K. WILLIAM THE SECOND, sirnamed Rvfvs.

ing William the Victor when hee drew towards the end of his dayes, commended the Kingdome of England to his second sonne William: with many blessings, with many admonitions, with many prayers for the prosperous successe of his succession. And because the presence of the next successour is of greatest moment to establish affaires, the King a little before his passage to death, dispatched him into England, with letters vnder his owne Seale to Lanfranck then Archbishop of Canterbury: a man highly esteemed in forraine Countreys, but with the Cleargie and vulgare people of the Realme, his authoritie was absolute. In these letters the King expressed great affection and care towards his sonne William; commending him with many kind words, for his sufficiencies, for diuers vertues; especially for that hee did alwayes stand firmely by him, alwayes declare himselfe both a faithfull Subiect and dutifull sonne. It was also coniectured by some, that the King was guided in this choise, no lesse by his iudgement, then by his affection: for that he esteemed the fierce disposition of his sonne William more fit to gouerne a people not well setled in subiection, then the flexible and milde nature of his eldest sonne Robert. So William taking his last leaue of his father, who was then taking his last leaue of this world, iourneyed towards England; and in short time arriued at the port called Whitesand, where he receiued the first report of his fathers death. Hereupon with all speed hee posted to Lanfranck, deliuered his fathers letters, and foorthwith was declared King, vpon the 9. day of September, in the yere 1087. and vpon the first of October next ensuing was by the same Lanfranck, with al ceremonies and solemnities perteining to that action, crowned at Westminster.

Robert, either by negligence and want of foresight, or by the perpetuall malice of his destinie, or happily not without his fathers contriuance, was absent in Germanie, whilest his yonger brother William did thus possesse himselfe, both of the Kingdome of his father, and of his treasure. Otherwise he wanted neither pretence, nor purpose, nor fauour of friends to haue empeached his brothers proceedings. For it was then doubted by many, and since hath bene by many debated; whether in any case, vpon any cause or consideration whatsoeuer, a King hath power to disinherite his eldest sonne, and to appoint another to succeed in his estate.

That a King may aduance any of his sonnes to bee his successour, without respect of prioritie in birth, there seemeth to want neither warrant of example, nor weight of authoritie. Dauid[29] a man greatly prooued and approoued by God, did preferre Solomon[30] to succeede him, before his eldest sonne Adonia. And in like sort Rehoboam the sonne of Solomon, appointed the yongest of all his sonnes to succeed him in the Kingdome.[31] So some Lawyers affirme, That a King may determine in his life, which of his sonnes shall reigne after him.

But this must be vnderstood, either when a State is newly raised to the title of a kingdome, or else when by Conquest, Vsurpation, or some other meanes of change, the gouernment thereof is newly transferred from one stemme to another: For then because there is no certaine Law or Custome of succession in force, the right seemeth to depend vpon the disposition of the Prince. And yet euen in this case, the eldest or neerest cannot be excluded without iust cause. For so when Iacob[32] depriued his eldest sonne Reuben of his priuiledge of birth, he expressed the cause, For that he had defiled his fathers bed; which fact of his Hierome applieth to the case in question. So when Ptolemie[33] the first King of Egypt commended the State to his yongest sonne, he yeelded a reason for that which he did. So Henrie the fourth Emperour, crowned Henrie his yonger sonne King, reiecting Conrade his eldest sonne, for that hee had borne armes against him, and ioyned in league with his open enemies.

But when by expresse Lawe or long grounded Custome the Succession of a State is established to the eldest sonne, the best approoued interpreters of the Canon and Ciuill law doe conclude,[34] that the father hath no power to inuert or peruert that course of order. For parents may debarre their children of that which proceedeth from themselues, of that which dependeth vpon their appointment; but of that which is due by nature,[35] by the immutable law of the State, the parents can haue no power to dispose. When by a fundamentall Lawe or Custome of State, Succession is annexed to the dignity of a Crowne, according to prioritie in birth, it followeth, that so soone as the first borne commeth into light, the right of succession is fixed in him;[36] not in hope onely, but also in habite; whereof neither the father nor any other can dispossesse him.

