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The Lives of the III. Normans, Kings of England

THE LIFE OF KING WILLIAM The First, Sirnamed Conquerour. (continued 2)

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Hee much condemned the iudgement of Swanus the Dane, sometimes King of England, who permitted those whom hee had vanquished, to retaine their former both authoritie and estates: whereby it happened, that after his death, the inhabitants were of force to expell the strangers, and to quit themselues both from their societie and subiection. Hereupon many seuere lawes were made; diuers of all sorts were put to death, banished, stripped of their wealth, disabled in their bodies by vnusuall variety of punishments; as putting out the eyes, cutting off the hands and such like: not onely to diminish his feares, if they were suspected; but sometimes if they were of wealth, to satisfie therewith either his pleasure or wants. His cruelty made the people rebellious, and their rebellions made him the more cruell; in which case many Innocents were made the oblations of his ambitious feares. Many heauy taxations were imposed vpon them; their ancient Lords were remoued, their ancient lawes and policies of State were dashed to dust; all lay couched vnder the Conquerours sword, to bee newly fashioned by him, as should bee best fitting for his aduantage.

Hee erected Castels in diuers parts of the Realme, of which the Towre neere London was the chiefe, which afterward was increased both in compasse and in strength by addition of the outward walls. In these he planted garrisons of Normans, as if it had bene in a hostile Countrey; not without oppression to the people although they remained quiet, and sufficient to suppresse them if they should rebell. Thus he secured the Realme against a generall defection; as for particular stirres, they might happily molest him, but endanger him they could not. Exceter, Northumberland, and some other parts did rise against him in armes; but being vnable to maintaine their reuolt, their ouerthrow did much confirme his State.

Hee either imitated or concurred with Cæsar in aduise: For, as Cæsar inuaded the Germans which kept the great forrest of Ardenna, not with his owne Souldiers, but with his aides out of Gallia; gaining thereby victory ouer the one, and securitie from the other, without any dispence of the Romane blood: so after the Kings great victory against the valiant, but too aduenturous King Harold, when many of the English fled into Ireland, and from thence with fresh both courage, and supplies returned into England; commaunded by two of Harolds sonnes; hee encountred them onely with English forces. In the first conflict the Kings partie was ouerthrowen, and the valiant leader Ednothus slaine, who had bene master of the horses to King Harold. In the second his enemies were so defeated, as they were neuer able to make head againe. So the victorers being weakened, and the vanquished wasted, the King with pleasure triumphed ouer both. Likewise when he was occasioned to passe the Seas into Normandie, either to establish affaires of gouernement, or to represse rebellions, which in his absence were many times raised; he drew his forces out of England, and that in a more large proportion then the importance of the seruice did require. Hee also tooke with him the chiefe men of English blood, as well to vse their aduise and aide, as also to hold them and their friends from working innouation in his absence.

He enclosed the great Forrest neere vnto the Sea in Hamshire, for which he dispeopled villages and townes, about the space of thirtie miles, to make a desert for beasts of chase; in which place afterward two of his sonnes, Richard and William ended their liues; Richard by a fall from his horse, and William by the stroke of an arrow. The Kings great delight in hunting was made the pretence of this Forrest; but the true end was rather, to make a free place of footing for his Normans and other friends out of France, in case any great reuolt should be made. Diuers other parts of the Realme were so wasted with his warres, that for want both of Husbandrie and habitation, a great dearth did ensue; whereby many were inforced to eate horses, dogs, cats, rats, and other loathsome and vile vermine: yea, some absteined not from the flesh of men. This famine and desolation did especially rage in the North parts of the Realme. For the inhabitants beyond Humber, fearing the Kings secret hate, so much the more deepe and deadly because vniust; receiued without resistance, and perhaps drew in the Armie of the King of Sueueland, with whom Edgar Atheling and the other English that fled into Scotland ioyned their power. The Normans within Yorke fired the suburbs, because it should not be a lodging for their enemies: but the strength of the winde caried the flame into the Citie, which consumed a great part thereof, with the Minster of S. Peter, and therein a faire Librarie. And herewith whilest the Normans were partly busied, and partly amazed, the enemies entred, and slue in Yorke, in Duresme, and thereabout, three thousand Normans; among whom were many of eminent dignitie, as well for birth, as for place of their charge. But in short time the King came vpon them, and hauing partly by Armes, and partly by gifts dispatched the strangers, exercised vpon the English an ancient and assured experience of warre, to represse with maine force a rebellion in a State newly subdued. Insomuch as all the land betweene Duresme and Yorke, except onely the territorie of S. Iohn of Beuerlace, lay waste for the space of nine yeeres, without inhabitants to manure the ground.

And because conspiracies and associations are commonly contriued in the night, he commanded, that in all Townes and villages a Bell should be runge in the euening at eight of the clocke; and that in euery house they should then put foorth their fire and lights, and goe to bed. This custome of ringing a Bell at that houre, in many places is still obserued.

And for that likenesse is a great cause of liking and of loue, he enioyned the chiefe of the English (and these were soone imitated by the rest) to conforme themselues to the fashions of Normandie, to which they had made themselues no strangers before. Yea, children in the schoole were taught their letters and principles of grammar in the Norman language. In their speech, attire, shauing of the beard, seruice at the Table; in their buildings and houshold furniture, they altogether resembled the Normans.

In the beginning of his reigne he ordeined that the Lawes of King Edward should be obserued, together with those Lawes which hee did prescribe: but afterwards he commanded that 9. men should be chosen out of euery shire, to make a true report what were the Lawes and customes of the Realme. Of these hee changed the greatest part, and brought in the customes of Normandie in their stead: commanding also that causes should be pleaded, and all matters of forme dispatched in French. Onely hee permitted certaine Dane-Lawes, (which before were chiefly vsed in Northfolke, Suffolke, and Cambridge-shire) to be generally obserued; as hauing great affinitie with his Norman-customes; both being deriued from one common head.

