fictitious names that have an oriental sound, and by using flowery language. A humorous effect of mock antiquity is obtained by exaggerating the age of the characters,—Hilpa, 84for instance, is a beautiful girl of seventy,—and a touch of satire, by implying that only an antediluvian woman would marry for money. The feeble characterization—if characterization it can be called—of the haughty and contemptuous Harpath and the good and gentle Shalum forecasts the later efforts of Johnson and Hawkesworth. Although the tale contains no explicit moral, it is used to illustrate a “kind of moral virtue”—the planting of trees. Antediluvians had an advantage over us in that they outlived the trees they planted. The lack of direct moralizing in these two original tales is unusual: at least half the oriental tales quoted or adapted in the Addisonian periodicals enunciate an express moral lesson. The morality, like the philosophy, is not distinctly oriental in character. Industry and economy, health and cleanliness, prudence and justice, kindly “complaisance,” the art of giving advice and seeking instruction, serenity in the face of calumny and death,—it is the Addisonian code of virtues in oriental guise.

In thus utilizing the oriental tale for moralistic purposes and—as we shall see later[87]—for 85philosophic ends also, Addison gave the prelude and the direction to two distinct tendencies of the entire period.[88] The strength of the moralizing proclivity may be illustrated from the translation of the imaginative Mogul Tales of Gueullette. On the title-page of the edition of 1736, the anonymous English translator quotes:—

“In pleasing Tales, the artful Sage can give

Rules, how in Happiness and Ease to live:

Can shew what Good should most attract the Mind,

And how our Woes we from our Vices find;

Delighting, yet instructing thus our Youth,

Who catch at Fable—How to gather Truth.”

He then gives a prefatory “Discourse on the Usefulness of Romances,”[89] in the course of which he says that romances are useful in that they “Engage Young People to love Reading,” instil in them “Address, Politeness, and a high sense of Virtue,” and teach them the geography and customs of foreign countries. “Clownish People, and Persons long doom’d to what is 86called Low-Life ... ought on their coming into the World to be treated as Children and these Books recommended to them. By them they are led at once into Courts and into Camps, are taught the Language of the Toilette and the Drawing-Room, and are made acquainted with those superior Sentiments which inhabit only great Souls, and distinguish true Heroes from the Vulgar. By turning over such Volumes, Rusticity is quickly polished, and the Beauties of a gentile Behaviour set in such a light, as must attract a Heart not entirely Savage.... The late Humour of reading Oriental Romances, such as the Arabian, Persian, and Turkish Tales, though I will not contend, it has much better’d our Morals, has, however, extended our Notions, and made the Customs of the East much more familiar to us than they were before, or probably ever would have been, had they not been communicated to us by this indirect, and pleasant Way. Now these are certainly very great Advantages, and very valuable Acquirements, even to Men; and many giddy young Fellows have been, by amusing themselves with such Trifles, taught to conceive clearly, and to converse properly, in relation to Things which 87otherwise they would have known nothing about.” The writer then proceeds to bring out the moral which, in his opinion, is latent in oriental tales, especially in this collection. “The grand Moral of these ingenious Tales is contained in this Sentence: True Virtue alone is capable of standing all Trials, and persisting therein is the only means of attaining solid Happiness. The Author has illustrated the Truth of this Maxim by a Multitude of Instances, all of them probable, and some of them I have Reason to think founded upon matters of Fact. Human Nature is represented ... with strict regard to Truth, and in a manner which cannot fail of improving, as well as entertaining, the considerate Reader. From the perusal of these Sheets, he will have it in his Power to make a hundred Reflections, which may produce very happy Effects, if apply’d to the Regulation of his own Conduct. He will, for Example, see how ridiculous it is for a Man in Years to hope for Satisfaction from engaging in new Amours, and vainly flattering himself that Fondness and grey Hairs will ever attach the Soul of a sprightly young Woman.... The Misfortunes of the Blind Man of Chitor, cannot fail of putting him 88who reads them, in Mind of the Danger there is in making an ill Use of Court Favour, and of studying nothing but the gratification of sensual Appetites; what is supernatural in that Story, is certainly wrought with great Strength of Genius, and gives us a fine Idea of the Wisdom and Justice of Providence, in punishing the Offenses of Mankind,” and so on to the end. Similar sentiments, though less explicit, are found in Gueullette’s own dedication of the Tartarian Tales to the Duke of Chartres. “The Book ... is of the Nature of those which are improving as well as entertaining. Though the Subject appear light, yet it conduces to something useful on Account of the Morality couched in it.”[90]