And therefore when Prusias[37] intended to depriue his eldest sonne Nicomedes of his prerogatiue of birth, and to preferre his yonger sonnes, which he had by another wife, in succession before him, he could not assure it by any meanes, but by determining the death of Nicomedes; which Nicomedes to preuent, dispoiled his father both of kingdom and of life. Ptolemie the first King of Egypt[38] of that name, who after the death of Alexander the great possessed himselfe of Egypt, & part of Arabia, and of Affrick, left his kingdom to the yōgest of his sons: but afterward when Ptolemie, surnamed Phiscon,[39] vpon the importunity of his wife Cleopatra, attempted the like, the kingdome being then setled in succession, the people opposed, & reuersed his order after his death. So Pepine[40] after hee had made seisure of the kingdome of France, & ordered all things which he thought necessary for the suerty therof, disposed the succession therein by his Testament; leauing the Realme of Noion to his sonne Charles, and to Carloman his other sonne the Realme of Soissons. The like was done by some other of the first Kings of his race. But since that time the custome hath been strongly stablished, that the kingdome passeth entirely to the eldest sonne, and possessions are assigned to the rest vnder the name of Appanage. And therefore the French[41] writers affirme, that the eldest sonne of France cannot be depriued of succession, vpon any cause of ingratitude against his parents; and that if the King should institute his eldest sonne,[42] yet cannot hee take the kingdome by force of his fathers guift, but onely by the immutable law of the Realme. Yea, Girard writeth of Charles the simple, that hee was King of France[43] before hee was borne. And in this regard the Glossographer[44] vpon the Decrees noteth, that the sonne of a King may bee called King during the life of his father, as wanting nothing but administration. And the same also doth Seruius note out of Virgil, where hee saith of Ascanius: regémq; requirunt, his father Aeneas being then aliue.

Now then, for that the right of Succession to the Crowne of England was not at that time so surely setled as it hath been since; but had waued in long vncertainetie: First, in the Heptarchie of the Saxons and English, afterward betweene the English and the Danes, and was then newly possessed by the Normane, and that chiefly by the sword: For that also Robert the Kings eldest sonne gaue iust cause of offence, by bearing armes against his father; it may seeme that the King might lawfully direct the succession to his second sonne. And yet, because as Herodotus[45] saith, It is a generall custome amongst all men, that the first in birth is next in succession; because as Baldus[46] affirmeth, Semper fuit, & semper erit, &c. Alwayes it hath been, and alwayes it shall bee, that the first borne succeedeth in a kingdome; because as S. Hierome[47] writeth, A kingdome is due vnto the first borne; and as S. Chrysostome[48] saith, The first borne is to bee esteemed more honourable then the rest; whereupon diuers Lawyers obserue, that the word Senior[49] is often times taken for a Lord. Lastly, because this precedencie both in honour, and in right seemeth to be the Law of all nations, deriued from the Law of Nature, and expresly either instituted or approoued by the voice of God: First, where he said to Cain[50] of his yonger brother Abel; His desires shall be subiect to thee, and thou shalt haue dominion ouer him: Secondly,[51] where he forbiddeth the father to disinherite the first sonne of his double portion, because by right of birth it is due vnto him: Lastly, where hee maketh choice of the first borne to be sanctified and consecrated to himselfe;[52] it hath almost neuer happened that this order hath been broken, that the neerest haue bene excluded from Succession in State, but it hath been followed with tragicall euents.

