THE OBSERVATIONS OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, KNIGHT, IN HIS VOYAGE INTO THE SOUTH SEA. (continued 4)

Of mariners by challenge of pillage.

No lesse worthie of reformation are the generall abuses of mariners and souldiers, who robbe all they can, under the colour of pillage, and after make ordinance, cables, sayles, anchors, and all above deckes, to belong unto them of right, whether they goe by thirdes or wages: this proceedeth from those pilfering warres, wherein every gallant that can arme out a shippe, taketh upon him the name and office of a captaine, not knowing what to command, nor what to execute. Such commanders, for the most part, consort and joyne unto themselves disorderly persons, pyrates, and ruffians, under the title of men of valour and experience: they meeting with any prise, make all upon the deckes theirs of dutie; viz.—the best peece of ordinance for the captaine; the second, for the gunner; the third, for his mate; the best cable and anchor for the master; the maine topsayle for the botesman:194 the bonnetts for the quarter masters; and the rest of the sayles for the company. The cardes and instruments of the master, for the master; the surgeans instruments and chest for the surgean; the carpenters tooles and chest for the carpenter; and so consequently of each officer, that answereth the other in the two shippes.

If one happen upon a bag of gold, silver, pearle, or precious stones, it is held well gotten, provided it be cleanly stolne, though the shippe and all her loading besides be not worth so much; little considering the common injury in defrauding the owners, victuallers, and whole companie: and forgetting, that if himselfe were a jury-man upon another in like case, he would adjudge him to the gallows. But I would advise such novices to know, that our true and auncient discipline of warre is farre different, and being understood, is much more better for the generall. Besides it is grounded on Gods law (from whence all lawes should be derived), and true justice, which distributeth to every one that which to him belongeth of right, and that in due season.

In the time of warre in our country, as also in others The lawes of Oleron, concerning pillage. by the lawes of Oleron, which to our auncient sea-men were fundamental, nothing is allowed for pillage but apparell, armes, instruments, and other necessaries belonging to the persons in that shippe which is taken; and these too when the shippe is gained by dint of sword; with a proviso, that if any particular pillage exceed the valew of sixe crownes, it may be redeemed for that valew by the generall stocke, and sould for the common benefit.

If the prise render it selfe without forcible entry, all in generall ought to be preserved and sould in masse, and so equally devided; yea though the shippe be wonne by force and entry, yet whatsoever belongeth to her of tackling, sayles, or ordinance, is to bee preserved for the generalitie: saving a peece of artillery for the captaine, another for the gunner, and a cable and anchor for the master; which are the rights due unto them: and these to be delivered when the shippe is in safety, and in harbour, eyther unloaden or sould. Which law or custome, well considered, will rise to be more beneficiall for the owners, victuallers, and company, then the disorders newly crept in and before remembred.

For the sayles, cables, anchors, and hull, being sould every one a part, yeeld not the one halfe which they would doe if they were sould altogether; besides the excusing of charges and robberies in the unloading and parting.

In the warres of Fraunce, in the time of queen Mary, and in other warres, as I have heard of many auncient captaines, the companie had but the fourth part, and every man bound to bring with him the armes with which hee would fight; which in our time I have knowne also used in Fraunce: and if the company victualed themselves, they had then the one halfe, and the owners the other halfe for the shippe, powder, shott, and munition. If any prise were taken, it was sould by the tunne, shippe and goods, so as the loading permitted it; that the marchant having bought the goods, hee might presently transport them whethersoever he would. By this manner of proceeding, all rested contented, all being truely paid; for this was just dealing: if any deserved reward, he was recompensed out of the generall stocke; if any one had filched or stolne, or committed offence, hee had likewise his desert. And who once was knowne to be a disordered person, or a theefe, no man would receive him into his shippe; whereas, now a dayes many vaunt themselves of their theftes and disorders: yea I have seene the common sort of mariners, under the name of pillage, maintaine and justify their robberies most insolently, before the queens majesties commissioners, with arrogant and unseemly termes, for that they would not condiscend to their unreasonable challenges. The demaunds being better worth then five hundreth poundes, which some one pretended to be his; and that of the choysest marchandize, and most of it robbed out of that part of the shippe, which they themselves, and all the world, cannot but confesse to be marchandize.

My opinion is, that such malaperts deserve most justly to have their spoyle taken from them, or some worse consideration, and afterwards to be severely punished, in prevention of greater prejudices, then can by paper be well declared.

But I must tell you withall, such hath beene the partiallitie of some commissioners in former times, that upon information, in lieu of punishment, opinion hath held them for tall fellowes, when, in truth, they never prove the best men in difficult occasions. For their mindes are all set on spoyle, and can bee well contented to suffer their associates to beare the brunt, whillest they are prolling after pillage, the better to gaine and mainetaine the aforesaid attributes in tavernes and disorderly places.

For the orderly and quiet men I have ever found in all occasions to bee of best use, most valiant, and of greatest sufficiency. Yet I condemne none, but those who will be reputed valiant, and are not: examine the accusation.

What ought to be reputed pillage.

All what soever is found upon the decke going for marchandize, is exempted out of the censure of pillage: silks, linnen, or woollen cloth in whole peeces, apparell, that goeth to be sold, or other goods whatsoever, though they be in remnants, manifestly knowne to be carryed for that end; or being comprehended in the register, or bils of lading, are not to bee contayned under the name of pillage.

But as I have sayd of the consort, so can I not but complaine Against the disloyalties of captaines. of many captaines and governours, who, overcome with like greedie desire of gaine, condiscend to the smoothering and suppressing of this auncient discipline, the clenlier to smother their owne disloyalties, in suffering these breake-bulks to escape and absent themselves, till the heate be past and partition made.

Some of these cause the bils of lading to be cast into the sea, or so to bee hidden that they never appeare. Others send away their prisoners, who sometimes are more worth then the shippe and her lading, because they should not discover their secret stolne treasure; for many times that Concealment of much more value then the trading. which is leaft out of the register or bils of lading, with purpose to defraud the prince of his customes (in their conceits held to be excessive), is of much more value then that which the shippe and lading is worth. Yea I have knowne shippes worth two hundreth thousand pounds, and better, cleane swept of their principall riches, nothing but the bare bulke being leaft unsacked. The like may be spoken of that which the disorderly mariner and the souldier termeth pillage; yet all winked at and unpunished, although such prizes have beene rendred without stroake stricken.

This, doubtlesse, cannot but be a hearts greife and discouragement to all those who vertuously and truely desire to observe the auncient discipline of our nation, their owne honours, and the service of their soveraigne.

The prevention of undue pillagings.

But to prevent these unknowne mischiefes, and for his better discharge, I remember that my father, Sir John Hawkins, in his instructions, in actions under his charge, had this particular article: that whosoever rendred or tooke any shippe, should be bound to exhibite the bils of lading; to keepe the captaine, master, marchants, and persons of account, and to bring them to him to be examined, or into England. If they should bee by any accident seperated from him, whatsoever was found wanting (the prisoners being examined), was to bee made good by the captaine and company which tooke the shippe, and this upon great punishments. I am witness, and avow that this course did redownd much to the benefitte of the generall stocke; to the satisfaction of her majestie and counsell, the justification of his government, and the content of his followers.

Thus much have I set downe concerning these abuses and the reformation thereof, for that I have neither seene them divulged by any with whom I have gone to sea, neither yet recorded in writing by any mans pen. Let consideration present them to the eares of the powerfull. But now to our voyage.

SECTION XLVI.

Running alongst the coast till wee came within few leagues of Arica, nothing happened unto us of extraordinary noveltie or moment, for we had the brese favourable, which seldome happeneth in this climate; finding ourselves in nineteene degrees, wee haled the shore close abourd, purposing to see if there were any shipping in the road of Arica. Arica. It standeth in a great large bay, in eighteene degrees: and before you come to it, a league to the southwards of the roade and towne, is a great round hill, higher then the rest of the land of the bay, neere about the towne; which wee having discovered, had sight presently of a small barke, close abourd the shore, becalmed. Manning our boate, wee tooke her, being loaden with fish, from Moromereno195; which is a goodly head-land, very high, and lyeth betwixt twenty-foure and twenty-five degrees, and whether ordinarily some barkes use to goe a fishing every yeare.

In her was a Spaniard and sixe Indians. The Spaniard, for that hee was neere the shore, swam unto the rockes; and though wee offered to returne him his barke and fish (as was our meaning), yet hee refused to accept it, and made us answere, that hee durst not, for feare least the The severity of Spaine. justice should punish him. In so great subjection are the poore unto those who have the administration of justice in those partes, and in most partes of the kingdomes and countries subject to Spaine. Insomuch, that to heare the justice to enter in at their doores, is to them destruction and desolation: for this cause wee carried her alongst with us.

In this meane while wee had sight of another tall shippe, comming out of the sea, which wee gave chase unto, but could not fetch upp, beeing too good of sayle for us. Our small prize and boate standing off unto us, descryed another shippe, which they chased and tooke also, loaden with fish, comming from the ilands of Iuan Fernandes.