Likewise at the great suit of William a Norman then Bishop of London, he granted a Charter of libertie to that Citie, for enioying the vse of K. Edwards Lawes: a memoriall of which benefite, the Citizens fixed vpon the Bishops graue, being in the middest of the great West Ile of S. Pauls. Further, by the counsaile of Stigand Archb. of Canterburie, and of Eglesine Abbot of S. Augustines (who at that time were the chiefe gouernours of Kent) as the King was riding towards Douer, at Swanescombe two mile from Grauesend, the Kentish men came towards him armed, and bearing boughes in their hands, as if it had bene a moouing wood; they encloased him vpon the sudden, and with a firme countenance, but words well tempered with modestie and respect, they demanded of him the vse of their ancient Liberties and Lawes: that in other matters they would yeeld obedience vnto him: that without this they desired not to liue. The King was content to strike saile to the storme, and to giue them a vaine satisfaction for the present; knowing right well, that the generall customes & Lawes of the residue of the Realme, would in short time ouerflow these particular places. So pledges being giuen on both sides, they conducted him to Rochester, and yeelded the Countie of Kent and the Castle of Douer into his power.

In former times many Farmes and Mannors were giuen by bare word, without writing, onely with the sword of the Lord, or his head-peece; with a horne or standing goblet, and many tenements with a quill, with a horse-combe, with a bow, with an arrow; but this sincere simplicitie at that time was changed. And whereas Charters and deeds were before made firme by the subscription of the partie, with crosses of gold, or of some other colour; then they were firmed by the parties speciall Seale, set vpon waxe, vnder the Teste of three or foure witnesses.

He ordained also his counsaile of State, his Chancery, his Exchequer, his Courts of Iustice, which alwaies remoued with his Court. These places he furnished with Officers, and assigned foure Termes in the yere for determining controuersies among the people: whereas before all suites were summarily heard and determined in the Gemote or monthly conuention in euery hundred, without either formalities or delay.

He caused the whole Realme to be described in a censuall Roll, so as there was not one Hide of land, but both the yerely rent and the owner thereof, was therein set downe; how many plowlands, what pastures, fennes, or marishes; what woods, parkes, farmes and tenements were in euery shire; and what euery one was worth. Also how many villaines euery man had, what beasts or cattell, what fees, what other goods, what rent or commoditie his possessions did yeeld. This booke was called The Roll of Winton, because it was kept in the Citie of Winchester. By the English it was called Doomes day booke; either by reason of the generalitie thereof, or else corruptly in stead of Domus Dei booke; for that it was layed in the Church of Winchester, in a place called Domus Dei. According to this Roll taxations were imposed; sometimes two shillings, and sometimes sixe shillings vpon euery hide of land (a hide conteyning 20. acres,) besides ordinarie prouision for his house.

In all those lands which hee gaue to any man, he reserued Dominion in chiefe to himselfe: for acknowledgement whereof a yeerely rent was payd vnto him, and likewise a fine whensoeuer the Tenant did alien or die. These were bound as Clients vnto him by oath of fidelitie and homage; And if any died his heire being in minoritie, the King receiued the profits of the land, and had the custodie and disposing of the heires body, vntill his age of one and twentie yeeres.

It is reported of Caligula,[23] that when he entended to make aduantage of his penal Edicts, he caused them to be written in so small letters, and the tables of them to be fastened so high, that it was almost impossible for any man to read them. So the King caused part of those Lawes that he established, to be written in the Norman language, which was a barbarous and broken French, not well vnderstood of the naturall French, and not at all of the vulgar English. The residue were not written at all, but left almost arbitrarie, to be determined by reason and discretion at large. Hereupon it followed, partly through ignorance of the people, and partly through the malice of some officers of Iustice, who many times are instruments of secret and particular ends; that many were extreamely intangled, many endangered, many rather made away, then iustly executed.

But here it may be questioned, seeing these Lawes were layed vpon the English, as fetters about their feet, as a ponderous yoke vpon their necke, to depresse and deteine them in sure subiection; how it falleth, that afterward they became not onely tolerable, but acceptable and well esteemed.

Assuredly, these lawes were exceeding harsh and heauy to the English at the first: And therefore K. William Rufus, and Henry the first, at such time as Robert their eldest brother came in armes against them to challenge the crowne, being desirous to winne the fauour of the people, did fill them with faire promises, to abrogate the lawes of K. William their father, and to restore to them the Lawes of K. Edward. The like was done by K. Stephen, and by K. Henry the second; whilest both contending to draw the State to himselfe, they did most grieuously teare it in pieces. The like by others of the first Kings of the Norman race, whensoeuer they were willing to giue contentment to the people: who desired no other reward for all their aduentures and labours, for al their blood spent in the seruice of their Kings, but to haue the Lawes of K. Edward restored. At the last the Nobilitie of the Realme, with great dispence both of their estates and blood, purchased a Charter of libertie, First from K. Iohn, which was soone reuoked, as violently enforced from him: afterwards from King Henry the third, which remained in force. And hereby the sharpe seuerity of these lawes was much abated.

In that afterwards they became, not onely tolerable, but easie and sweete, and happily not fit to bee changed, it is by force of long grounded custome, whereby those vsages which our ancestors haue obserued for many ages, do neuer seeme either grieuous or odious to bee endured. So Nicetas writing of certaine Christians, who by long conuersing with the Turkes, had defiled themselues with Turkish fashions, Custome[24] (saith he) winneth such strength by time, that it is more firme then either Nature or Religion. Hereupon Dio. Chrysostome compareth Customes to a King,[25] and Edicts to a Tyrant; because we are subiect voluntarily to the one, but by constraint and vpon necessitie to the other. It is manifest (saith Agathias) that vnder whatsoeuer law a people hath liued, they doe esteeme the same most excellent and diuine.[26] Herodotus reporteth, that Darius the sonne of Hysdaspis, hauing vnder his Dominion certaine Grecians of Asia, who accustomed to burne their dead parents and friends, and certaine nations of India, who vsed to eate them; called the Grecians before him: and told them that it was his pleasure, that they should conforme themselues to the custome of the Indians, in eating their deceased friends. But they applied all meanes of intreatie and perswasion, that they might not be inforced, to such a barbarous, or rather brutish obseruation. Then hee sent for the Indians, and mooued them to conformitie with the Grecians; but found that they did farre more abhorre to burne their dead, then the Grecians did to eate them.