Yea, albeit the eldest sonne be vnfit to beare rule, albeit hee be vnable to gouerne either others or himselfe; as if hee be in a high degree furious, or foolish, or otherwise defectiue in body or in minde, (vnlesse he degenerate from humane condition) yet can he not therefore be excluded from succession:[53] because it is due vnto him, not in respect of abilitie, but by reason of his prioritie of birth. As for the kingdom, it shall better be preserued by the gouernment of a Protector (as in diuers like causes it is both vsual and fit) then by receiuing another Prince:[54] as well for other respects, as for that by cutting off continuance in the Royall descent, by interrupting the setled order of gouernment, by making a breach in so high a point of State, opportunitie is opened both for domesticall disturbances, and for inuasions from abroad: whereupon greater inconueniences do vsually ensue, then did euer fall by insufficiencie of a Prince. For if these pretenses may be allowed for good, what aspiring Subiect, what encroaching enemy, finding themselues furnished with meanes, will not be ready to rise into ambitious hopes? Gabriel the yonger brother of the house of Saluse, kept his eldest brother in prison, vsurped his estate, giuing foorth to the people that he was mad. And seldome hath any vsurpation happened, but vpon pretence of insufficiencie in gouernment. Assuredly, if these principall points of Principalitie be not punctually obserued, the ioynts of a State are loosened, the foundation is shaken, the gates are opened for all disorders, to rise vp, to rush in, to prosper, to preuaile.

Hereupon Medon[55] the eldest sonne of Codrus, albeit he was lame and otherwise defectiue, was by sentence of the Oracle of Apollo preferred to succeed his father in the kingdome of Athens, before Neleus his yonger brother. So when Alexandrides[56] King of Sparta left two sonnes, Cleomenes the eldest, distracted in wits, and Doricus the yongest, both able and enclined to all actions of honour; the Spartans acknowledged Cleomenes for their King. Agisilaus the famous King of Sparta was also lame, as Plutarch[57] and Prob. Æmilius do report; Orosius saith, that the Spartans did rather choose to haue their King halt, then their Kingdome. And therefore when Lisander[58] moued them to decree, that the worthiest and not alwayes the next in blood of the line of Hercules should reigne, he found no man to second his aduise. Aristobulus[59] and Hircanus after a long and cruel contention for the Kingdome of Iewrie, committed their controuersie to the arbitrement of Pompey: Hircanus alledged, that hee was the eldest brother; Aristobulus obiected, that Hircanus was insufficient to gouerne: but Pompey gaue iudgement for Hircanus. The like iudgement did Annibal[60] giue for the kingdome of that Countrey which is now called Sauoy; restoring Brancus[61] to his State, from which he had bene expelled by his yonger brother. And although Phirrus[62] did appoint that sonne to succeed, whose sword had the best edge; yet was the eldest acknowledged, who bare the least reputation for valour.

Ladislaus[63] King of Hungarie left by his brother Geysa two Nephewes; Colomannus the eldest, who was lame, bunch-backed, crab-faced, blunt-sighted, bleare-eyed, a dwarfe, a stammerer, and (which is more) a Priest; and Almus the yongest, a man of comely presence, and furnished with many princely vertues: In regard of these natural prerogatiues Ladislaus appointed Almus to succeed; but in regard of the prerogatiue in blood, the Hungarians receiued Colomānus for their King. Barbatius[64] writeth, that Galeace Duke of Milane did oft times expresse his griefe, for that he could not preferre in successiō Philip Maria his yongest sonne, before Iohn his eldest; for that he seemed the most sufficient to vndertake the manage of the State. Girard[65] affirmeth that it hath bene the custome of the French, to honour their Kings whatsoeuer they are; whether wise or foolish, valiant or weake; esteeming the name of King to be sacred by whomsoeuer it be borne. And therefore they obeyed not only Charles the simple, but Charles the sixt also; who reigned many yeres in plaine distraction of his mind. It was an ancient custome in Scotland, that the most sufficient of the blood of Fergusus[66] was receiued for King; but such warres, murthers, and other mischiefes did thereupon ensue, that a law was made vnder Kenet the third, and afterwards confirmed by Millcolumbus, that the nighest in blood should alwayes succeede. And accordingly the Scots refused not for their King Iohn the eldest sonne of Robert the second, albeit he was borne out of marriage, and did halt, and was both in wit and in courage dull.