In addition to giving a general moralistic direction to the uses of oriental or pseudo-oriental material, Addison initiated the method employed in writing moral oriental tales. The similarities between the two oriental tales written by Dr. Johnson for the Rambler, and Addison’s original stories in the Spectator, are obvious and afford another instance of Johnson’s well-known emulation of the earlier essayist. In each case 89the result was insignificant in literary value.[91] Yet the attitude Addison took toward this oriental material and the use he made of it are exceedingly interesting to the student of the period, even though the actual tales he composed are so few and so trifling. The same is true of Dr. Johnson, and although his “clumsy gambols,”[92] and those of his contemporary imitator, Dr. John Hawkesworth, need not detain us long, they must not be overlooked.

Addison’s touch is lighter, as might be expected, while Johnson’s manner is certainly clumsy; but in childish simplicity of plan, of characterization, and of oriental colouring, such a tale as Hamet and Raschid[93] is not unlike Hilpa, Harpath, and Shalum.[94] Hawkesworth followed Johnson closely in these respects.

“Ingenious Hawkesworth to this school we owe

And scarce the pupil from the tutor know.”[95]

90The only detailed description containing local colour is the picture of Bozaldab’s son upon “the throne of diamonds.” He is seated beside a princess “fairer than a Houri” and is surrounded by Rajahs of fifty nations. The hall is adorned with jasper statues and ivory doors with hinges of Golconda gold. A few customs are briefly mentioned, e.g. pressing the royal signet to the forehead in token of obedience, and meeting at the well in the desert where caravans stop.[96] Neither Johnson nor Hawkesworth attempts to localize the action beyond alluding to Bagdad, the plains of India, or “all the East.”

One curious characteristic differentiating these two later essayists from Addison, is their far more elaborate care to adorn their narratives with what they style “the pompous language of the East.” Orientalized phrases are found in Addison’s tales, but are far simpler and less frequent. Hawkesworth carries the mannerism to extremes. “Amurath, Sultan of the East, the judge of nations, the disciple of adversity, 91records the wonders of his life.” “As the hand of time scattered snow upon his head, its freezing influence extended to his bosom.” The flutter of the Angel’s wings is like “the rushing of a cataract,” a beautiful valley is “the Garden of Hope,” a dog is “thy brother of the dust.” “Despair has armed [his hand] with a dagger.” Figures of speech in Biblical phraseology are frequent, e.g. a smile “diffused gladness like the morning,” “the straight road of piety,” “the cup of consolation,” the “Angel of Death came forward like a whirlwind.” In Johnson’s tales and to a certain extent in Hawkesworth’s Carazan,[97] the phrases are frequently dignified as well as sonorous, but in other tales by Hawkesworth and Warton the language is absurdly “elevated,”—“the hoary sage”; “the fatal malignity,” i.e. the cup of poison; “the screams of the melancholy birds of midnight that flit through the echoing chambers of the Pyramids.” Such diction is noticeable in contrast to the plain English of Hawkesworth’s non-oriental tales, e.g. the story of Melissa,[98] and indicates unmistakably that “pompous language” was one essential in the eighteenth-century 92concept of the oriental tale. This is the more curious, since in the genuine oriental tales known in England at the time Johnson and Hawkesworth were writing, such language is the exception rather than the rule.[99] In the Persian Tales, for instance, the collection where one might expect to find figurative language, reference is made once or twice to the nightingale as lover of the rose, but figures such as the following are noticeably rare: “I lie down upon the thorns of uneasiness; the poison of your absence preys upon my heart and insensibly consumes my very life.” “Your forehead is like a plate of polished silver; your brows resemble two spacious arches; your eyes sparkle beyond diamonds; ... your mouth is a ruby casket that holds a bracelet of pearls.” The rarity of such language is worth noting, for, as has been suggested, the later pseudo-orientalists thought they must fill their pages with such figures in order to be “oriental”—a delusion satirized by Goldsmith. “They believe,” he says, “that in an oriental tale nothing is required but sublimity ... 93all is great, obscure, magnificent, and unintelligible.”[100].