Now these seuerities of the King were much aggrauated by the English, and esteemed not farre short of cruelties. Notwithstanding hee tempered it with many admirable actions both of iustice and of clemencie and mercie: for which hee is much extolled by the Normane[27] writers. Hee gaue great priuiledges to many places; & the better to giue the people contentment, and to hold them quiet, he often times renued the oath which first he tooke at his Coronation: namely, to defend the holy Church of God, the pastors thereof, and the people subiect to him iustly to gouerne, to ordaine good lawes, and obserue true iustice, and to the vttermost of his power to withstand all rapines and false Iudgements. Such of the nobilitie as had been taken in rebellion, were onely committed to prison; from which they were released in time: such as yeelded and submitted themselues, were freely pardoned, and often times receiued to fauour, trust, and imployment.

Edric, the first that rebelled after hee was King, he held neere and assured vnto him. Gospatric who had been a stirrer of great commotions, he made Earle of Glocester, and employed him against Malcolme King of Scots. Eustace Earle of Bologne, who vpon occasion of the Kings first absence in Normandie attempted to surprize the Castle of Douer, he imbraced afterward with great shew of loue and respect. Waltheof sonne to Earle Siward, who in defending the Citie of Yorke against him, had slaine many Normans, as they assayed to enter a breach, hee ioyned in marriage to his Neece Iudeth. Edgar who was the ground and hope of all conspiracies, who after his first submission to the King, fled into Scotland, and maintained open hostilitie against him, who pretended title to the Crowne as next heire to the Saxon Kings, he not onely receiued to fauour, but honoured with faire enterteinments. Hee furnished him to the warre of Palestine, where he atteined an honourable estimation with the Emperours of Almaine and of Greece. After his returne he was allowed 20. shillings a day by way of pension, and large liuings in the Countrey, where he mellowed to old age in pleasure and vacancie of affaires; preferring safe subiection, before ambitious rule accompanied both with danger and disquiet.

Thus was no man more milde to a relenting and vanquished enemie; as farre from crueltie, as he was from cowardice, the height of his spirit, ouerlooking all casuall, all doubtfull and vncertaine dangers. Other great offenders he punished commonly by exile or imprisonment, seldome by death. Onely among the English Nobilitie Earle Waltheof was put to death, for that after twice breaking allegiance, he conspired the third time with diuers both English and Normans to receiue the Danes into England, whilest the King was absent in Normandie. And for the same conspiracie Ralph Fitz-aubert a Norman was also executed; who had furnished 40. ships for the King in his voiage for England: for which and for his other seruices in that warre, he was afterward created Earle of Hereford. But present iniuries doe alwayes ouerballance benefits that are past.

He much delighted in hunting and in feasting. For the first he enclosed many forrests and parks, and filled them with Deere; which he so deerely loued, that he ordained great penalties for such as should kill those or any other beasts of game. For the second hee made many sumptuous feasts, especially vpon the high Festiuall dayes in the yeere. His Christmasse hee often kept at Glocester, his Easter at Winchester, his Whitsontide at Westminster; and was crowned once in the yeere at one of these places, so long as he continued in England. To these feasts he inuited all his Nobilitie, and did then principally compose himselfe to courtesie, as well in familiar conuersation, as in facilitie to grant suits, and to giue pardon to such as had offended. At other times he was more Maiesticall and seuere; and imployed himselfe both to much exercise and great moderation in diet; whereby he preserued his body in good state, both of health and strength, and was easily able to endure trauaile, hunger, heat, cold, and all other hardnesse both of labour and of want.

Many wrongs he would not see, of many smarts he would not complaine; he was absolute master of himselfe, and thereby learned to subdue others. He was much commended for chastitie of body; by which his Princely actions were much aduanced. And albeit the beginning of his reigne was pestered with such routs of outlawes and robbers, that the peaceable people could not accompt themselues in surety within their owne doores; hee so well prouided for execution of Iustice vpon offenders, or rather for cutting off the causes of offence; that a young maiden well charged with gold, might trauaile in any part of the Realme, without any offer of iniurie vnto her. For if any man had slaine another vpon any cause, he was put to death; and if he could not be found, the hundred paide a fine to the King; sometimes 28. and sometimes 36. pounds, according to the largenesse of the hundred in extent. If a man had oppressed any woman, he was depriued of his priuie parts. As the people by Armes, so Armes by lawes were held in restraint.

He talked little and bragged lesse: a most assured performer of his word: In prosecution or his purposes constant and strong, and yet not obstinate; but alwayes appliable to the change of occasions: earnest, yea violent, both to resist his enemies, and to exact dueties of his Subiects. He neither loued much speech, nor gaue credite to faire; but trusted truely to himselfe, to others so farre as he might not be abused by credulitie.

His expedition (the spirit of actions and affaires) may hereby appeare. He inuaded England about the beginning of October; He subdued all resistance, he suppressed all rising Rebellions, and returned into Normandy in March following. So as the time of the yeere considered, a man should hardly trauaile through the land in so short a time as he did win it. A greater exploit then Iulius Cæsar or any other stranger could euer atchieue vpon that place.