For what if he who is debarred for disabilitie shall afterward haue a sonne free from all defects?[67] It is without question that the right of the Kingdome should deuolue vnto him: for that the calamitie of parents doeth not preiudice their children, especially in their naturall rights, which they may claime from the person of former ancestors. But what if another be in possession of the Kingdome?[68] will he readily giue place to this right? will he readily abandon that honour, for which men will not spare, to climbe ouer all difficulties, to vndergoe all dangers; to put their goods, their liues, their soules in aduenture? If a man be once mounted into the chaire of Maiestie, it standeth not, I will not say with his dignitie, but with his safetie, to betake himselfe to a priuate State; as well for the eternall iealousie wherein he shall be held, as for the enuie which shall be borne against him vpon many of his actions: So as what some few would not doe for ambition, the same they must doe to preserue themselues. Hereupon it will follow, that the possession of the Kingdome being in one, and the right in another; disunions, factions, warres may easily ensue.

It is inconuenient (I grant) to be vnder a King who is defectiue in body or in mind; but it is a greater inconuenience, by disturbing a setled forme of gouernment, to open an entrance for all disorders; wherein ambition and insolencie (two riotous humours) may range at large. For as euill is generally of that nature, that it cannot stand, but by supportance of another euill; and so multiplieth in it selfe, vntill it doth ruine with the proper weight: so mindes hauing once exceeded the strict bounds of obedience, cease not to strengthen one bouldnesse by another, vntil they haue inuolued the whole State in confusion.

Bvt now to returne to the person and gouernment of this King William. He was a man of meane stature, thicke and square bodied, his belly swelling somewhat round; his face was red, his haire deepely yealow, by reason whereof he was called Rufus; his forehead foure square like a window, his eyes spotted and not one like the other; his speech vnpleasant and not easily vttered, especially when he was mooued with anger. He was of great abilitie in body, as well for naturall strength, as for hardinesse to endure all ordinary extremities both of trauaile and of want. In Armes he was both expert and aduenturous; full of inward brauerie and fiercenesse; neuer dismayed, alwayes forward, and for the most part fortunate; in counsaile sudden, in performance a man; not doubting to vndertake any thing which inuincible valour durst promise to atchieue. Hee had bene bred with the sword; alwayes in action, alwayes on the fauourable hand of Fortune: so as, albeit he was but yong, yet was he in experience well grounded; for inuention subtill, in counsaile quicke, in execution resolute; wise to foresee a danger, and expedite to auoid it. In a word, the generall reputation of his valour and celeritie, made him esteemed one of the best Chiefetaines in his time.

His behauiour was variable and inconstant; earnest in euery present passion, and for the most part accompanying the disposition of his mind, with outward demonstrations. Of nature he was rough, haughtie, obstinate, inuincible, which was much enlarged both by his soueraigntie and youth: so singular in his owne conceit, that he did interprete it to his dishonour, that the world should deeme, that he did not gouerne by his owne iudgement. In publicke he composed his countenance to a stately terrour; his face sowerly swelling, his eyes truculent, his voyce violent and fierce, scarce thinking himselfe Maiesticall in the glasse of his vnderstanding, but when he flashed feare from his presence. And yet in priuate he was so affable and pleasant, that he approched neere the degree of leuitie: much giuen to scoffing, and passing ouer many of his euill actions with a ieast. In all the other carriages of his life, he maintained no stable and constant course; but declared himselfe for euery present, as well in vertue as in vice, strong, violent, extreeme.

In the beginning of his reigne he was esteemed a most accomplished Prince; and seemed not so much of power to bridle himselfe from vice, as naturally disposed to abhorre it. Afterwards, either with variation of times, or yeelding to the pleasures which prosperity vseth to ingender euen in moderate minds, or perhaps his nature beginning to disclose that which hee had cunningly concealed before, corruptions crept vp, and he waued vncertainely betweene vertue and vice. Lastly, being imboldned by euill teachers, and by continuance both of prosperitie and rule, he is said to haue made his height a priuiledge of loosenesse, and to haue abandoned himselfe to all licentious demeanour; wherein he seemed little to regard God, and nothing man.