After wee opened the bay and port of Arica; but seeing it cleane without shipping, wee haled the coast alongst, and going aboord to visit the bigger prize, my company saluted me with a volley of small shot. Amongst them, one musket brake, and carryed away the hand of him that shot it, through his owne default, which for that I have seene to happen many times, I thinke it necessary to note in this place, that others may take warning by his harme.

Over-charging of artilleries.

The cause of the muskets breaking, was the charging with two bullets, the powder being ordayned to carry but the waight of one, and the musket not to suffer two charges of powder or shott. By this oversight, the fire is restrayned with the overplus of the waight of shott, and not being able to force both of them out, breaketh all to peeces, so to find a way to its owne center.

And I am of opinion, that it is a great errour to prove great ordinance, or small shot, with double charges of powder or shot; my reason is, for that ordinarily the mettall is proportioned to the waight of the shot which the peece is to beare, and the powder correspondent to the waight of the bullet; and this being graunted, I see no reason why any man should require to prove his peece with more then is belonging to it of right: for I have seene many goodly peeces broken with such tryals, being cleane without hony combes, cracke, flawe, or other perceavable blemish, which no doubt, with their ordinary allowance, would have served many yeares. Yea, I have beene certified by men of credit, that some gunners have taken a glory for breaking many peeces in the tryall; which is easie to be done by sundry slights and meanes not fitt to bee published, much lesse to bee exercised, being prejudiciall to the seller, and chargeable to the conscience of the practiser; therefore it were good, this excessive tryall by double charges were cleane abolished.196 If I should make choyce for my selfe, I would not willingly, that any peece should come into fort or shippe, under my charge, which had borne at any time more then his ordinary allowance, misdoubting, least, through the violence of the double charge, the peece may be crased within, or so forced, as at another occasion with his ordinary allowance, he might breake in peeces: how many men so many mindes: for to others this may seem harsh, for that the contrary custome hath so long time beene received, and therefore I submit to better experience, and contradict not but that in a demy culvering, a man may put two saker or minion shots, or many of smaller waight: and so in a muskett, two calever shott, or many smaller, so they exceede not the ordinary waight prescribed by proportion, arte, and experience.197 These experiments I hold convenient upon many occasions, yea, and most necessary; but the vaine custome of double charges, to cause their peeces thereby to give a better report, I affirme can produce no other effect but danger, losse, and harme.

SECTION XLVII.

Having visited our prises, and finding nothing in them but fish, we tooke a small portion for our victualing, and gave the bigger shippe to the Spaniards againe, and the lesser wee kept, with purpose to make her our pinnas. The Indians which wee tooke in her, would by no meanes depart from us, but desired to goe with us to England, The amity of the Indians. saying that the Indian and English were brothers; and in all places where wee came, they shewed themselves much affectionated unto us: these were natives of Moremoreno, and the most brutish of all that ever I had seene; and except it were in forme of men and speech, they seemed altogether voyde of that which appertained to reasonable men. They were expert swimmers; but after the manner of spaniels, they dive and abide under water a long time, and swallow the water of the sea as if it were of a fresh river. Except a man see them, he would hardly beleeve how they continue in the sea, as if they were mer-maides, and the water their naturall element.

Their countrey is most barren, and poore of foode. If they take a fish alive out of the sea, or meete with a peece of salted fish, they will devoure it without any dressing, as savourely as if had beene most curiously sodden or dressed, all which makes me beleeve that they sustaine themselves of that which they catch in the sea.

The Spaniards profit themselves of their labour and travell, and recompense them badly: they are in worse condition then their slaves, for to those they give sustenance, house-roome, and clothing, and teach them the knowledge of God: but the other they use as beastes, to doe their labour without wages, or care of their bodies or soules.

SECTION XLVIII.

Thwart of Ariquipa,198 the shippe we brought with us from Balparizo being very leake, and my companie satisfied that their hope to find any thing of worth in her was vaine, having searched her from post to stemme, condiscended to fire her; and the rather to keepe our company together, which could not well suffer any devision more then of meere necessity: so by generall accord we eased ourselves of her, and continued our course alongst the coast, till we came thwart of the bay of Pisco, which lyeth within fifteene degrees and fifteene minutes.

Presently after wee were cleare of Cape Saugalean,199 and his ilands, wee ranged this bay with our boate and pinnace. It hath two small ilands in it, but without fruite; and being becalmed, we anchored two dayes thwart of Chilca.

Advise given by sea and land.

By sea and by land, those of Chyly had given advise to Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoça, marquis of Cavete, vice-roy of Peru, resident in Lima, of our being on the coast. Hee presently with all possible diligence, put out sixe shippes in warlike order, with well neere two thousand men, and dispatched them to seeke us, and to fight with us, under the conduct of Don Beltrian de Castro Ydelaluca, his wives brother; who departing out of the port of Callao, turned to wind-ward in sight over the shore, from whence they had dayly intelligence where wee had beene discovered. And the next day after our departure out of Chilca, about the middle of May, at breake of day, wee had sight each of other, thwart of Cavete, wee being to wind-wards of the Spanish armado some two leagues, and all with little or no winde. Our pinnace or prise being furnished with oares came unto us, out of which we thought to have taken our men, and so to leave her; but being able to come unto us at all times, it was held for better to keepe her till necessity forced us to leave her: and so it was determined that if we came to likelihood of boording, shee should lay our boate aboord, and enter all her men, and from thence to enter our shippe, and so to forsake her. Although, by the event in that occasion this proved good, notwithstanding I hold it to bee reproved where the enemie is farre superiour in multitude and force, and able to come and bourd if hee list; and that the surest course is to fortifie the principall the best that may bee, and to cut of all impediments, where a man is forced to defence: for that no man is assured to have time answerable to his purpose and will; and upon doubt whether the others, in hope to save themselves, will not leave him in greatest extremitie.

SECTION XLIX.

Wee presently put ourselves in the best order wee could to fight and to defend ourselves: our prayers we made unto the Lord God of battails, for his helpe and our deliverance, putting our selves wholy into his hands. About nine of the clocke, the brese began to blow, and wee to stand off into the sea, the Spaniards cheeke by jole with us, ever getting to the wind-wards upon us; for that the shipping of the South sea is ever moulded sharpe under water, and long; all their voyages depending upon turning to wind-wardes, and the brese blowing ever southerly.

As the sunne began to mount aloft, the wind began to fresh; which together with the rowling sea that ever beateth upon this coast, comming out of the westerne-bourd, caused a chapping sea, wherewith the admirall of the Spaniards snapt his maine mast asunder, and so began to lagge a sterne, and with him other two shippes. The vice-admirall split her maine-sayle, being come within shott of us upon our broad side, but to lee-wards: the reare-admirall cracked her maine-yard asunder in the middest, being a head of us. One of the armado, which had gotten upon the broad side of us, to wind-wards, durst not assault us.

With these disgraces200 upon them, and the hand of God helping and delivering us, night comming, we began to consult what course was best to be taken to free our selves; wherein were divers opinions: some sayd it was best to stand off to the sea close by all the night; others to lye it a hull; others to cast about to the shoare-wards two glasses, and after all the night to stand off to sea close by. The admirall of the Spaniards, with the other two, were a sterne of us some foure leagues; the vice-admirall a mile right to le-wards of us; the reare-admirall in a manner right a head, some culvering shott; and one upon our loofe, within shott also. The moone was to rise within two houres. After much debating, it was concluded that wee should beare up before the winde, and seeke to escape betwixt the admirall and the vice-admirall, which wee put in execution, not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them, but that of the reare-admirall, till after our surrender, when they recounted unto us all that had past. In the morning at breake of day, wee were cleare of all our enemies, and so shaped our course alongst the coast, for the bay of Atacames, where we purposed to trim our pinnace, and to renue our wood and water, and so to depart upon our voyage with all possible speede.

The Spanish armado returned presently to Callao, which is the port of Lyma, or of the Citty of the Kings. It was first named Lyma, and retayneth also that name of the river, which passeth by the citty called Lyma. The Spanish armado being entred the port, the people began to goe ashore, where they were so mocked and scorned by the women, as scarce any one by day would shew his face: they reviled them with the name of cowards and golnias, and craved licence of the vice-roy to bee admitted in their roomes, and to undertake the surrendry of the English shippe. I have beene certified for truth, that some of them affronted their souldiers with daggers and pistols by their sides.

This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced, as they vowed eyther to recover their reputation lost, or to follow us into England; and so with expedition, the vice-roy commaunded two shippes and a pinnace to be put in order, and in them placed the chiefe souldiers and marriners of the rest, and furnished them with victuals and munition.

The foresayd generall is once againe dispatched to seeke us; who ranged the coastes and ports, enforming himselfe what hee could. Some fiftie leagues to the north-wards of Lyma, in sight of Mongon, wee tooke a shippe halfe loaden with wheate, sugar, miell de canas, and cordovan skins: which for that shee was leake, and sayled badly, and tackled in such maner as the marriners would not willingly put themselves into her, wee tooke what was necessary for our provision and fired her.

Thwart of Truxillo, wee set the companie of her a shore, with the pilot which we had taken in Balparizo, reserving the pilot of the burnt shippe, and a Greeke, who chose rather to continue with us, then to hazard their lives in going a shore; for that they had departed out of the port of Santa, which is in eight degrees, being required by the justice not to weigh anchor before the coast was knowne to be cleere.