He gaue many testimonies of a Religious minde. For he did often frequent Diuine seruice in the Church, he gaue much Almes, hee held the Clergie in great estimation, and highly honoured the Prelats of the Church. He sent many costly ornaments, many rich presents of gold and siluer to the Church of Rome; his Peter paiments went more readily, more largely then euer before. To diuers Churches in France after his victorie he sent Crosses of gold, vessels of gold, rich Palles, or other ornaments of great beautie and price. He bare such reuerence to Lanfranck Archbishop of Canterburie, that he seemed to stand at his directions. At the request of Wolstane Bishop of Worcester, he gaue ouer a great aduantage that he made by sale of prisoners taken in Ireland. He respected Aldred Archbishop of Yorke, by whom he had bene crowned King of England, as his father. At a time vpon the repulse of a certaine suit, the Archbishop brake forth into discontentment, expostulated sharpely against the King, and in a humorous heat offered to depart. But the King staied him, fell downe at his feet, desired pardon, and promised satisfaction in the best maner that he could. The Nobilitie that were present, put the Archbishop in minde that he should cause the King to arise. Nay (answered the Archb.) let him alone; Let him still abide at S. Peters feet. So with much adoe he was appeased, and entreated to accept his suite. And so the name of Saint Peter, and of the Church hath been often vsed as a mantle, to couer the pride, passions and pleasures of disordered men.

He founded and enlarged many houses of Religion: Hee furnished Ecclesiasticall dignities, with men of more sufficiencie and worth then had been vsuall in former times. And because within his owne Dominions studies did not flourish and thriue, by reason of the turbulent times, by reason of the often inuasions of barbarous people, whose knowledge lay chiefly in their fists; hee drew out of Italy and other places many famous men, both for learning and integritie of life, to wit, Lanfranke, Anselm, Durand, Traherne and others. These he honoured, these hee aduanced, to these hee expressed great testimonies both of fauour and regard.

And yet he preferred Odo his brother by the mothers side to the Bishopricke of Baion, and afterwards created him Earle of Kent: A man proud, vaine, mutinous, ambitious; outragious in oppression, cruelty and lust; a prophaner of Religion, a manifest contemner of all vertue. The King being called by occasions into Normandie, committed vnto him the gouernment of the Realme: In which place of credite and command he furnished himselfe so fully with treasure, that hee aspired to the Papacie of Rome: vpon a prediction then cast abroad, (which commonly deceiue those that trust vnto them) that the successour of Hildebrand was named Odo. So filled with proud hopes, hee purchased a palace and friends at Rome; hee prepared for his iourney, and drew many gentlemen to be of his traine. But the King returning suddenly out of Normandie, met with him in the Isle of Wight, as he was ready to take the Seas. There hee was arrested, and afterwards charged with infinite oppressions; also for seducing the Kings subiects to forsake the Realme; and lastly, for sacrilegious spoyling of many Churches. Hereupon his treasure was seized, and he was committed to prison; not as Bishop of Baion, but as Earle of Kent, and as an accomptant to the King. And so he remained about foure yeeres, euen vntill the death of the King. His seruants, some in falshood, and some for feare, discouered such hidden heapes of his gold, as did exceede all expectation: yea, many bagges of grinded gold were drawen out of riuers, wherein the Bishop had caused them for a time to be buried. After this hee was called the Kings spunge: as being preferred by him to that place of charge, wherein he might in long time sucke that from others, which should at once be pressed from himselfe. By this meanes the King had the benefit of his oppression without the blame; and the people (being no deepe searchers into secrets of State) were so well pleased with the present punishment, as they were thereby, although not satisfied, yet well quieted for all their wrongs.

Towards the end of his reigne he appointed his two sonnes, Robert and Henry, with ioynt authoritie, gouernours of Normandie; the one to suppresse either the insolencie, or leuitie of the other. These went together to visit the French King, lying at Conflance: where entertaining the time with varietie of disports, Henry played with Louis then Daulphine of France at Chesse, and did win of him very much. Here at Louis beganne to growe warme in words, and was therein little respected by Henry. The great impatiencie of the one, and the small forbearance of the other, did strike in the end such a heate betweene them, that Louis threw the Chesse-men at Henries face, and called him the sonne of a bastard. Henrie againe stroke Louis with the Chesse-boord, drew blood with the blowe, and had presently slaine him vpon the place, had hee not been stayed by his brother Robert. Hereupon they presently went to horse, and their spurres claimed so good haste, as they recouered Pontoise, albeit they were sharpely pursued by the French.

It had been much for the French King to haue remained quiet, albeit no prouocations had happened, in regard of his pretence to many pieces which King William did possesse in France. But vpon this occasion he presently inuaded Normandie, tooke the Citie of Vernon, and drew Robert, King Williams eldest sonne, to combine with him against his owne father. On the other side King William, who neuer lost anything by loosing of time, with incredible celeritie passed into France; inuaded the French Kings dominions, wasted and tooke many principall places of Zantoigne and Poictou, returned to Roan, and there reconciled his sonne Robert vnto him. The French King summoned him to doe his homage for the kingdome of England. For the Duchie of Normandie he offered him homage, but the kingdome of England (he said) he held of no man, but onely of God, and by his sword. Hereupon the French King came strongly vpon him; but finding him both ready and resolute to answere in the field: finding also that his hazard was greater then his hope; that his losse by ouerthrow would farre surmount his aduantage by victory; after a few light encounters he retired: preferring the care to preserue himselfe, before the desire to harme others.

King William being then both corpulent and in yeeres, was distempered in body by meanes of those trauailes, and so retired to Roan; where hee remained not perfectly in health. The French King hearing of his sickenesse, pleasantly said, that hee lay in child-bed of his great belly. This would haue been taken in mirth, if some other had spoken it; but comming from an enemie, it was taken in scorne. And as great personages are most sencible of reproach, and the least touch of honour maketh a wide and incurable wound; so King William was so nettled with this ieast, that hee swore By Gods resurrection and his brightnesse, (for this was the vsuall forme of his oath) that so soone as hee should be churched of that child, he would offer a thousand lights in France. So presently after his recouery hee entred France in armes, tooke the Citie of Meux, set many Townes and Villages and corne fields on fire; the people abandoning all places where he came, and giuing foorth, that it was better the nests should be destroyed, then that the birds should be taken in them. At the last he came before Paris, where Philip King of France did then abide: to whom he sent word, that he had recouered to be on foote, and was walking about, and would be glad likewise to find him abroad. This enterprise was acted in the moneth of August, wherein the King was so violent and sharpe, that by reason both of his trauaile, and of the vnseasonable heate, he fell into a relapse of his sicknesse. And to accomplish his mishap, in leaping on horse-backe ouer a ditch, his fat belly did beare so hard vpon the pommell of his saddle, that hee tooke a rupture in his inner parts. And so ouercharged with sickenesse, and paine, and disquietnesse of minde, hee returned to Roan; where his sickenesse increased by such dangerous degrees, that in short time it led him to the period of his dayes.