Assuredly, there is no greater enemie to great men, then too great prosperitie in their affaires; which taketh from them all iudgement and rule of themselues; which maketh them ful of libertie, and bould to doe euill. And yet I cannot conceiue that this King was so bould, so carelesse, so shamelesse in vices, as many writers doe report. It is certaine that hee doubted of some points of Religion, at that time without any great contradiction professed; and namely, of praying to Saints, worshipping of Reliques, & such like. It is certain also, that out of policie in State, he endeuoured to abate the tumorous greatnes of the Clergie at that time; as well in riches, as in authority and power with the people: and that he attributed not so much to the Sea of Rome, as diuers Kings before him had done. Insomuch as he restrained his subiects from going to Rome, and withheld the annuall paiment of Peter pence, and was oftentimes heard to giue foorth, that they follow not the trace of S. Peter, they greedily gape after gifts and rewards, they retein not his power, whose pietie they do not imitate. These were causes sufficient for the writers of his time (who were for the most part Clergie-men) to enlarge his vices beyond the trueth, to surmise many vices vntruely, to wrest his true vertues to be vices.

And this I doe the rather coniecture, for that I doe not find his particular actions of like nature, with the generall imputation which is cast vpon him; for that also I finde the chiefe of these generall imputations to bee these:[69] That he was grieuous to the Church, of no deuotion to God, preferring respect of temporall state before the rules of the Gospel. Verely, it is hard to doe that which will beare a cleere beauty in the eyes of all men; and if our actions haue not the fauour of time, and the opinion of those men who doe estimate and report them, they are much dimmed with disgrace.[70] Out of all doubt he was a magnanimous Prince, mercifull and liberall, and in martiall affaires most expert, diligent and prosperous; wise to contriue his best aduantage, and most couragious to atchieue it. But two things chiefly obscured his glory; one, the incomparable greatnesse of his father, to whom he did immediatly succeede; the other was the prowesse of those men, against whom he did contend in armes; especially of Malcolme King of Scots, and of Robert Duke of Normandie. To these I may adde, that hee died in the principall strength and flourish of his age, before his iudgement had full command ouer his courage.

Many doe attribute his excellent beginnings to Lanfranck Archb. of Canterburie: who during the time of his life, partly by authoritie, and partly by aduise, supported the vnstable yeeres and disposition of the King: which after the death of Lanfranck returned by degrees to their proper sway. But I do rather attribute many of his first vertues to the troubles which happened in the very entrance of his reigne; which partly by employment, and partly by feare, held his inclination in some restraint. For Odo Bishop of Baion and Earle of Kent, the Kings vncle by the mothers side, had drawen the greatest part of all the Prelates and Nobilitie that were Normans, into a dangerous confederacie against the King; to deiect him from his State, and to aduance Robert his elder brother for their King.

The secret cause of this conspiracie was partly vpon a generall discontentment, at the great, though worthy estimation and authoritie (a most capitall offence in the eye of enuie) of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterburie; by means whereof many of the conspirators liued in farre meaner reputation, then their ambitious minds could easily breake: but chiefly it was vpon a more particular grudge, which Odo did beare against the same Lanfranck; because by his perswasion, Odo had been committed to prison by King William the elder. For when the King complained to Lanfranck of the intolerable both auarice and ambition of his brother Odo, the Archbishop gaue aduise, that hee should bee restrained of his libertie. And when the King doubted, how he being a Bishop, might be committed to prison, without impeaching the priuiledges of the Church; indeede answered Lanfranck, you may not imprison the Bishop of Baion, but you may doe what you please with the Earle of Kent.