It is a thing worthy to be noted, and almost incredible, with how few men they use to sayle a shippe in the South sea; for in this prise, which was above an hundred tuns, were but eight persons: and in a shippe of three hundreth tuns, they use not to put above foureteene or fifteene persons; yea, I have beene credibly enformed, that with foureteene persons, a shippe of five hundreth tuns hath beene carried from Guayaquil to Lyma, deepe loaden, (which is above two hundreth leagues): and are forced ever to gaine their voyage by turning to wind-wards, which is the greatest toyle and labour that the marriners have; and slow sometimes in this voyage foure or five moneths, which is generall in all the navigations of this coast.201 But the security from stormes, and certainty of the breze, with the desire to make their gaine the greater, is the cause that every man forceth himselfe to the uttermost, to doe the labour of two men.

SECTION L.

The ilands of Salomon.

In the height of this port of Santa, some seven hundreth and fiftie leagues to the west-wards, lie the ilands of Salomon, of late yeares discovered. At my being in Lyma, a fleete of foure sayle was sent from thence to people them; which through the emulation and discord that arose amongst them, being landed and setled in the countrey, was utterly overthrowne; onely one shippe, with some few of the people, after much misery, got to the Philippines. This I came to the knowledge of by a large relation written from a person of credit, and sent from the Philippines to Panama. I saw it at my being there, in my voyage towards Spaine.

Having edged neere the coast to put the Spaniards on shore, a thicke fogge tooke us, so that wee could not see the land; but recovering our pinnace and boate, we sayled on our course, till we came thwart of the port called Malabrigo: it lyeth in seaven degrees.

In all this coast the currant runneth with great force, but never keepeth any certaine course, saving that it runneth alongst the coast, sometimes to the south-wards, sometimes to the north-wards; which now running to the north-wards, forced us so farre into the bay, which a point Punta de Augussa. of the land causeth, that they call Punta de Augussa,202 as thinking to cleere ourselves by roving north-west, wee could not double this point, making our way north north-west. Therefore speciall care is ever to bee had of the current: and doubtlesse, if the providence of Almighty God had not freede us, wee had runne ashore upon the land, without seeing or suspecting any such danger. His name bee ever exalted and magnified for delivering us from the unknowne daunger, by calming the winde all night: the sunnes rising manifested unto us our errour and perill, by discovering unto us the land within two leagues, right a head. The current had carried us without any wind, at the least foure leagues; which seene, and the winde beginning to blow, wee brought our tackes abourd, and in short time cleared our selves.

Thwart of this point of Augussa, lie two desert ilandes; they call them Illas de Lobos, for the multitude of seales which accustome to haunt the shore. In the bigger is very good harbour, and secure: they lie in sixe degrees and thirtie minutes.

The next day after, wee lost sight of these ilands, being thwart of Payta, which lyeth in five degrees; and having manned our pinnace and boate to search the port, wee had sight of a tall shippe, which having knowledge of our being on the coast, and thinking her selfe to be more safe at sea then in the harbour, put her selfe then under sayle: to her wee gave chase all that night and the next day, but in fine she being better of sayle then wee, shee freed her selfe. Thus being too lee-ward of the harbour and discovered, we continued our course alongst the shore. That evening wee were thwart of the river of Guayaquill, which hath in the mouth of it two ilands: the souther-most and biggest, called Puma,203 in three degrees; and the other, to the north-wards, Santa Clara.

Puma.

Puma is inhabited, and is the place where they build their principall shipping; from this river, Lyma and all the valleys are furnished with timber, for they have none but that which is brought from hence, or from the kingdome of Chile. By this river passeth the principall trade of the kingdome of Quito; it is navigable some leagues into the land, and hath great abundance of timber.

Those of the Peru, use to ground and trim their shippes in Puma, or in Panama, and in all other partes they are forced to carene their shippes. In Puma, it higheth and falleth fifteene or sixteene foote water, and from this iland till a man come to Panama, in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse, keeping the ordinary course which the tides doe in all seas. The water of this river, by experience, is medicinable, for all aches of the bones, for the stone, and strangurie: the reason which is given is, because all the bankes and low lands adjoining to this river, are replenished with salsaperillia;204 which lying for the most part soaking in the water, it participateth of this vertue, and giveth it this force.

In this river, and all the rivers of this coast, are great abundance of alagartoes;205 and it is sayd that this exceedeth the rest; for persons of credit have certified mee, that as small fishes in other rivers abound in scoales, so the alagartoes in this. They doe much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards, and are dreadfull to all whom they catch within their clutches.

SECTION LI.

Some five or sixe leagues to the north-wards of Puma, is la Punta de Santa Elena; under which is good anchoring, cleane ground, and reasonable succour. Being thwart of this point, wee had sight of a shippe, which wee chased; but being of better saile then we, and the night comming on, we lost sight of her, and so anchored under the Isla de Plata, to recover our pinnace and boate, which had gone about the other point of the iland, which lyeth in two degrees and fortie minutes.

Puerto Viejo.

The next day we past in sight of Puerto Viejo, in two degrees and ten minutes; which lying without shipping, wee directed our course for Cape Passaos.206 It lyeth directly under the equinoctiall lyne; some fourescore leagues to the west-wards of this cape, lyeth a heape of ilands, the Spaniards call Illas de Los Galapagos: they are desert and bear no fruite. From Cape Passaos, wee directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco, which lyeth in one degree to the north-wardes of the lyne; and being thwart of it, wee descried a small shippe, which wee chased all that day and night; and the next morning our pinnace came to bourd her; but being a shippe of advise, and full of passengers, and our ship not able to fetch her up, they entreated our people badly, and freed themselves; though the feare they conceived, caused them to cast all the dispatches of the king, as also of particulars, into the sea, with a great part of their loading, to bee lighter and better of sayle; for the shippes of the South sea loade themselves like lighters, or sand barges, presuming upon the securitie from stormes.

SECTION LII.

Being out of hope to fetch up this shippe, wee stood in with the cape, where the land beginneth to trend about to the east-wards. The cape is high land, and all covered over with trees, and so is the land over the cape; and all the coast, from this cape to Panama, is full of wood, from the Straites of Magelan to this Cape of San Francisco. In all the coast from head-land to head-land, the courses lye betwixt the north, and north and by west, and sometimes more westerly, and that but seldome. It is a bold coast, and subject to little foule weather or alteration of windes, for the brese, which is the sowtherly wind, bloweth continually from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco, except it be a great chance.

Trending about the cape, wee haled in east north-east, to fetch the bay of Atacames, which lyeth some seaven leagues from the cape. In the mid-way, some three leagues from the shore, lyeth a banke of sand, whereof a man must have a care; for in some parts of it, there is but little water.

The tenth of June, wee came to an anchor in the bay of Atacames, which on the wester part hath a round hammock. It seemeth an iland, and in high springes I judge that the sea goeth round about it. To the east-wards it hath a high sandie cliffe, and in the middest of the bay, a faire birth from the shore, lyeth a bigge black rocke above water: from this rocke to the sandie cliffe, is a drowned marsh ground, caused by his lownesse; and a great river, which is broad, but of no depth.

Manning our boate, and running to the shore, we found presently, in the westerne bight of the bay, a deepe river, whose indraught was so great that we could not benefit our selves of it, being brackish, except at low water, which hindred our dispatch; yet in five dayes, wee filled all our emptie caske, supplied our want of wood, and grounded and put in order our pinnace.

They dismisse their Indians.

Here, for that our Indians served us to no other use but to consume our victuals, we eased our selves of them; gave them hookes and lines which they craved, and some bread for a few dayes, and replanted them in a farre better countrey then their owne, which fell out luckely for the Spaniards of the shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape San Francisco; for victuals growing short with her, having many mouthes, shee was forced to put a shore fiftie of her passengers neere the cape; whereof more than the one halfe dyed with famine and continual wading through rivers and waters: the rest, by chance, meeting with the Indians which wee had put a shore, with their fishing, guide, and industry, were refreshed, susteyned, and brought to habitation.

SECTION LIII.

Our necessary busines being ended, wee purposed the fifteenth day of May, in the morning, to set sayle; but the foureteenth in the evening, we had sight of a shippe, some three leagues to sea-wards; and through the importunitie of my captaine and companie, I condiscended that our pinnas should give her chase: which I should not have done, for it was our destruction. I gave them precise order, that if they stood not in againe at night, they should seeke mee at Cape San Francisco, for the next morning I purposed to set sayle without delay. And so seeing that our pinnas slowed her comming, at nine of the clocke in the morning wee weyed our anchors, and stood for the cape, where wee beate off and on two dayes; and our pinnas not appearing, wee stood againe into the bay, where wee descried her turning in without a maine mast, which standing off to the sea close by, with much winde, and a chapping sea, bearing a taunt-sayle, where a little was too much (being to small purpose), sodainely they bare it by the bourd; and standing in with the shore, the winde, or rather God blinding them for our punishment, they knewe not the land; and making themselves to bee to wind-wards of the bay, bare up, and were put into the bay of San Mathew. It is a goodly harbour, and hath a great fresh river, which higheth fifteene or sixteene foote water, and is a good countrey, and well peopled with Indians: they have store of gold and emeralds. Heere the Spaniards from Guayaquill made an habitation, whilst I was prisoner in Lyma, by the Indians consent; but after, not able to suffer the insolencies of their guests, and being a people of stomacke and presumption, they suffered themselves to bee The Indians led by a Molato. perswaded and led by a Molato. This leader many yeares before had fled unto them from the Spaniards: him they had long time held in reputation of their captaine generall, and was admitted also unto a chiefe office by the Spaniardes, to gaine him unto them.