During the time of his sickenesse hee was much molested in conscience,[28] for the blood which hee had spilt, and for the seueritie which he had vsed against the English: holding himselfe for that cause more guilty before God, then glorious among men. Hee spent many good speeches in reconciling himselfe to God and the world, & in exhorting others to vertue and Religion. He gaue great summes of money to the Clergie of Meux, and of some other places in France, to repaire the Churches which a little before he had defaced. To some Monasteries he gaue tenne markes of gold, and to others sixe. To euery Parish Church hee gaue fiue shillings, and to euery Borough Towne a hundred pounds for reliefe of the poore. Hee gaue his Crowne, with all the ornaments therto belonging, to the Church of Saint Stephen in Caen, which hee had founded: for redeeming whereof, King Henry the first did afterwards giue to the same Church the Mannour of Brideton in Dorcetshire. Hee reteined perfect memorie and speach so long as he reteined any breath. Hee ended his life vpon the ninth day of September: full both of honour and of age, when hee had reigned twenty yeeres, eight moneths and sixteene dayes; in the threescore and fourth yeere of his age.

So soone as he was dead, the chiefe men that were about him went to horse, and departed forthwith to their owne dwellings: to prouide for the safety of themselues, and of their families and estates. For all men were possessed with a marueilous feare, that some dangerous aduentures would ensue. The seruants and inferiour Officers also fled away; and to double the basenesse of their disposition, tooke with them whatsoeuer was portable about the king; his Armour, plate, apparell, household-stuffe, all things were held as lawfull bootie. Thus the dead body was not onely abandoned, but left almost naked vpon the ground: where it remained from prime vntil three of the clocke, neither guarded nor regarded by any man. In the meane time the Religious persons went in procession to the Church of S. Geruase, & there commended his soule to God. Then William Archb. of Roan commaunded, that his body should be caried to Caen, to be there buried in the Church of S. Stephen. But hee was so forsaken of all his followers, that there was not any found who would vndertake either the care or the charge. At the last Herlwine a countrey Knight, vpon his owne cost, caused the body to be embalmed and adorned for funerall pompe: then conueyed it by coach to the mouth of the Riuer Some; and so partly by land, and partly by sea brought it to Caen.

Here the Abbot with the Couent of Monks came foorth with all accustomed ceremonies, to meet the corps: to whom the whole multitude of the Clergie and Lay-people did adioyne. But when they were in the middest of their sad solemnities, a fire brake out of a certaine house, and suddenly embraced a great part of the towne. Hereupon the Kings body was once againe abandoned; all the people running from it in a headlong haste; some to saue their goods, others to represse the rage of the flame, others (as the latest nouelty) to stand and looke on. In the end a few Moncks returned, and accompanied the Hearse to the Abbey Church.

Afterward all the Bishops and Abbots of Normandy assembled to solemnize the funerall. And when the diuine Office was ended, and the coffin of stone set into the earth, in the presbytorie, betweene the Quire and the Altar (but the body remained vpon the Herse) Guislebert bishop of Eureux made a long Sermon; wherein hee bestowed much breath in extolling the honourable actions of the King. In the end he concluded; That forsomuch as it was impossible for a man to liue, much lesse to gouerne, without offence; First, by reason of the multitude of a Princes affaires; Secondly, for that he must commit the managing of many things to the conscience and courtesie of others; Lastly, for that personall grieuances are many times beneficiall to the maine body of State; in which case, particular either losses or harmes, are more then manifoldly recompenced by the preseruation or quiet of the whole: If therefore any that were present did suppose they had receiued iniurie from the King, he desired that they would in charitie forgiue him.

When the Bishop had finished his speach, one Anselme Fitz-Arthur stood vp amongst the multitude, and with a high voice said; This ground whereupon wee stand, was sometimes the floore of my fathers house; which that man of whom you haue spoken, when he was Duke of Normandie, tooke violently from my father, and afterward founded thereon this Religious building. This iniustice hee did not by ignorance or ouersight; not vpon any necessitie of State; but to content his owne couetous desire. Now therefore I doe challenge this ground as my right; and doe here charge you, as you will answere it before the fearefull face of Almightie God, that the body of the spoiler be not couered with the earth of mine inheritance.

When the Bishops and Noble men that were present heard this, and vnderstood by the testimony of many that it was true, they agreed to giue him three pounds presently for the ground that was broken for the place of burial; and for the residue which he claimed, they vndertooke he should be fully satisfied. This promise was performed in short time after, by Henrie the Kings sonne, who onely was present at the Funerall; at whose appointment Fitz-Arthur receiued for the price of the same ground one hundred pounds.

Now when the body was to be put into the earth, the sepulchre of stone which stood within the graue, was hewen somewhat too strait for his fat belly; whereupon they were constrained to presse it downe with much strength. By this violence, whether his bowels burst, or whether some excrements were forced out at their natural passage, such an intolerable stinck proceeded from him, as neither the perfumes that smoaked in great abundance, nor any other meanes were able to qualifie. Wherefore the Priests hasted to finish their office, and the people departed in a sad silence; discoursing diuersly afterward of all these extraordinarie accidents.