Not only in language, but also in incident, Hawkesworth is far more fantastic than either Addison or Johnson. Obidah, in Obidah, the son of Abensima, and the Hermit, an Eastern Story,[101] follows a pleasant but misleading path, is overtaken by a storm, and meets a Hermit who preaches to him on the journey of life and the necessity of following the right road. The Story of the Shepherds Hamet and Raschid[102] is equally brief and unintricate. The fields of the two shepherds, who lived on the plains of India, were suffering from drought. A genius appeared with the offer of gifts. Hamet asked a little, steady brook; Raschid demanded the Ganges. The moral is as prompt and complete as in an old-fashioned Sunday-school tale. Hamet’s grounds prospered; Raschid’s were swept away, and—“a crocodile devoured him”! Hawkesworth is not content with such childlike simplicity. His Ring of Amurath[103] is as ingenious as it is moral. The sultan Amurath is presented 94with a magic ring by a Genius, who warns him that the ring will grow pale and press his finger whenever he sins. Amurath degenerates into a cruel and sensual tyrant, vainly pursues Selima, the daughter of his vizier, throws away the painful ring, and is transformed by the Genius into a “monster of the desert.” Captured and cruelly abused, he finally saves the life of his keeper, and in reward for this, his first good act, is changed into a dog. In this form, entering by chance the city of lawless pleasure, he beholds the horrors of unrestrained crime, and is poisoned. In his next form, that of a white dove, he reaches—again by chance—a hermit’s cave, where he beholds Selima telling her story to the hermit. Amurath feels “the sentiments of pure affection” and, in consequence, resumes human shape. The hermit, who is the Genius, preaches a final sermon and dismisses them to reign over Golconda. They will now be happy, he says, because they have learned to be wise and virtuous. Equally fantastic and more fortuitous are the events in the sketch, Transmigration of a Soul,[104] a story told by a flea, a realistic, disagreeable account of cruelties inflicted 95by men on animals. Sometimes Hawkesworth’s tales are free from grotesque fancies, e.g. the story of Carazan[105] the miser, who dreams he is before the Judgment Seat and condemned to eternal solitude. He awakens, reforms, and gives a great feast to the poor. Such a tale is commonplace, but in its simplicity is not entirely unimpressive. In the majority of Hawkesworth’s tales, however, the fantastic elements predominate.

Of Almoran and Hamet (1761), the best known of Hawkesworth’s tales outside of the periodicals, much the same may be said. The story is similar to Nouraddin and Amana, but is more elaborate. The deus ex machina is a genius who gives supernatural aid to the tyrant Almoran in pursuing his evil desires. A magic talisman enables Almoran to assume other persons’ forms, prodigies apparently from heaven alarm his opponents; yet each of his wishes is frustrated by the virtuous acts of his brother Hamet and the beautiful Almeida, until in the end he is metamorphosed into a rock, and they are left to reign in peace. The oriental colouring is thin and the characterization feeble. Yet the tale 96won, for a time, great popularity, due partly to the melodramatic interest, partly to the moralizing tone.[106] The author discourses on the essentials of good government, the duties of a king, the question of immortality, and the idea that the pursuit of pleasure alone defeats its own end. In certain ways the story reminds one of Vathek and again of Seged.[107] Almoran, like Vathek, longs for the gratification of every desire. “If I must perish,” said he, “I will at least perish unsubdued. I will quench no wish that nature kindles in my bosom; nor shall my lips utter any prayer but for new powers to feed the flame.” In answer to these words, the Genius appears, “one of those delusive phantoms, which, under the appearance of pleasure, were leading him to destruction.” Like Seged, Almoran finds that the deliberate attempt to be happy at any cost ends in greater pain. Both tales represent an idea that was persistent in the philosophy of the eighteenth century, and was to find its most 97artistic expression in Rasselas and The Vanity of Human Wishes.