The publike and open pretenses were these. Robert Duke of Normandie had the prerogatiue of birth; which being a benefit proceeding from nature, could not bee reuersed by his fathers acte. He had also wonne a most honorable reputation for his militarie vertues; and had by many trauels of warre wasted the wilde follies of youth. Hee was no lesse famous for courtesie and liberalitie, two most amiable ornaments of honour; being so desirous that no man should depart discontented from him, that he would oftentimes promise more then hee was able to performe, and yet performe more then his estate could expediently afford. As for K. William, besides that he was the yonger brother, his nature was held to be doubtfull and suspect, and the iudgement of most men enclined to the worst. And what are we then aduantaged, (said they) by the death of his father? if whom he hath fleeced, this shall flay; if this shall execute those whom he hath fettered and surely bound; If after his seuerities that are past, wee shall be freshly charged with those rigours, which tyrants in the height and pride of their Fortune are wont to vse? And as stronger combinations are alwayes made betweene men drawne together by one common feare, then betweene those that are ioyned by hope or desire; so vpon these iealousies and feares, accompanied also with vehement desires, the Confederats supposed that they had knit a most assured league.

Now it happened that at the time of the death of William the elder, Robert his eldest sonne was absent in Almaine; and at once heard both of the death of his father, and that his brother William was acknowledged to be King. Hereupon in great hast, but greater heat both of anger and ambition, he returned into Normandie: and there whilest he was breathing foorth his discontentment and desire of reuenge, he receiued a message from the Confederats in England; that with all speed hee should come ouer vnto them, to accomplish the enterprise, to furnish their forces with a head: that they had no want of able bodies; they wanted no meanes to maintaine them together; they wanted onely his person both to countenance and conduct them. The Duke thought it no wisdome, to aduenture himselfe altogether; vpon the fauour and faith of discontented persons: and he had bene so loosely liberall before, that he was vnprouided of money, to appoint himselfe with any competent forces of his owne. Hereupon he pawned a part of Normandie to his brother Henry, for waging Souldiers: many also flocked voluntarily vnto him; vpon inducement, that hee who of his owne nature was most liberall & full of humanitie, would not faile both of pay and reward, vnlesse by reason of disabilitie & want.

In the meane time the Confederats resolued to breake forth in Armes, in diuers parts of the Realme at once; vpon conceit, that if the King should endeuour to represse them in one place, they might more easily preuaile in the other. And so accordingly Odo fortified and spoiled in Kent; Geoffrey Bishop of Exceter, with his nephew Robert Mowbray Earle of Northumberland, at Bristow; Roger Montgomerie in Northfolke, Suffolke and Cambridgeshire; Hugh de Grandemenill, in Leicestershire and Northamptonshire; William Bishop of Durhame, in the North parts of the Realme; diuers others of the Clergie and Nobilitie in Herefordshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, and all the Countreys adioyning to Wales. And as in time of pestilence all diseases turne to the plague; so in this generall tumult, all discontentments sorted to Rebellion. Many who were oppressed with violence or with feare; many who were kept lower either by want or disgrace then they had set their mounting minds, adioyned daily to the side, and encreased both the number and the hope. And thus was all the Realme in a ruinous rage against K. William, who wanted neither courage to beare, nor wisdome to decline it.

And first hee endeuoured by all meanes to make the English assured vnto him. And albeit few of them were at that time in any great place, either of credite or of charge, but were all wounded by his fathers wrongs; yet for that they were the greatest part, he made the greatest reckoning of them. For this cause hee released many English Lords who had bene committed to custodie by his father. He composed himselfe to courtesie and affabilitie towards the people, and distributed much treasure among them. But especially hee wanne their inclination by promises of great assurance, to restore vnto them their ancient lawes, to ease them of tributes and taxations, and to permit them free libertie of hunting: which being their principall pleasure and exercise before, was either taken away, or much restrained from them by King William the elder. Herewith he applied himselfe to appease the mutinous minds of his Nobilitie, to seuer the Confederats, to breake the faction; to diuide it first, and thereby to defeat it.