A man would thinke that a sepulchre thus hardly attained, should not easily againe bee lost. But it happened otherwise to this vnquiet King; not destined to rest, either in his life or after his death. For in the yeere 1562. when Chastilion tooke the Citie of Caen, with those broken troupes that escaped at the battaile of Dreux; certaine sauage Souldiers of diuers nations, led by foure dissolute Captaines, beate downe the Monument which King William his sonne had built ouer him, and both curiously and richly adorned with gold & costly stones. Then they opened his Tombe, & not finding the treasure which they expected, they threw forth his bones with very great derision & despight. Many English souldiers were then in the Towne, who were very curious to gather his bones; whereof some were afterwards brought into England. Hereby the report is conuinced for vaine, that his body was found vncorrupt, more then foure hundred yeeres after it was buried. Hereby also it is found to be false, that his body was eight foote in length. For neither were his bones proportionable to that stature, (as it is testified by those who saw them) and it is otherwise reported of him by som who liued in his time; namely, that he was of a good stature, yet not exceeding the ordinary proportion of men.

And this was the last end of all his fortunes, of all that was mortall in him besides his fame: whose life is too much extolled by the Normans, and no lesse extenuated by the English. Verely, he was a very great Prince: full of hope to vndertake great enterprises, full of courage to atchieue them: in most of his actions commendable, and excusable in all. And this was not the least piece of his Honour, that the Kings of England which succeeded, did accompt their order onely from him: not in regard of his victorie in England, but generally in respect of his vertue and valour.

For his entrance was not by way of conquest but with pretence of title to the Crowne: wherein he had both allowance and aide from diuers Christian Princes in Europe. He had also his partie within the Realme, by whose meanes he preuailed against the opposite faction, (as Cæsar did against Pompey) and not against the entire strength of the State.

Againe, hee did not settle himselfe in the chaire of Soueraignetie, as one that had reduced all things to the proud power and pleasure of a Conquerour, but as an vniuersall successor of former Kings, in all the rights and priuiledges which they did enioy. Hee was receiued for King by generall consent; He was crowned with all Ceremonies and Solemnities then in vse; Hee tooke an oath in the presence of the Clergie, the Nobilitie, and of much people, for defence of the Church, for moderate and carefull gouernement, and for vpright administration of iustice.

Lastly, during the whole course of his gouernement, the kingdome receiued no vniuersall change, no losse or diminution of honour. For, neither were the olde inhabitants expelled, as were the Britaines; neither was the kingdome either subiected or annexed to a greater: but rather it receiued encrease of honour, in that a lesse State was adioyned vnto it. The change of customes was not violent and at once, but by degrees, and with the silent approbation of the English; who haue alwaies been inclinable to accommodate themselues to the fashions of France. The grieuances and oppressions were particular, and with some appearance either of iustice, or of necessitie for the common quiet; such as are not vnusuall in any gouernement moderately seuere. So the change was chiefly in the stemme and familie of the King: which whether it be wrought by one of the same nation (as it was in France by Pepine and Capett) or by a stranger, (as in the same Countrey by Henry 5. and Henry 6. Kings of England) it bringeth no disparagement in honour; it worketh no essentiall change. The State still remained the same, the solid bodie of the State remained still English: the comming in of many Normans, was but as Riuers falling into the Ocean; which change not the Ocean, but are confounded with the waters thereof.

This King had by his wife Matild, daughter to Baldwine Earle of Flanders, foure sonnes; Robert, Richard, William and Henrie: Hee had also fiue daughters; Cicely, Constance, Adela, Margaret and Elianor.

Robert his eldest sonne surnamed Courtcuise, by reason of the shortnesse of his thighs, succeeded him in the duchie of Normandie. He was a man of exceeding honourable courage and spirit, for which cause he was so esteemed by the Christian Princes in the great warre against the Saracens, that when they had subdued the Citie and territorie of Hierusalem, they offered the kingdome thereof first vnto him. Yet afterwards, either by the malice of his Fortune, or for that he was both suddaine and obstinate in his owne aduise (two great impediments that valour cannot thriue) he receiued many foiles of his enemies, which shall be declared in their proper place. Before the King made his descent into England, hee gaue the duchie of Normandie vnto him: but whether he did this onely to testifie his confidence, or whether afterwards his purpose changed, being often demanded to performe this gift, he would neither deny nor accomplish his word, but enterposed many excuses and delayes; affirming that he was not so surely setled in England, but the duchie of Normandie was necessary vnto him, both for supply for his seruices (which he found like Hydraes heads to multiply by cutting off) and also for an assured place for retreit, in case hee should be ouercharged with extremities. Hereupon Robert vnable to linger and pine in hopes, declared openly against him in armes. Philip King of France was ready to put fuell to the flame; who as he neuer fauoured in his owne iudgement the prosperous encreases of the King of England, so then he was vigilant to embrace all occasions, either to abate or limit the same. And thus Robert both encouraged and enabled by the King of France, inuaded Normandie, and permitted his souldiers licentiously to wast; to satisfie those by spoile, which by pay he was not able to maintaine. At the last he encountred the King his father in a sharpe conflict, before the castle of Gerberie, wherein the King was vnhorsed and wounded in the arme; his second sonne William was also hurt, and many of his souldiers slaine. And albeit Robert so soone as he knew his father by his voyce, allighted forthwith, mounted him vpon his owne horse, and withdrew him out of the medley; yet did he cast vpon his sonne a cruell curse, which lay so heauie vpon him, that he neuer prospered afterward in any thing which hee vndertooke. And although after this he was reconciled to his father, and imployed by him in seruices of credit and weight, yet did the King often bewray of him an vnquiet conceit, often did he ominate euill vnto him: yea, a little before his death he openly gaue forth, That it was a miserable Countrey which should be subiect to his dominion, for that he was a proud and foolish knaue, and to be long scourged by cruell Fortune.