Two other moral tales, Langhorne’s Solyman and Almena (1762),[108] and Mrs. Sheridan’s Nourjahad (1767),[109] similar to Hawkesworth’s stories, likewise enjoyed considerable popularity. Nourjahad narrates the experiences of a sultan’s favourite, whose chief desires are inexhaustible riches and “prolongation of his life to eternity to enjoy them.” The sultan causes the apparent fulfilment of these wishes, and Nourjahad rapidly degenerates through selfish indulgence in pleasures of the senses into an impious and murderous tyrant. His acts are accompanied by increasing unhappiness: the loss of his mistress, Mandana, the ingratitude of his son, the desertion of all his servants except one, Cozro, who acts as his conscience, recapitulates his sins, and demonstrates that, “by the immutable laws of Heaven ... either in this world or the next, vice will meet its just reward.” Cozro teaches the repentant Nourjahad the happiness that comes from generosity to the poor and suffering, and the faith in one’s own rectitude and in 98Heaven, that makes man superior to death. Nourjahad is finally brought to despise riches; to desire to save Cozro’s life by losing his own; and, when that is unavailing, to accept the prospect of death rather than bribe his jailer. At the last moment the sultan reveals to Nourjahad that he has been disguised as Cozro, that Mandana still lives and has impersonated Nourjahad’s guardian genius, and that the whole series of events has been arranged to test and to purify Nourjahad’s character.

The story has a certain amount of interest. The illusion is well sustained, and the dénouement comes with considerable force. There is an attempt at oriental colouring in the descriptions of the omnipotent sultan, the forests and gardens, the mourning in the city for the sultan’s death, the bribery of cadi and jailers, and the urns full of gold pieces and rare jewels in the subterranean treasure-vault. But the colouring is faint and serves only as a vague background for the story. There is unity in the development of the central idea of Nourjahad’s evil desires, their result and his change of heart; there is, however, no real characterization. The burden of the moral and of the inflated, pompous diction is heavy, but the narrative is clear and often vivid.

99In Solyman and Almena the oriental colouring is paler even than in Nourjahad. “In the pleasant valley of Mesopotamia on the banks of the Irwan lived Solyman, son of Ardavan the sage,” who worshipped the sacred Mithra. Names, places, mention of a few oriental customs like the suttee, occasional metaphors, suffice in the eyes of the author to make the tale oriental. His chief delight is to moralize and philosophize in gentle and leisurely fashion. The story begins with Solyman’s desire to travel in order to gain knowledge of mankind and of God. It advances slowly because frequently broken by generalizations, by descriptions of places like the “frowning” ruins of Persepolis and emotions aroused thereby, and also by digressions on the state of literature and manners in England. The extreme sentimentality of the lovers and their floods of tears often delay the progress of events. The language used is eminently suitable. When Solyman found that “to all the elegant graces of female softness, she [Almena] added the virtues of benevolence, his friendship for her was heightened into the most refined affection.” On the whole, although the story is stiff, tedious, and over-moralistic, it has an attractive kind of 100purity and sweetness like the fragrance from an old-fashioned garden.