But now the Indians uniting themselves together, presuming that by the helpe of this Molato, they should force the Spaniards out of the countrey, put their resolution into execution, drove their enemies into the woods, and slue as many as they could lay hands on; some they killed, few escaped with life; and those who had that good happe, suffered extreame misery before they came to Quito, the place of neerest habitation of Spaniards.

To this bay, assoone as our people in the pinnas saw their errour, they brought their tackes abourd, and turned and tyded it up, as they could. Assoone as we came to anchor, I procured to remedie that was amisse; in two daies wee dispatched all we had to doe, and the next morning wee resolved to set sayle, and to leave the coast of Peru and Quito.

The day appearing, we began to weigh our anchors, and being a pike, ready to cut sayle, one out of the toppe descryed Spanish Armado. the Spanish armado, comming about the cape; which by the course it kept, presently gave us to understand who they were: though my company, as is the custome of sea-men, made them to be the fleete bound for Panama, loaden with treasure, and importuned that in all hast we should cut sayle and stand with them; which I contradicted, for that I was assured, that no shipping would stirre upon the coast till they had securitie of our departure (except some armado that might be sent to seeke us), and that it was not the time of the yeare to carry the treasure to Panama. And besides, in riding still at an anchor, they ever came neerer unto us; for they stood directly with us, and wee kept the weather gage; where if we had put our selves under sayle, the ebbe in hand, wee should have given them the advantage, which we had in our power, by reason of the point of the bay. And being the armado, as it was, we gained time to fit ourselves, the better to fight. And truly (as before, to a stiffe-necked horse), so now againe I cannot but resemble the condition of the mariner to any thing better, then to the current of a furious river, repressed by force or art, which neverthelesse ceaseth not to seeke a way to overthrow both fence and banke: even so the common sort of sea-men, apprehending a conceite in their imaginations, neither experiment, knowledge, examples, reasons, nor authority, can alter and remoove them from their conceited opinions. In this extremitie, with reason I laboured to convince them, and to contradict their pretences: but they altogether without reason, or against reason, breake out, some into vaunting and bragging, some into reproaches of want of courage, others into wishings that they had never come out of their countrey, if we should refuse to fight with two shippes whatsoever. The unadvised courage of the multitude. And to mend the matter, the gunner, for his part, assured me that with the first tire207 of shott, he would lay the one of them in the sods: and our pinnace, that she would take the other to taske. One promised that he would cut downe the mayne yard; another that he would take their flagge; and all in generall shewed a great desire to come to tryall with the enemy. To some I turned the deafe eare, with others I dissembled, and armed myselfe with patience (having no other defence nor remedie for that occasion), soothing and animating them to the execution of what they promised, and perswaded them to have a little sufferance, seeing they gained time and advantage by it.

And to give them better satisfaction, I condiscended that our captaine, with a competent number of men, should with our pinnace goe to discover them; with order that they should not engage themselves in that manner as they might not be able to come unto us, or we to succour them. In all these divisions and opinions, our master, Hugh Dormish,208 who was a most sufficient man for government and valour, and well saw the errors of the multitude, used his office as became him; and so did all those of best understanding.

In short space our pinnace discovered what they were, and casting about to returne unto us, the vice-admirall, being next her, began with her chace to salute her with three or foure peeces of artillery, and so continued chasing her and gunning at her. My company seeing this, now began to change humour; and I then to encourage and perswade them to performe the execution of their promises and vaunts of valour, which they had but even now protested, and given assurance of by their proferres and forwardnesse.

And that we might have sea-roome to fight, we presently weighed anchor, and stood off to sea with all our sayles, in hope to get the weather gage of our contraries. But the winde scanting with us, and larging with them, we were The beginning of the fight. forced to lee-ward. And the admirall weathering us, came rome209 upon us: which being within musket shott, we hayled first with our noise of trumpets, then with our waytes, and after with our artilery: which they answered with artilery, two for one. For they had double the ordinance we had, and almost tenne men for one. Immediately they came shoring210 abourd of us, upon our lee quarter, contrary to our expectation, and the custome of men of warre. The inexperience of the Spaniards. And doubtlesse, had our gunner beene the man he was reputed to be, and as the world sould him to me, shee had received great hurt by that manner of bourding. But And carelesnesse of the English. contrary to all expectation, our stearne peeces were unprimed, and so were all those which we had to lee-ward, save halfe one in the quarter, which discharged, wrought that effect in our contraries as that they had five or sixe foote water in hold, before they suspected it.

How farre a commander is to trust his officers.

Hereby all men are to take warning by me, not to trust any man in such extremities, when he himselfe may see it done: and comming to fight, let the chieftaine himselfe be sure to have all his artilery in a readinesse upon all occasions. This was my oversight, this my overthrow. For I and all my company had that satisfaction of the sufficiencie and the care of our gunner, as not any one of us ever imagined there would be any defect found in him. For my part, I with the rest of our officers, occupied our selves in cleering our deckes, laceing our nettings, making of bulwarkes, arming our toppes, fitting our wast-cloathes, tallowing our pikes, slinging our yards, doubling our sheetes, and tackes, placing and ordering our people, and procuring that they should be well fitted and provided of all things; leaving the artilery, and other instruments of fire, to the gunners dispose and order, with the rest of his mates and adherents; which, as I said, was part of our perdition. For bearing me ever in hand, that he had five hundred cartreges in a readinesse, within one houres fight we were forced to occupie three persons onely in making and filling cartreges; and of five hundred elles of canvas and other cloth given him for that purpose, at sundry times, not one yard was to be found. For this we have no excuse, and therefore could not avoyd the danger, to charge and discharge with the ladell, especially in so hotte a fight.211 And comming now to put in execution the sinking of the shippe, as he promised, he seemed a man without life or soule. So the admirall comming close unto us, I myselfe, and the master of our shippe, were forced to play the gunners.

Deceit of the gunner, and his extreme carelesnesse, and suspitious disloyalty.

Those instruments of fire wherein he made me to spend excessively, before our going to sea, now appeared not; neither the brasse balles of artificiall fire, to be shott with slurbowes (whereof I had six bowes, and two hundreth bals, and which are of great account and service, either by sea or land); he had stowed them in such manner, though in double barrels, as the salt water had spoyled them all; so that comming to use them, not one was serviceable. Some of our company had in him suspition to be more friend to the Spaniards then to us; for that he had served some yeares in the Tercera, as gunner, and that he did all this of purpose. Few of our peeces were cleere, when we came to use them, and some had the shott first put in, and after the powder. Besides, after our surrendry, it was laid to his charge, that he should say, he had a brother that served the king in the Peru, and that he thought he was in the armado; and how he would not for all the world he should be slaine. Whether this were true or no, I know not; but I am sure all in generall gave him an ill report, and that he in whose hands the chiefe execution of the whole fight consisted, executed nothing as was promised and expected.

Admonitions for commanders.

The griefe and remembrance of which oversights once againe inforceth me to admonish all captaines and commanders hereby to take advice, now and then to survey their officers and store-roomes, the oftener the better; that so their defects and wants may be supplied in time: never relying too much upon the vulgar report, nor giving too much credite to smooth tongues and boasting companions. But to performe this taske, it is requisite that all captaines and commanders were such, and so experimented in all offices, that they might be able as well to controule as to examine all manner of errors in officers. For the government at sea hardly suffereth a head without exquisite experience. The deficiency whereof hath occasioned Who to be accounted a true mariner. some ancient sea-men to straighten the attribute of marriner in such sort, as that it ought not to be given but to the man who is able to build his shippe, to fit and provide her of all things necessary, and after to carry her about the world: the residue to be but saylers. Hereby giving us to understand, that though it is not expedient that he His knowledge for materialls. should be an axe-carpenter, to hewe, cut, frame, and mould each timber piece, yet that he should know the parts and peeces of the shippe, the value of the timber, planke, and yron-worke, so to be able as well to build in proportion, as to procure all materialls at a just price. And againe, though it be not expected that he should sowe the sayles, arme the shrowds, and put the tackling over head, yet is it requisite that he should knowe how to cut his sayles, what length is competent to every roape, and to be of sufficiency to reprehend and reforme those who erre For provisions. and doe amisse. In providing his shippe with victualls, munition, and necessaries, of force it must be expected that he be able to make his estimate, and (that once provided and perfected), in season, and with expedition to see it loden and stowed commodiously, with care and proportion. After that, he is to order the spending thereof, that in nothing he be defrauded at home; and at sea, ever to know how much is spent, and what remaineth unspent.

For navigation.