Richard had erected the good expectation of many, as well by his comely countenance and behauiour, as by his liuely and generous spirit. But he died yong by misaduenture, as he was hunting within the New-forrest, before he had made experiment of his worth. Some affirme that he was goared to death by the Deere of that Forrest, for whose walke his father had dispeopled that large compasse of ground: others report, that as he rode in chase, hee was hanged vpon the bough of a tree by the chaps: others more probably doe write, that he perished by a fal from his horse. He was buried at Winchester with this inscription: Hic iacet Richardus filius Wilielmi senioris Berniæ Dux.

William did succeed next to his father in the Kingdome of England. To Henry, the King gaue at the time of his death fiue thousand pounds out of his treasure; but gaue him neither dignitie nor lands: foretelling, that hee should enioy the honour of both his brothers in time, and farre excel them both in dominion and power. Whether this was deuised vpon euent; or whether some doe prophesie at their death; or whether it was coniecturally spoken; or whether to giue contentment for the present; it fell out afterward to be true. For hee succeeded William in the Kingdome of England, and wrested Normandie out of the possession of Robert. Of these two I shall write more fully hereafter.

His daughter Cicelie was Abbesse of Caen in Normandie. Constance was married to Allen Fergant Earle of Britaine. Adela was wife to Stephen Earle of Blois, to whom she bare Stephen, who after the death of Henry was King of England. Margaret was promised in marriage to Harold; she died before hee attained the Kingdome, for which cause he held himselfe discharged of that oath which he had made to the Duke her father. Elianor was betroathed to Alphonso King of Gallicia; but she desired much to die a Virgine: for this she daily prayed, and this in the end she did obtaine. After her death her knees appeared brawnie and hard, with much kneeling at her deuotions. Assuredly it will be hard to find in any one Familie, both greater Valour in sonnes, and more Vertue in daughters.

In the beginning of this Kings reigne, either no great accidents did fall, or else they were obscured with the greatnesse of the change: none are reported by the writers of that time.

In the fourth yeere of his reigne, Lanfranke Abbot of Caen in Normandie, but borne in Pauie, a Citie of Lumbardie, was made Archbishop of Canterbury: And Thomas a Norman, and Chanon of Bayon was placed in the Sea of Yorke. Between these two a controuersie did arise at the time of their consecration, for prioritie in place: but this contention was quieted by the King, and Thomas for the time subscribed obedience to the Archb. of Canterbury. After this they went to Rome for their Palles, where the question for Primacie was againe renued, or as some affirme, first moued before Pope Alexander. The Pope vsed them both with honorable respect, and especially Lanfrank, to whom he gaue two Palles, one of honour, and the other of loue: but their controuersie he referred to be determined in England.

About two yeeres after it was brought before the King and the Clergie at Windsore. The Archbishop of Yorke alleadged, that when the Britaines receiued the Christian faith, in the time of Lucius their King Eleutherius then Bishop of Rome, sent Faganus and Damianus vnto them, who ordeined 28. Bishops, and two Archbishops within the Realme, one of London, and the other of Yorke. Vnder these the Church of Britaine was gouerned almost three hundred yeeres, vntill they were subdued by the Saxons. The Saxons remained Infidels vntill Gregorie Bishop of Rome sent Augustine vnto them. By his preaching Ethelbert King of Kent was first conuerted to the Christian faith: By reason whereof Augustine was made Archbishop of Douer, by appointment of Pope Gregorie; who sent vnto him certaine Palles with his letter from Rome. By this letter it is euident, that Gregorie intended to reduce the Church of the Saxons to the same order wherein it was among the Britaines; namely, to be vnder twelue Bishops and two Archbishops; one of London and the other of Yorke. Indeede he gaue to Augustine during his life, authority and iurisdiction ouer all Bishops and Priests in England: but after his decease he ioyneth these two Metropolitanes in equall degree, to constitute Bishops, to ouersee the Church, to consult and dispose of such things as appertaine to the gouernement thereof, as in former times among the Britaines. Betweene these he put no distinction in honour, but only as they were in prioritie of time: and as he appointeth London to be consecrated by no Bishop, but of his own Synod, so he expresseth, that the Bishop of Yorke should not bee subiect to the Bishop of London. And albeit Augustine for the reason before mentioned, translated the Sea from London to Douer, yet if Gregorie had intended to giue the same authoritie to the successours of Augustine which hee gaue vnto him, he would haue expressed it in his Epistle: but in that he maketh no mention of his successours, he concludeth, or rather excludeth them by his silence.

The Archbishop of Canterbury alleaged, that from the time of Augustine, vntill the time of Bede, (which was about 140. yeeres) the Bishops of Canterburie (which in ancient time (said he) was called Douer) had the Primacie ouer the whole land of Britaine, and Ireland; that they did call the Bishops of Yorke to their Councels, which diuers times they kept within the Prouince of Yorke; that some Bishops of Yorke they did constitute, some excommunicate, and some remoue. He alleaged also diuers priuiledges granted by Princes for the Primacie of that Sea; diuers graunted from the Apostolike Sea to confirme this dignitie in the successours of Augustine: that it is reason to receiue directions of well liuing, from whence we first receiued directions of right beleeuing; & therfore as the Bishop of Canterbury was subiect to the Bishop of Rome, because hee had his faith from thence; for the very same cause the Bishop of Yorke should be in subiection to the Bishop of Canterbury: that like as the Lord said that to all the Bishops of Rome, which hee said to S. Peter; so that which Gregorie said to Augustine, hee said likewise to all his successours. And whereas much is spoken of the Bishop of London, what is that to the Archbishop of Canterbury? For, neither is it certaine that Augustine was euer resident at London, neither that Gregorie appointed him so to be.

In the end it was decreed, That Yorke for that time should be subiect to Canterburie; that wheresoeuer within England the Archbishop of Canterburie should hold his Councell, the Archbishop of Yorke should come vnto it, with the Bishops of his Prouince, and be obedient to his decrees: that when the Archbishop of Canterburie should decease, the Archbishop of Yorke should goe to Canterburie, to consecrate him that should succeed: that if the Archbishop of Yorke should decease, his successour should goe to Canterbury, or to such place as the Archbishop of Canterburie should appoint, there to receiue his Consecration, making first his oath of Canonicall obedience. And thus was the contention for this first time taken vp; but in succeeding times it was often renued, and much busied the Clergie of the Realme.