In many respects similar to the fiction discussed above, but superior in narrative directness and force is the moral tale by Miss Edgeworth, Murad the Unlucky. It was not published until 1804,[110] and therefore would fall outside of our study, were it not so similar in character to the fiction under consideration. The starting point of this story is a query by the Sultan of Constantinople concerning the tale of Cogia Hassan, the Rope-maker, and the Two Friends Saad and Saadi in the Arabian Nights. The Sultan, like Haroun Alraschid, is amusing himself by going at night, in disguise, through the streets of his city. Recollecting the tale of Cogia Hassan, he declares to his companion, the vizier, that “fortune does more for men than prudence.” The vizier takes the opposite view and cites as instances two brothers, called Murad the Unlucky and Saladin the Lucky. The brothers recount the stories of their lives, and at the close the Sultan says to his vizier: “I acknowledge that the histories of Saladin the Lucky and Murad the Unlucky favour your opinion, that prudence 101has more influence than chance in human affairs. The success and happiness of Saladin seem to me to have arisen from his prudence: by that prudence Constantinople has been saved from flames and from the plague. Had Murad possessed his brother’s discretion, he would not have been on the point of losing his head for selling rolls which he did not bake; he would not have been kicked by a mule or bastinadoed for finding a ring; he would not have been robbed by one party of soldiers or shot by another; he would not have been lost in a desert, or cheated by a Jew; he would not have set a ship on fire; nor would he have caught the plague, and spread it through Grand Cairo; he would not have run my sultana’s looking-glass through the body, instead of a robber; he would not have believed that the fate of his life depended on certain verses on a china vase; nor would he, at last, have broken this precious talisman by washing it with hot water. Henceforward, let Murad the Unlucky be named Murad the Imprudent; let Saladin preserve the surname he merits, and be henceforth called Saladin the Prudent.”[111] Such a 102quotation readily shows how far removed from the Arabian Nights were the moralistic tales, imitating, as they did, the manner only and not the spirit of their prototypes.

Of Ridley’s Tales of the Genii (1764),[112] the translation of Le Camus’s Abdeker, or the Art of Preserving Beauty (1754),[113] and The Vizirs, or the Enchanted Labyrinth, an Oriental Tale (1774)[114] by Mme. Fauques de Vaucluse, the same may be said with even greater emphasis. The subtitle of the first, “Delightful Lessons of Horam the Son of Asmar,” betrays the author’s purpose, which proves to be to disguise “the true doctrines of morality under the delightful allegories of romantic enchantment.” The disguise is thin, though the “enchantment” is plentiful. Incantations, genii, sudden transformations, flowery valleys, crystal palaces, deserts, volcanoes, shipwrecks, are all lavishly employed. The attempt to accumulate horrors results once in unconscious humour: the description of the “horrid” sorcerer, who lurks in his lurid den, cherishing “his tube burning 103with the fœtid herb tobacco, filling the cave with its poisonous odour.” But the narratives, in general, are tedious, and the continual moralizing is anything but “delightful.” Abdeker is also unimportant but curious—an awkward combination of an Eastern love story with recipes for cosmetics and lectures on hygiene. The form is a frame-tale in which a few minor tales, such as Zinzima and Azor, are inserted. The Vizirs is a fanciful, tediously moralized story of the complicated adventures of several Eastern princes and princesses.

One curious instance of the general propensity to moralize is Dinarbas, a Tale, being a Continuation of Rasselas, Prince of Abissinia (1790).[115] The idea of such a sequel was suggested to the author by Sir John Hawkins’s statement that Dr. Johnson “had an intention of marrying his hero and placing him in a state of permanent felicity.”[116] The author’s purpose is to show that love, friendship, and virtuous, altruistic conduct bring happiness. Rasselas is the hero of the book; 104Dinarbas is his friend. Rasselas quells a rebellion against his father, the Emperor; is falsely accused, imprisoned, and, by aid of Dinarbas, liberated; succeeds to the throne of Abyssinia, marries the sister of Dinarbas, and gives his sister Nekayah to Dinarbas. The story closes with their visit to the Happy Valley to set free its inhabitants. Throughout the book the author inculcates resignation, rectitude, courage, usefulness, and other virtues, and endeavours “to afford consolation or relief to the wretched traveler, terrified and disheartened at the rugged paths of life.” Dinarbas is obviously inferior to its predecessor; its value is not literary but historical—as an evidence of the desire to moralize everything, even the philosophic tales.