In the art of navigation, he is bound also to know so much as to be able to give directions to the pilote and master, and consequently to all the rest of inferiour officers.

SECTION LIV.

My meaning is not that the captaine or governour should be tyed to the actuall toyle, or to intermeddle with all offices, for that were to binde him to impossibilities, to diminish and abase his authoritie, and to deprive the other officers of their esteemes, and of that that belongeth unto them, which were a great absurditie: but my opinion is, that he should be more then superficially instructed and practised in the imployments. Yea, I am verily perswaded, that the more absolute authoritie any commander giveth to his under officers, being worthy of it, the sweeter is the command, and the more respected and beloved the commander.

Office of the master.

For in matter of guide and disposing of the saylers, with the tackling of the shippe, and the workes which belong thereunto, within bourd and without, all is to be committed to the masters charge.

Office of the pilot.

The pilote is to looke carefully to the sterridge of the shippe; to be watchfull in taking the heights of sunne and starre; to note the way of his shippe, with the augmenting and lessening of the winde, etc.

The bote swaine.

The boateswayne is to see his shippe kept cleane; his mastes, yards and tacklings well coated, matted and armed; his shroudes and stayes well set; his sayles repayred, and sufficiently prevented with martnets, blayles, and caskettes; his boate fitted with sayle, oares, thougts, tholes danyd, windles and rother; his anchors well boyed, safely stopped and secured, with the rest to him appertaining.

The steward.

The steward is to see the preservation of vittayles and necessaries committed unto his charge; and by measure and weight to deliver the portions appointed, and with discretion and good tearmes to give satisfaction to all.

The carpenter.

The carpenter is to view the mastes and yards, the sides of the shippe, her deckes, and cabines, her pumpes, and boate; and moreover to occupie him selfe in the most forceible workes, except he be otherwise commanded.

The gunner.

The gunner is to care for the britching and tackling of his artilery; the fitting of his shott, tampkins, coynes, crones,212 and lin-stockes, etc. To be provident in working his fire workes; in making and filling his cartreges; in accommodating his ladles, sponges, and other necessaries; in sifting and drying his powder; in cleaning the armes, munition, and such like workes, intrusted unto him.

In this manner every officer, in his office, ought to be an absolute commander, yet readie in obedience and love, to sacrifice his will to his superiors command. This cannot but cause unitie; and unitie cannot but purchase a happie issue to dutifull travelles.

Directions in secret.

Lastly, except it be in urgent and precise cases, the head should never direct his command to any but the officers, and these secretly, except the occasion require publication, or that it touch all in generall.

Such orders would be, for the most part, in writing, that all might know what in generall is commanded and required.

SECTION LV.

Parts requisite in a good husband-man.

And as the wise husband-man, in walking from ground to ground, beholdeth one plowing, another harrowing, another sowing, and lopping; another pruning, one hedging, another threshing, and divers occupied in severall labours: some he commendeth, others he reproacheth; others he adviseth, and to another he saith nothing, for that he seeth him in the right way: and all this, for that he knoweth and understandeth what they all doe, better then they themselves, though busied in their ordinary workes: even The like in a good chieftaine. so a worthy commander at sea, ought to have the eyes, not only of his body, but also of his understanding, continually set (with watchfull care) upon all men, and all their workes under his charge; imitating the wise husband-man; first to know, and then to command: and lastly, to will their obedience voluntary, and without contradiction. For who knoweth not that ignorance many times commandeth that which it understandeth not; which the artist perceiving, first disdaineth, afterwards disteemeth, and finally in these great actions, which admit no temporizing, either he wayveth the respect of dutie, or faintly performeth the behest of his superiour upon every slight occasion, either in publike opposing, or in private murmuring: the smallest of which is most pernicious. Thus much (not amisse) for instruction.

SECTION LVI.

Why the Spanish admirall came to lee-wards.

The reason why the admirall came to lee-wardes, as after I understood, was for that her artillery being very long, and the wind fresh, bearing a taunt sayle to fetch us up, and to keepe us company, they could not use their ordinance to the weather of us, but lay shaking in the wind: and doubtlesse it is most proper for shippes to have short ordinance, except in the sterne or chase. The reasons are many: viz.—easier charging, ease of the shippes side, better traversing, and mounting; yea, greater security of the artillery, and consequently of the ship. For the longer the peece is, the greater is the retention of the fire, and so the torment and danger of the peece the greater.

But here will be contradiction by many, that dare avouch that longer peeces are to be preferred; for that they burne their powder better, and carrie the shott further, and so necessarily of better execution; whereas the short artillery many times spend much of their powder without burning, and workes thereby the slenderer effect.

To which I answere, that for land service, fortes, or castles, the long peeces are to bee preferred: but for shipping, the shorter are much more serviceable. And the powder in them, being such as it ought, will be all fiered long before the shott can come forth; and to reach farre in fights at sea, is to little effect. For he that purposeth to annoy his enemie, must not shoot at randome, nor at point blanke, if hee purpose to accomplish with his devoire, nether must hee spend his shott nor powder, but where a pot-gun may reach his contrary; how much the neerer, so much the better: and this duely executed, the short artillery will worke its effect as well as the long; otherwise, neither short nor long are of much importance: but here my meaning is not to approve the overshort peeces, devised by some persons, which at every shott they make, daunce out of their carriages, but those of indifferent length, and which keepe the meane, betwixt seaven and eight foote.213

SECTION LVII.

Intertainement of Spaniards.

The entertainement wee gave unto our contraries, being otherwise then was expected, they fell off, and ranged a head, having broken in peeces all our gallerie; and presently they cast about upon us, and being able to keepe us company, with their fighting sayles, lay a weather of us, ordinarily within musket shott; playing continually with them and their great artillery; which we endured, and answered as we could.

Our pinnace engaged herselfe so farre, as that before shee could come unto us, the vice-admirall had like to cut her off, and comming to lay us aboord, and to enter her men, the vice-admirall boorded with her: so that some of our company entred our ship over her bow-sprit, as they themselves reported.

We were not a little comforted with the sight of our people in safetie within our shippe; for in all we were but The English seventy-five. The Spaniards thirteen hundred. threescore and fifteene, men and boyes, when we began to fight, and our enemies thirteene hundred men and boyes, little more or lesse, and those of the choise of Peru.

SECTION LVIII.

The Spanish discipline.

Heere it shall not he out of the way to discourse a little of the Spanish discipline, and manner of their government in generall; which is in many things different to ours. In this expedition came two generalls: the one Don Beltran de Castro, who had the absolute authoritie and commaund; the other Michael Angell Filipon, a man well in yeares, and came to this preferment by his long and painful service; who though he had the title of generall by sea, I thinke it was rather of courtesie then by pattent; and for that hee had beene many yeares generall of the South sea, for the carriage and waftage of the silver from Lyma to Panama. He seemed to bee an assistant, to supply that with his counsell, advice, and experience, whereof Don Beltran had never made tryall (for hee commanded not absolutely, but with the confirmation of Don Beltran), for the Spaniards never give absolute authoritie to more then one. A custome that hath beene, and is approoved in all empires, kingdomes, common-wealths, and armies, rightly disciplined: the mixture hath been seldome seene to prosper, as will manifestly appeare, if we consider the issue of all actions and journeys committed to the government of two, or more generally.

Two chieftains joyned in commission, dangerous.

The famous victory of Hannibal against the Romane consuls Paulus Emillius and Terrentius Varro, was attributed to their equality of government. The unhappie overthrowe given by the Turke Amurate, to the Christian princes, in the journey of Nicapolis, is held to have proceeded from the difference betwixt the heads, every one leaning to his owne opinion. The overthrow in recoverie of the Holy land, undertaken by king Richard of England, and king Philip of France, sprang from the like differences and dissentions. The victory of the emperour Charles the Fifth, against the Protestant princes of Germanie, is imputed to their distractures arising from parity in command. If we looke into our owne actions, committed to the charge of two generals, the effects and fruits which they have brought forth, for the most part, will be found to be little better: yea, most of them, through emulation, envie, and pride, overthrowne, and brought to nought; though to cover their confusions, there have never beene wanting cloakes and colours. The most approoved writers reproove, and call it a monster with two heads, and not without reason. For if the monarchy be generally approoved, for strongest, soundest, and most perfect, and most sufficient to sustaine it selfe; and the democracie and aristocracie utterly reprooved, as weake, feeble, and subject to innovations and infirmities; it cannot be but errour, confusion, and imperfection, to differ or dissent from it. For where the supreame government is divided betwixt two or more, the authoritie is diminished, and so looseth his true force; as a fagget of stickes, whose bond being broken, the entire strength is easily dissolved: but all under correction.

The Spaniards, in their armadoes by sea, imitate the discipline, order, and officers, which are in an army by land, and divide themselves into three bodies; to wit, souldiers, marriners, and gunners.

The souldier.

Their souldiers ward and watch, and their officers in every shippe round, as if they were on the shoare; this is the only taske they undergoe, except cleaning their armes, The gunner. wherein they are not over curious. The gunners are exempted from all labour and care, except about the artillery.