In the ninth yeere of the reigne of King William a Councell was holden at London, where another matter of like qualitie and nature was decreed: namely, that Bishops should translate their Sees from villages to Cities; whereupon in short time after, Bishops Sees were remoued, from Selese to Chichester, from Cornewall to Exeter, from Wells to Bath, from Shirbourne to Salisburie, from Dorcester to Lincolne, from Lichfield to Chester, and from thence againe to Couentree. And albeit the Archbishop of Yorke did oppose against the erecting of a Cathedrall Church in Lincolne, because he challenged that Citie to be of his Prouince; yet Remigius Bishop of Dorchester, being strong both in resolution and in friends, did prosecute his purpose to effect. Not long before the Bishopricke of Lindafferne otherwise called Holy land, vpon the riuer Tweed, had bene translated to Durhame.

In the tenth yeere of his reigne the cold of Winter was exceeding memorable, both for sharpenesse and for continuance: For the earth remained hard frozen from the beginning of Nouember, vntill the middest of April then ensuing.

In the 15. yere a great earthquake happened in the month of April; strange for the strong trembling of the earth, but more strange for the dolefull and hideous roaring which it yeelded foorth.

In the 20. yeere there fell such abundance of raine, that the Riuers did greatly ouerflow in all parts of the Realme. The springs also rising plentifully in diuers hils, so softned and decaied the foundations of them, that they fell downe, whereby some villages were ouerthrowne. By this distemperature of weather much cattel perished, much corne vpon the ground was either destroyed, or greatly empaired. Herehence ensued, first a famine, and afterwards a miserable mortalitie of men.

And that all the Elements might seeme to haue conspired the calamity of the Realme, the same yeere most of the principall Cities in England were lamentably deformed with fire. At London a fire began at the entry of the West gate, which apprehending certaine shops and Ware-houses, wherein was Merchandise apt to burne, it was at once begun and suddenly at the highest. Then being caried with a strong wind; and the Citie apt to maintaine the flame, as well by reason of the crooked and narrow streets, as for that the buildings at that time had open and wide windowes, and were couered with base matter fit to take fire, the mischiefe spread more swiftly then the remedies could follow. So it raged vntill it came to the East gate, prostrated houses and Churches all the way, being the most grieuous that euer as yet hath happened to that Citie. The Church of S. Paul was at that time fired; Whereupon Maurice then Bishop of London, began the foundation of the new Church of S. Paul. A worke so admirable, that many did iudge, it would neuer haue bene finished; yet all might easily esteeme thereby his magnanimitie, his high erected hopes, his generous loue and honour to Religion. The King gaue towards the building of the East end of this Church, the choise stones of his Castle at the West end of the Citie, vpon the bancke of the Riuer Thames; which Castle at the same time was also fired: in place whereof Edward Killwarby Archbishop of Canterburie did afterwards found a Monasterie of blacke Friers. The King also gaue the Castle of Storford, and all the lands which thereto belonged, to the same Maurice, and to his successours in that See. And doubtlesse nothing more then either parcimonious or prophane expending the Treasures of the Church, hath since those times much dried vp those fountaines which first did fill them.

After the death of Maurice, Richard his next Successour, as well in vertue as in dignitie, bestowed all the Rents rising out of this Bishopricke, to aduance the building of this Church; maintaining himselfe by his Patrimonie and friendes: and yet all which hee could doe, made no great shewe: so that the finishing of this worke was left to many other succeeding Bishops. Hee purchased the ground about the Church whereupon many buildings did stand, and inclosed the same with a strong wall of stone for a place of buriall. It seemeth that this wall was afterwards either battered and torne in some ciuill warres, or else by negligence suffered to decay: for that a graunt was made by King Edward the second, that the Church-yard of Saint Pauls should bee enclosed with a wall, because of the robberies and murthers that were there committed. Many parts of this wall remaine at this time, on both sides of the Church, but couered for the most part with dwelling houses.

The same yeere in Whitsun-weeke, the King honoured his sonne Henrie with the order of Knighthood. What Ceremonies the King then vsed it is not certainly knowen: but before his time the custome among the Saxons was thus. First, hee who should receiue the order of Knighthood, confessed himselfe in the euening to a Priest. Then hee continued all that night in the Church, watching and applying himselfe to his priuate deuotions. The next morning he heard Masse, and offered his sword vpon the Altar. After the Gospel was read, the sword was hallowed, and with a benediction put about his necke. Lastly, he communicated the mysteries of the blessed body of Christ, and from that time remained a lawfull Souldier or Knight. This custome of Consecrating Knights the Normans did not onely abrogate, but abhorre; not for any euill that was therein, but because it was not altogether their owne.

This yeere in a Prouince of Wales called Rosse, the Sepulchre of Wawyn, otherwise called Gawen, was found vpon the Sea shore. Hee was sisters sonne to Arthur the great King of the Britaines; a man famous in our Britaine Histories, both for ciuill courtesie, and for courage in the field. I cannot but esteeme the report for fabulous, that his bodie was fourteene foote in length. I doe rather coniecture that one credulous writer did take that for the length of his body, which happily might bee the length of his tombe.

It is constantly affirmed that the ground whereon the English and the Normans did combate, doth shew after euery raine manifest markes of blood vpon the grasse: which if it was not a proprietie of the soyle before, it is hard now to assigne, either from what naturall cause it doth proceede, or what it should supernaturally portend. * * *

Illustration from The Lives of the III. Normans, Kings of England: William the First, William the Second, Henrie the First
Illustration from The Lives of the III. Normans, Kings of England: William the First, William the Second, Henrie the First

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