It is not surprising to find in this period several editions of the Fables of Pilpay [or Bidpai], a version of the ancient Kalila and Dimna, which had been known in England since the Middle Ages. The moralistic note in addition to the perennial interest of these stories made an especial appeal to eighteenth-century readers. In 1743 appeared The Instructive and Entertaining Fables of Pilpay, an ancient Indian Philosopher, containing a number of excellent rules for the conduct 105of persons of all ages. London, 1743. As early as 1711 there had appeared a book of extracts: Æsop naturaliz’d: in a collection of diverting fables and stories from Æsop, Lockman, Pilpay, and others. London, 1711; 1771.[117]

The name of the minor moralists of this period is Legion. It would be superfluous to do more than mention briefly the titles of a few works: Contentment, a Fable;[118] Hassan (178-?);[119] The History of Arsaces, Prince of Betlis by the editor of Chrysal (1774);[120] The Caliph of Bagdad, Travels before the Flood, an Interesting Oriental record of men and manners in the antediluvian world interpreted in fourteen evening conversations between the Caliph of Bagdad and his Court, translated from Arabic (1796);[121] The Grateful Turk, in Moral Tales by Esteemed Writers (1800?);[122] Hamet and Selinda an Eastern Tale in The Baloon or ærostatic Spy, a novel containing 106a series of adventures of an aerial traveller (1786).[123]

In the last half of the century several collections of such oriental tales, chiefly moralistic, were made. “Mr. Addison’s” Interesting Anecdotes, memoirs, Allegories, essays, and poetical fragments, tending to amuse the fancy and inculcate morality (1797)[124] in sixteen volumes, contains a great variety of oriental and unoriental tales taken, usually without naming the author, from the Rambler, the Adventurer, and other sources. A similar collection is The Orientalist, a volume of Tales after the Eastern taste, by the author of Roderick Random, Sir Lancelot Greaves, etc., and Others (1773).[125] Some of these tales are fanciful; many moralizing. One is a direct and unacknowledged translation of Marmontel’s Soliman II.[126] No authors’ names are given. The tales are brief, uninteresting, and, with a few exceptions such as Soliman II., of little value. The tendency, found in France earlier in the century, to “moralize” oriental stories and fairy tales for the edification of children is exemplified by a 107collection popular for several years after its publication: The Blossoms of Morality. Intended for the Amusement and Instruction of Young Ladies and Gentlemen by the Editor of the Looking Glass for the Mind (1789).[127] In this collection are a few “oriental” tales, e.g. The Pleasures of Contentment, a “tedious brief” story of the good vizier Alibeg, unjustly exiled, discovered contentedly living as a hermit, surrounded by affectionate domestic animals. Recalled to office by popular demand, Alibeg sheds a few tears upon leaving his pastoral retreat, but returns to the city, rules wisely, and is content always and everywhere. The same collection contains An Oriental Tale; Generosity Rewarded; The Anxieties of Royalty; The Generous Punishment;—all, tales with “oriental” traces;—and The Beautiful Statue, a diluted version of the admirable tale of Zeyn Alasnam in the Arabian Nights, pitiably moralized. Finally, The Oriental Moralist appeared, in which “the Beauties of the Arabian Nights’ Entertainments” were “accompanied with suitable reflections adapted to each story,” by the Rev. Mr. Cooper (1790?).[128] 108The editor’s preface needs no comment: “During a trip which I lately made to the Continent, I accidentally met with (at an Inn where I had occasion to halt a short time) a French edition of the Arabian Nights’ Entertainments; having no other book at hand I was induced to wade through it. When I had finished ... it struck my imagination, that those tales might be compared to a once rich and luxuriant garden, neglected and run to waste, where scarce anything strikes the common observer but the weeds and briars with which it is overrun, whilst the more penetrating eye of the experienced gardener discovers ... some ... delightful flowers. Full of this idea, I determined to turn florist, and to traverse this wild and unweeded spot with a cautious and discriminating eye, ... to cull a pleasing nosegay for my youthful friends. Quitting the simile, I have endeavoured to select a few of the most interesting tales, have given them a new dress in point of language, and have carefully expurgated everything that could give the least offense to the most delicate reader. Not satisfied barely with these views, I have added many moral reflections, wherever the story would admit of them. I have, in many instances, 109considerably altered the fables, and have given them a turn, which appeared to me the most likely to promote the love of virtue, to fortify the youthful heart against the impressions of vice, and to point out to them the paths which lead to peace, happiness, and honour.” In accordance with this purpose Cooper gave the following new ending to Aladdin: “Sir, said the Sultana, after she had finished the story of the Wonderful Lamp, your majesty, without doubt, has observed, in the person of the African magician, a man abandoned to the passion of possessing immense treasures by the most horrid and detestable means. On the contrary, your majesty sees in Aladdin a person of mean birth, raised to the regal dignity, making use of the same treasures ... just as he had occasion for them, or when an opportunity offered of applying them to the relief of the necessitous, or in rewarding industry and encouraging the practice of virtue.” After that, the instant execution of the Sultana would have been, on the part of his majesty, justifiable homicide. Hawkesworth, in the concluding number of the Adventurer, confesses—hardly to the surprise of the reader who has perused the previous one hundred and 110thirty-nine essays—that he is a moral writer, and that he has found it necessary, in writing for “the Young and the Gay,” to amuse the imagination “while approaching the heart.” The editor of the Observer declares that simply to say that he has “written nothing but with a moral design would be saying very little, for it is not the vice of the time to countenance publications of an opposite tendency; to administer moral precepts through a pleasing medium seems now the general study of our essayists, dramatists, and novelists, ... to bind the rod of the moralist with the roses of the muse.” Beyond such didacticism no moralist could go.