And these are either Almaynes, Flemmings, or strangers; for the Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this The marriner. art. The marriners are but as slaves to the rest, to moyle,214 and to toyle day and night; and those but few and bad, and not suffered to sleepe or harbour themselves under the deckes. For in faire or fowle weather, in stormes, sunne, or raine, they must passe voyde of covert or succour.

Officers in a shippe of war. Captaine of the shippe. Captaine of the souldiers.

There is ordinarily in every shippe of warre, a captaine, whose charge is as that of our masters with us, and also a captaine of the souldiers, who commandeth the captaine of the shippe, the souldiers, gunners, and marriners in her; yea, though there be divers captaines, with their companies in one shippe (which is usuall amongst them), yet one hath the supreme authoritie, and the residue are at his Mastros de campo, &c. ordering and disposing. They have their mastros de campo, seargeant, master, generall (or captaine) of the artillery, with their alfere major, and all other officers, as in a campe.

If they come to fight with another armado, they order themselves as in a battell by land; in a vanguard, rereward, maine battell, and wings, etc. In every particular shippe the souldiers are all set upon the deckes; their forecastle they account their head front, or vanguard of their company; that abaft the mast, the rereward; and the wayste the mayne battell; wherein they place their principall force, and on which they principally relye, which they call their placa de armas, or place of armes: which taken, their hope is lost.

The gunners fight not but with their great artillery: the marriners attend only to the tackling of the shippe and handling of the sayles, and are unarmed, and subject to all misfortunes; not permitted to shelter themselves, but to be still aloft, whether it be necessary or needlesse. So ordinarily, those which first fayle, are the marriners and saylers, of which they have greatest neede. They use few close fights or fire-workes; and all this proceedeth, as I judge, of errour in placing land captaines for governours and commanders by sea; where they seldome understand what is to be done or commanded.

Prying of the Spaniards into our discipline.

Some that have beene our prisoners, have perfitted215 themselves of that they have seene amongst us; and others disguised under colour of treaties, for ransoming of prisoners, for bringing of presents, and other imbassages, have noted our forme of shipping, our manner of defences, Their imitation of our discipline. and discipline. Sithence216 which espiall, in such actions as they have beene imployed in, they seeke to imitate our government and reformed discipline at sea: which, doubtlesse, is the best and most proper that is at this day knowne or practised in the whole world, if the execution be answerable to that which is knowne and received for true and good amongst us.

In the captaine (for so the Spaniards call their admirall) was an English gunner, who to gaine grace with those under whom hee served, preferred himselfe, and offered to sinke our shippe with the first shott he made: who, by the Spaniards relation, being travesing of a peece in the bowe, to make his shott, had his head carryed away with the first or second shott made out of our shippe. It slew also two or three of those which stood next him.

Which may be a good and gentle warning for all those who mooved either with covetousnesse, or with desire of revenge, or in hope of worldly promotion, or other respect whatsoever, doe willingly and voluntarily serve the enemie against their owne nation: nulla causa insta videri potest, adversus patriam arma capiendi.

The ends of fugitives.

And if we consider the end of those who have thus erred, wee shall finde them, for the most part, lamentable and most miserable. At the least, those whom I have knowne, have lived to be pointed at with detestation, and ended their lives in beggery, voyde of reputation.

SECTION LIX.

The fight continued so hott on both sides, that the artillery and muskets never ceased playing. Our contraries, towards the evening, determined the third time to lay us abourd, with resolution to take us or to hazard all. The order they set downe for the execution hereof, was, that the captaine (or admirall) should bring himselfe uppon our weather bowe, and so fall abourd of us, upon our broad side: and that the vice-admirall should lay his admirall abourd uppon his weather quarter, and so enter his men into her; that from her they might enter us, or doe as occasion should minister.

The captaine of the vice-admirall being more hardy then considerate, and presuming with his shippe and company to get the price and chiefe honour, wayted not the time to put in execution the direction given, but presently came The Spaniards pay deerely for their rashnesse. abourd to wind-wards uppon our broad side. Which, doubtlesse, was the great and especiall providence of Almightie God, for the discouraging of our enemies, and animating of us. For although shee was as long, or rather longer then our shippe, being rarely217 built, and utterly without fights or defences; what with our muskets, and what with our fire-works, wee cleered her decks in a moment, so that scarce any person appeared. And doubtlesse if we had entred but a dozen men, we might have enforced them to have rendred unto us, or taken her; but our company being few, and the principall of them slaine or hurt, we durst not, neither was it wisedome, to adventure the separation of those which remained: and so held that for the best and soundest resolution, to keepe our forces together in defence of our owne.

The vice-admirall seeing himselfe in great distresse, called to his admirall for succour; who presently laid him abourd, and entred a hundreth of his men, and so cleered themselves of us.

In this bourding, the vice-admirall had at the least thirtie and sixe men hurt and slaine; and amongst them his pilote shot through the body, so as he died presently. And take a new resolution. And the admirall also received some losse, which wrought in them a new resolution, onely with their artillery to batter us; and so with time to force us to surrender, or to sinke us; which they put in execution: and placing themselves within a musket shott of our weather quarter, and sometimes on our broad side, lay continually beating upon us without intermission; which was, doubtlesse, the best and securest determination they could take; for they being rare218 shippes, and without any manner of close fights, in boarding with us, their men were all open unto us, and we under covert and shelter. For on all parts our shippe was musket free, and the great artillery of force must cease on either side (the shippes being once grapled together), except we resolved to sacrifice our selves together in fire. For it is impossible, if the great ordinance play (the shippes being bourded), but that they must set fire on the shippe they shoote at; and then no surety can be had to free himselfe, as experience daily confirmeth. For a peece of artillery most properly resembleth a thunderclap, which breaking upwards, or on the side, hurteth not; for that the fire hath scope to dispence it selfe without finding resistance, till the violence which forceth it taketh end, and so it mounts to its center: but breaking downe right or stooping downwards, and finding resistance or impediment, before the violence that forceth it take end, being so subtill and penetrable a substance, passeth and pierceth so wonderfully, as it leaveth the effect of his execution in all points answerable to his levell and nighnesse. For if the clouds be nigh the earth (as some are higher, some lower), and breake down-wards, the violence wherewith the fire breaketh out is such, and of so strange an execution, that men have beene found dead without any outward signe in their flesh, and yet all their bones burnt to dust. So the blade of the sword hath beene found broken all to peeces in the scabard, and the scabard whole without blemish: and a cristall glasse all shivered in peeces, his cover and case remaining sound; which commeth to passe for that in the flesh, in the scabard, and in the case, the fire being so subtile of nature, findeth easie passage without resistance; but the bones, the blade, the cristall, being of substance more solide, maketh greater resistance, and so the fire with the more fury worketh the more his execution in its objects. As was seene in the Spanish admirall (or captaine), after my imprisonment, crossing from Panama to Cape San Francisco, a rayo (for so the Spaniards call a thunder-clappe), brake over our shippe, killed one in the fore-toppe, astonished either two or three in the shroudes, and split the mast in strange manner: where it entred it could hardly be descerned, but where it came forth, it drave out a great splinter before it; and the man slaine, was cleane in a manner without signe or token of hurt, although all his bones turned to powder; and those who lived and recovered, had all their bodies blacke, as burnt with fire: which plainly declareth and confirmeth that above said, and may serve to judge in such occasions of persons hurt with thunder; for if they complaine of their bones, and have little signe of the fire, their hazard of death is the greater, then when the fire hath left greater impressions outward. The fire out of a cloude worketh like effect, only where it leveleth directly, as experience daily teacheth; killing those who are opposite, hurting those who are neere, and only terrifying those who are further distant.

In like manner the peece of ordinance hurteth not those which stand aside, nor those which stand a slope from his mouth, but those alone which stand directly against the true point of his levell: though sometimes the winde of the shott overthroweth one, and the splinters (being accidents), mayne219 and hurt others. But principally where the peece doth resemble the thunder clappe, as when the ships are bourded: for then, although the artillery be discharged without shott, the fury of the fire, and his piercing nature is such, as it entreth by the seames, and all parts of the ships sides, and meeting with so fit matter as pitch, tarre, ocombe, and sometimes with powder, presently converteth all into flames.

For avoyding whereof, as also the danger and damage which may come by pikes and other inventions of fire, and if any shippe be oppressed with many shippes at once, and subject by them to be bourded; I hold it a good course to strike his fore and mayne yards close to his decke, and to fight with sprit-saile and myson, and top-sayles loose: so shall he be able to hinder them from oppressing him.

Pollicies to avoid bourdings.

Some have thought it a good pollicy to launce out some ends of mastes or yards by the ports or other parts: but this is to be used in the greater shippes; for in the lesser, though they be never so strong, the waight of the bigger will beate out the opposite sides and doe hurt, and make great spoyle in the lesser. And in bourding, ordinarily the lesser shippe hath all the harme which the one shippe can doe unto the other.

Disputes concerning ships of trade.

Here is offered to speake of a point much canvassed amongst carpenters and sea captaines, diversly mainetained but yet undetermined: that is, whether the race220 or loftie built shippe bee best for the merchant, and those which imploy themselves in trading? I am of opinion that the race shippe is most convenient; yet so as that every perfect shippe ought to have two deckes, for the better strengthening of her; the better succouring of her people; the better preserving of her merchandize and victuall; and for her greater safetie from sea and stormes.