If we pause to consider the Moralistic Group as a whole, our strongest impression is that of the general paucity of literary merit. Aside from Parnell’s Hermit, Marmontel’s contes, some of the tales quoted by Addison and Steele, and the Fables of Bidpai, there is nothing of noticeable intrinsic value. The moral oriental tales composed by Addison, Johnson, and Miss Edgeworth are the least valuable part of their work, far inferior, for instance, to the philosophic oriental tales, The Vision of Mirza and Rasselas. Only unusual genius can make an art of moralizing. 111Average writers,—like the authors of the fifteenth-century morality plays or the eighteenth-century moralists when they turned to oriental fiction,—in their desire to express a universal truth concerning human character or conduct, eliminate so many individualizing traits that their personages become mere abstractions. They do not know the secret of embodying these abstract ideas in concrete and appropriate types, and hence their work lacks the beauty and universal human interest of the Pilgrim’s Progress, the Faerie Queene, or the parables of Scripture. Yet the minor writers of any period—and the same is true of minor works by great writers—frequently reflect most clearly the current opinions of their age.[129] For that reason the Moralistic Group of oriental tales possesses a distinct historical value.

112

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Marmontel, J. F., Memoirs (Boston, 1878). Introductory essay by W. D. Howells, p. 25.Note 2 · Preface to Contes Moraux in Œuvres, Paris, 1818, Vol. III., p. xiv.Note 3 · Rambler, No. 65.Note 4 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 54 (c), p. 285.Note 5 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 54 (b), pp. 284, 285.Note 6 · Hugh Kelly’s The Romance of an Hour, an afterpiece in two acts, was performed first, 1774. Two editions were printed. The plot was borrowed Note 7 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 18, p. 274.Note 8 · Spence’s Anecdotes, Observations, and Characters of Books and Men, a Selection, edited by John Underhill. London [n. d.], p. 168.Note 9 · La littérature française au moyen âge. Paris, 1905, p. 242.Note 10 · Voltaire’s Roman Zadig ou la Destinée, Eine Quellen-forschung ... von Wilhelm Seele ... Leipzig, Reudnitz, 1891. Cf. also G. A. Aitken’s IntNote 11 · Guardian, No. 162.Note 12 · Ibid., No. 148, cf. pp. 27, 28, ante.Note 13 · Spectator, No. 535.Note 14 · Freeholder, No. 17.Note 15 · Guardian, No. 99. Cf. The Persian Moonshee, Pt. II., Story 5, translated by Francis Gladwin, Calcutta and London, 1801, p. 3.Note 16 · Guardian, No. 167.Note 17 · Spectator, Nos. 584, 585.Note 18 · Cf. Romeo and Juliet.Note 19 · Spectator, No. 583.Note 20 · Chap. III.Note 21 · In the satirical group Marana and Brown precede Addison. The great essayist assisted in directing the tendency, and was the first notable EnNote 22 · Dedicated to Raphael Courtevile, Esq. In the passage quoted the author’s spelling is preserved.Note 23 · Quoted in the translation of 1759.Note 24 · Only in so far as the moralistic tales composed by Addison and Johnson are concerned. Those referred to, pp. 80–81, ante, as adapted by AddiNote 25 · Leslie Stephen, Hours in a Library. Second Series. London, 1876, p. 211.Note 26 · Cf. p. 93, post.Note 27 · Cf. p. 83, ante.Note 28 · Courtenay, Verses on the Moral and Literary Character of Dr. Johnson, quoted by Boswell; Life of Johnson, edited by G. B. Hill. Oxford, 1887Note 29 · The Story of Nouraddin and Amana, Adventurer, No. 72 (1753). This was one of the stories translated into French and published in Le Mercure Note 30 · Adventurer, No. 132.Note 31 · Ibid., Nos. 7 and 8.Note 32 · Contrast the later oriental tales translated about the close of this period, e.g. the Persian Tales of Inatulla, which is exceedingly flowerNote 33 · Citizen of the World, Letter XXXIII. Cf. Chap. IV.Note 34 · Rambler, No. 65.Note 35 · Ibid., No. 38.Note 36 · Adventurer, Nos. 20, 21, 22.Note 37 · Adventurer, No. 5.Note 38 · Adventurer, No. 132.Note 39 · The Fair Circassian, a Tragedy, by Samuel J. Pratt, second edition, London, 1781; third edition, same year, was based on Almoran and Hamet. Note 40 · Cf. p. 123, post.Note 41 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 52, p. 284.Note 42 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 57, p. 285.Note 43 · In Popular Tales. Cf. App. B, I., No. 92, p. 292.Note 44 · Popular Tales, by Miss Edgeworth. Philadelphia and New York, 1849, pp. 67, 68.Note 45 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 53, p. 284.Note 46 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 46, p. 282.Note 47 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 62, p. 286.Note 48 · Published anonymously; written by Ellis Cornelia Knight, “lady companion to the Princess Charlotte of Wales,” and reaching its fourth editioNote 49 · Introduction to Dinarbas.Note 50 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 10, p. 271.Note 51 · Bound in with The History of Abdalla and Zoraide, or Filial and Paternal Love. London, 1750. Cf. p. 71, ante, and App. B, I., No. 41, p. 281Note 52 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 66, p. 287.Note 53 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 63 (a), p. 286.Note 54 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 86, p. 291, and Amorassan, p. 71, ante.Note 55 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 90, p. 292.Note 56 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 74, p. 289.Note 57 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 87, p. 291.Note 58 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 58 (b), pp. 285, 286.Note 59 · Cf. p. 204 et seq., post.Note 60 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 77, p. 289.Note 61 · Cf. App. B, I., No. 78, p. 290.Note 62 · “Yet for the real student, these secondary writers [e.g. Marmontel] ... have, as they had for Sainte-Beuve, a peculiar interest. We see the
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