Concerning the prince his shippes.

But for the princes shippes, and such as are imployed continually in the warres, to be built loftie I hold very necessary for many reasons. First for majestie and terrour of the enemy; secondly, for harbouring of many men; thirdly, for accommodating more men to fight; fourthly, for placing and using more artillery; fiftly, for better strengthening and securing of the shippe; sixtly, for over-topping and subjecting the enemy; seventhly, for greater safeguard and defence of the ship and company. For it is plaine, that the ship with three deckes, or with two and a halfe, shewes more pomp than another of her burthen with a decke and a halfe, or two deckes, and breedeth greater terror to the enemy, discovering herselfe to be a more powerfull ship, as she is, then the other; which being indeed a ship of force, seemeth to be but a barke, and with her low building hideth her burthen. And who doubteth that a decke and a halfe cannot harbour that proportion of men, that two deckes, and two deckes and a halfe can accommodate to fight; nor carry the artillery so plentifully, nor so commodiously. Neither can the ship be so strong with a decke and a halfe as with two deckes; nor with two, as with three; nor carry her masts so taunt; nor spread so great a clue; nor contrive so many fightes, to answer one another for defence and offence. And the advantage the one hath of the other, experience daily teacheth.

All ships of warre are not to be low built.

In the great expedition of eightie eight, did not the Elizabeth Jonas, the Triumph, and the Beare, shew greater majestie then the Arke Royall and the Victorie, being of equall burthens? did they not cause greater regard in the enemy? did they not harbour and accommodate more men, and much better? did they not beare more artillery? And if they had come to boord with the Spanish high-charged ships, it is not to be doubted but they would have mustred themselves better, then those which could not with their prowesse nor props, have reached to their wastes. The strength of the one cannot be compared with the strength of the other: but in bourding, it goeth not so much in the strength, as in weight and greatnesse. For the greater ship that bourdeth with the lesser, with her mastes, her yardes, her tacklings, her anchors, her ordinance, and with her sides, bruseth and beateth the lesser to peeces, although the lesser be farre stronger according to proportion.

The Foresight of his Majesties, and the Daintie, were shippes in their proportions farre more stronger then the carake which was taken by them and their consorts, anno 92: for she had in a manner no strong building nor binding, and the others were strengthened and bound as art was able to affoord; and yet both bourding with her, were so brused, broken, and badly handled, as they had like to have sunke by her side, though bourding with advantage to weather-wards of her. But what would have become of them if she should have had the wind of them, and have come aboord to wind-ward of them? In small time, no doubt, she would have beaten them under water.

Anno 90, in the fleet under the charge of Sir John Hawkins, my father, comming from the south-wards, the Hope, of his Majesties, gave chase to a French ship, thinking her to be a Spaniard. She thought to have freed her selfe by her sailing, and so would not availe, but endured the shooting of many peeces, and forced the Hope to lay her abourd; of which issued that mischiefe which before I spake off. For in a moment the French ship had all her mastes, yards, and sailes in the sea, and with great difficultie the Hope could free herselfe from sinking her.

In the self-same voyage, neere the ilands of Flores and Corvo, the Rainbow and the Foresight came foule one of another; the Rainbow, being the greater shippe, left the Foresight much torne; and if God had not beene pleased to seperate them, the lesser, doubtlesse, had sunke in the sea; but in these incounters they received little or no hurt. The boording of the Rainbow and Foresight, as I was enformed, proceeded of the obstinacie and self will of the captaine or master of the Foresight, who would not set sayle in time, to give sea roome to the other, comming Particular respects must give place to the generall. driving upon her, for that she was more flotie.221 This pride I have seene many times to be the cause of great hurt, and is worthy of severe punishment: for being all of one company, and bound every one to helpe and further the good of the other, as members of one body, there ought to be no strayning of courtesie; but all are bound to suppress emulation and particular respect, in seeking the generall good of all, yea, of every particular more ingeniously then that of his owne.

But in equitie and reason, the le-ward shippe ought ever to give way to the weather most, in hulling or trying, without any exception. First, for that shee advantageth the other in hulling or trying; which is manifest, for that shee to wind-wards drives upon her to le-wards. Secondly, for that the windermost shippe, by opening her sayle, may be upon the other before shee be looked for, either for want of steeridge, not being under way, or by the rowling of the sea, some one sea casting the shippe more to le-wards then ten others. And thirdly, for that the windermost shippe being neere, and setting sayle, is in possibilitie to take away the winde from her to le-wards comming within danger. And this by way of argument, for a hull and under-sayle in stormes and fayre weather, in harbour, or at sea.

Humanitie and courtesie are ever commendable and beneficiall to all, whereas arrogancie and ambition are ever accompanied with shame, losse, and repentance.

Arrogancy of a Spanish generall.

And though in many examples, touching this point, I have beene an eye witnesse, yet I will record but one, which I saw in the river of Civill,222 at my comming out of the Indies amongst the galleons loaden with silver. For their wafting, the king sent to the Tercera, eight new galleons, under the charge of Villa Viciosa; who entring the barre of Saint Luar joyntly, the shippes loaden with silver, anchored in the middest of the river in deeper water, and the wafters on either side, neere the shoare. The admirall of the wafters rode close by the galleon in which I was, and had moored her selfe in that manner, as her streame, cable, and anchor, overlayed our land-most. And winding up with the first of the flood, shee her selfe in one of her cables, which together with the great currant of the ebbe, and force of the winde which blewe fresh, caused her to drive, and to dragge home her anchors; and with that which overlay ours, to cause us to doe the like. Whereupon, on both sides was crying out to veere cable: we, for our parts, had lost all our cables in the Terceras, saving those which were a-ground, and those very short, and vered to the better end. The admirall strained courtesie, thinking the other, though loaden with silver, bound to let slippe one, so to give him way; and the generall standing in his gallery, saw the danger which both shippes ranne into, being in a manner bourd and bourd, and driving upon the point of the shoare: yet he commanded to hold fast, and not to vere cable, till he was required and commanded in the kings name, by the captaine of our shippe; protesting, the damage which should ensue thereof to the king and merchants, to runne upon the admirals accompt; and that in his shippe he had no other cable but those which were aground, and that they had vered as much as they could: which the generall knowing, and at last better considering, willed to vere his cable end for end, and so, with some difficultie and dispute, the punto was remedied; which if he had done at first, he had prevented all other danger, inconvenience, and dispute, by only weighing of his cable and anchor after the gust was past, and letting it fall in a place more commodious: whereas, his vaine glory, stoutnesse, and selfe-will, had put in great perill two of the kings shippes, and in them above two millions of treasure. And it may be, if he had beene one of the ignorant generalls, such as are sometimes imployed, whereas he was one of best experience, I doubt not, but they would have stood so much upon their puntos,223 as rather then they would have consented to vere theyr cables (for that it seemed a diminution of authoritie), they would rather have suffered all to goe to wracke, without discerning the danger and damage.

Doubts and objections resolved.

But to returne to my former point of advantage, which the greater shippe hath of the lesser, I would have it to be understood according to occasion, and to be understood of ships of warre with ships of warre; it being no part of my meaning to mainetaine that a small man of warre should And the duty of a small ship against a greater. not bourd with a great shippe which goeth in trade. For I know, that the war-like shippe that seeketh, is not only bound to bourd with a greater, but were shee sure to hazard her selfe, shee ought to bourd where any possibility of surprising may be hoped for. Witnesse the Biscaine shippes of five hundreth tunnes, taken by shippes of lesse then a hundreth. Such were those which were taken by captaine George Reymond, and captaine Greenfield Halse; both wonne by bourding and force of armes. And did not Markes Berry, with a shippe of foure-score tunnes, by bourding and dent of sword, take a shippe which came from the Nova Hispania, of neere foure hundreth tunnes? To recount all such as have beene in this sort taken by our countreymen, as also those of great worth they have lost, for not hazarding the bourding, were never to make an end. Yet discretion is ever to be used; for a man that in a small barke goeth to warre-fare, is not bound to bourd with a carake, nor with a shippe which he seeth provided with artillery and other preventions far above his possibilitie.

Vain-glory of the Spanish.

The Spaniards confesse us to advantage them in our shipping, and attribute all our victories to that which is but a masse of dead wood, were it not managed and ordered by art and experience; affirming, that if we came to handie strokes and bourding, they should goe farre beyond us, which to any person of reasonable understanding, cannot but seeme most vaine-glorious; for we leave not to bourd with them upon occasion, when otherwise we cannot force them to surrender: but I conclude it to be great errour, and want of discretion in any man, to put himselfe, his shippe, and company in perill, being able otherwise to vanquish his enemy.224

This imagination, so vaine and so voyde of ground, hath growne from the ignorance of some of our common sort of marriners and vulgar people, which have beene prisoners in Spaine: who being examined and asked, why her Majesties shippes in occasions bourd not, have answered and enformed that it is the expresse order of her Majestie and counsell, in no case to hazard her shippes by bourding; yea, I have knowne some captaines of our owne (to colour their faint proceedings), have averred as much, which is nothing so. For in the houre that her majestie or counsell committeth the charge of any of her shippes to any person, it is left to his discretion to bourd or not to bourd, as the reason of service requireth. And therefore let no man hereafter pretend ignorance, nor for this vanitie leave to doe his duty, or that which is most probable to redound to the honour and service of his prince and countrey, and to the damage of his enemy. For in case he excuse himselfe with this allegation, it cannot but redound to his condemnation and disreputation. And I assure all men, that in any reasonable equalitie of shipping, we cannot desire greater advantage, then we have of the Spaniards by bourding. The reasons why, I hold it not convenient to discourse in particular; but experience and tract of time, with that which I have seen amongst them, hath taught me this knowledge; and those who have seene their discipline, and ours, cannot but testifie the same.

SECTION LX.

Courses for artillery after bourding.

Againe, all that which hath beene spoken of the danger of the artillery in bourding, it is not to be wrested nor interpreted, to cut of utterly the use of all artillery after bourding, but rather I hold nothing more convenient in shippes of warre, then fowlers and great bases in the cage workes, and murderers in the cobridge heads; for that their execution and speedie charging and discharging, is of great moment.225

Disuses of engines of antiquitie.

Many I know have left the use of them, and of sundry other preventions, as of sherehookes, stones in their toppes, and arming them; pikebolts in their wales, and divers other engines of antiquitie. But upon what inducement, I cannot relate, unlesse it be because they never knew their effects and benefit; and may no doubt be used without the inconveniences before mentioned in great ordinance. As also such may be the occasion, that without danger some of the great artillery may be used, and that with great effect, which is in the discretion of the commanders and their gunners, as hath beene formerly seene, and daily is experimented. In the Revenge of her Majesties good experience was made, who sunke two of the Spanish armado lying abourd her.

SECTION LXI.

In these bourdings and skirmishes, divers of our men were slaine, and many hurt, and myselfe amongst them received sixe wounds; one of them in the necke very perillous; another through the arme, perishing the bone, and cutting the sinewes close by the arme-pit; the rest not so dangerous. The master of our shippe had one of his eyes, his nose, and halfe his face shott away. Master Henry Courton was slaine. On these two I principally relyed for the prosecution of our voyage, if God, by sicknesse, or otherwise, should take me away.

The Spaniards parley.

The Spaniards with their great ordinance lay continually playing upon us, and now and then parled and invited us to surrender ourselves a buena querra.226 The captaine of our shippe, in whose direction and guide, our lives, our honour, and welfare now remained, seeing many of our people wounded and slaine, and that few were left to sustaine and maintaine the fight, or to resist the entry of the enemy, if he should againe bourd with us, and that our contraries offered us good pertido,227 came unto me accompanied with some others, and began to relate the state of our shippe, and how that many were hurt and slaine, and scarce any men appeared to traverse the artillery, or to oppose themselves for defence, if the enemy should bourd with us againe; and how that the admirall offered us life and liberty, and to receive us a buena querra, and to send us into our owne country. Saying, that if I thought it so meete, he and the rest were of opinion that we should put out a flagge of truce, and make some good composition. The great losse of blood had weakened me much. The torment of my wounds newly received, made me faint, and I laboured for life, within short space expecting I should give up the ghost.

But this parley pearced through my heart, and wounded my soule; words failed me wherewith to expresse it, and none can conceive it but he which findeth himselfe in the like agonie. Yet griefe and rage ministered force, and caused me to breake forth into this reprehension and execution following.

“Great is the crosse which Almightie God hath suffered to come upon me: that assaulted by our professed enemies, and by them wounded, as you see, in body, lying gasping for breath, those whom I reputed for my friends to fight with me; those which I relyed on as my brethren to defend me in all occasions; those whom I have nourished, cherished, fostered and loved as my children, to succour me, helpe me, and to sustaine my reputation in all extremities; are they who first draw their swords against me, are they which wound my heart, in giving me up into mine enemies hands. Whence proceedeth this ingratitude? whence this faintnesse of heart? whence this madnesse? Is the cause you fight for unjust? is the honour and love of your prince and countrey buried in the dust? your sweete lives, are they become loathsome unto you? will you exchange your liberty for thraldome? will you consent to see that which you have sweat for and procured with so great labour and adventure, at the dispose of your enemies? can you content your selves to suffer my blood spilt before your eyes, and my life bereft me in your presence, with the blood and lives of your deere brethren to be unrevenged? Is not an honourable death to be preferred before a miserable and slavish life? The one sustaining the honour of our nation, of our predecessors, and of our societie: the other ignominious to our selves, and reproachful to our nation. Can you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his promise with you, that never leaveth to breake it with others, when he thinketh it advantagious? And know you not, that with him, all is convenient that is profitable? Hold they not this for a maxime: that, nulla fides est servanda cum hereticis? In which number they accompt us to be. Have you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in Saint John de Ulua, the conditions and capitulations being firmed by the vice-roy and twelve hostages, all principall personages given for the more securitie of either party to other? Have you forgotten their promise broken with John Vibao and his company, in Florida, having conditioned to give them shipping and victuals, to carry them into their countrey; immediately after they had delivered their weapons and armes, had they not their throates cut? Have you forgotten how they dealt with John Oxnam and his company, in this sea, yeelded upon composition; and how after a long imprisonment, and many miseries, being carryed from Panama to Lyma, and there hanged with all his company, as pyrates, by the justice?228 And can you forget how dayly they abuse our noble natures, which being voyde of malice, measure all by sinceritie, but to our losse; for that when we come to demand performance, they stoppe our mouthes; either with laying the inquisition upon us, or with delivering us into the hands of the ordinary justice, or of the kings ministers. And then urged with their promises, they shrinke up to the shoulders, and say, that they have now no further power over us; they sorrow in their hearts to see their promise is not accomplished: but now they cannot doe us any good office, but to pray to God for us, and to entreat the ministers in our behalfe.

“Came we into the South sea to put out flags of truce? And left we our pleasant England, with all her contentments, with intention or purpose to avayle our selves of white ragges, and by banners of peace to deliver ourselves for slaves into our enemies hands; or to range the world with the English, to take the law from them, whom by our swords, prowesse, and valour, we have alwaies heretofore bin accustomed to purchase honour, riches, and reputation? If these motives be not sufficient to perswade you, then I present before your eyes your wives and children, your parents and friends, your noble and sweete countrey, your gracious soveraigne; of all which accompt yourselves for ever deprived, if this proposition should be put in execution. But for all these, and for the love and respect you owe me, and for all besides that you esteeme and hold dear in this world, and for Him that made us and all the world, banish out of your imagination such vaine and base thoughts; and according to your woonted resolution, prosecute the defence of your shippe, your lives, and libertie, with the lives and libertie of your companions; who by their wounds and hurts are disabled and deprived of all other defence and helpe, save that which lyeth in your discretions and prowesse. And you, captaine,—of whom I made choise amongst many, to be my principall assistant, and the person to accomplish my dutie if extraordinary casualtie should disable me to performe and prosecute our voyage,—tender your obligation; and now in the occasion give testimony, and make proofe of your constancie and valour, according to the opinion and confidence I have ever held of you.”

Whereunto he made answere: “My good generall, I hope you have made experience of my resolution, which shall be ever to put in execution what you shall be pleased to command me; and my actions shall give testimonie of the obligation wherein I stand bound unto you. What I have done, hath not proceeded from faintnesse of heart, nor from a will to see imaginations put in execution; for besides the losse of our reputation, liberty, and what good else we can hope for, I know the Spaniard too too well, and the manner of his proceedings in discharge of promises: but only to give satisfaction to the rest of the company, which importuned me to moove this point, I condiscended to that which now I am ashamed of, and grieve at, because I see it disliking to you. And here I vowe to fight it out, till life or lymmes fayle me. Bee you pleased to recommend us to Almightie God, and to take comfort in him, whom I hope will give us victory, and restore you to health and strength, for all our comforts, and the happy accomplishing and finishing of our voyage, to his glory.”

I replyed: “This is that which beseemeth you; this sorteth to the opinion I ever held of you; and this will gaine you, with God and man, a just reward. And you the rest, my deere companions and friends, who ever have made a demonstration of desire to accomplish your duties, remember that when we first discryed our enemy, you shewed to have a longing to proove your valours against him: now that the occasion is offered, lay hold of the fore-locke; for if once shee turne her backe, make sure accompt never after to see her face againe: and as true English men, and followers of the steppes of our forefathers, in vertue and valour, sell your bloods and lives deerely, that Spaine may ever record it with sadnesse and griefe. And those which survive, rejoyce in the purchase of so noble a victory, with so small meanes against so powerfull an enemy.”

Hereunto they made answere: that as hitherto they had beene conformable to all the undertakings which I had commanded or counselled, so they would continue in the selfe same dutie and obedience to the last breath; vowing either to remaine conquerours and free-men, or else to sell their lives at that price which their enemies should not willingly consent to buy them at. And with this resolution, both captaine and company tooke their leave of me, every one particularly, and the greater part with teares and imbracings, though we were forthwith to depart the world, and never see one the other againe but in heaven, promising to cast all forepassed imaginations into oblivion, and never more to speake of surrendry.