To this purpose he dealt with Roger Montgomerie, who next vnto Odo was a principall both countenance and strength to the reuolt; he dealt also with diuers others, inferiour vnto him in authority and degree; that he could not coniecture for what cause they were so violent against him: did they want money? His fathers treasure was at their deuotion: desired they encrease of possessions? they should not be otherwise bounded then by their owne desires: that hee would willingly also giue ouer his estate, in case it should be iudged expedient by themselues, whom his father had put in trust to support him: that they should doe wel to foresee, whether by ouerthrowing his fathers iudgement in appointing the kingdome vnto him, they should not doe that which might be preiudiciall to themselues; for the same man who had appointed him to bee King, had also conferred vnto them those honours and possessions which they held. Thus sometimes dealing priuately with particulars, and sometimes with many together, and eftsoones filling them with promises and hopes, and that with such new vehemencie of words as they beleeued could not proceede from dissembled intents; he so preuailed in the end, that hereby, and by example of some inducing the rest, Roger Montgomerie and diuers others were reconciled to the King; in whom was thought to rest no smal matter to hold vp the reputation of the enterprise.

And further, hee prepared a nauie to guard the seas, and to impeach the passage of his brother into England. Hee prepared great forces also by meanes of the treasure which his father had left, and disposed them in places conuenient, either to preuent or to represse these scattered tumults. But the successe of his affaires was by no meanes so much aduanced, as by Lanfranck Archbishop of Canterbury, and by Woolstane Bishop of Worcester: the authority of which two men, the one for his learning, wisedome, and mild moderation, the other for his simple sanctitie and integritie of life, was greatly regarded by all sorts of people. By encouragement of Woolstane not onely the citie of Worcester was maintained in firme condition for the King, but his enemies receiued there a famous foyle; the greatest part being slaine, and the residue dispersed. This was the first sad blow which the confederates tooke; afterward they declined mainely, and the King as mainly did increase.

The King in person led his chiefe forces into Kent, against Odo his vncle, the principall firebrand of all this flame. Hee tooke there the castle of Tunbridge and of Pemsey, which Odo had fortified; and lastly hee besieged Odo himselfe in the castle of Rochester, and with much trauell tooke him prisoner, and compelled him to abiure the Realme. Vpon these euents, the Bishop of Durham, aduising onely with feare and despaire, fled out of the Realme; but after three yeeres he was againe restored to the dignitie of his Sea. The residue did submit themselues to the Kings discretion; and were by him receiued, all to pardon, some to gracious and deare account. For in offences of so high nature, pardon neuer sufficeth to assure offenders, vnlesse by further benefits their loyaltie bee bound.

Robert Duke of Normandy was busied all this time, in making preparation for his iourney into England: but his delayes much abated the affections of those who fauoured either his person or cause. At the length, hauing made vp a competent power, he committed to sea; where, his infelicities concurring with his negligence, diuers of his ships which he had sent somewhat before him, to assure the confederats of his approach, were set vpon and surprised by the nauie of King William. After this hee arriued in England, sent vnto many of his secret friends, and made his comming knowen vnto all: but no man resorted to him, he receiued no aduertisement from any man; but plainely found, that by the fortunate celeritie of King William, the heart of the conspiracie in all places was broken. So the Duke returned into Normandie, hauing then good leisure, to looke into the errour of his leisurely proceedings.

When the King had in this sort either wisely reconciled, or valiantly repressed his domesticall enemies; because an vnperfect victory is alwayes the seede of a new warre, he followed his brother with a mighty armie, and remoued the seate of the warre into Normandie. For he coniectured (as in trueth it fell out) that the Duke his brother vpon his returne, would presently disperse his companies, for want of money; and for the same cause would not easily be able to draw them together againe. So his valour and his power being much aduantaged by his sudden comming, ioyned to the want of foresight and preparation in the Duke; he tooke in short time the Castles of Walerick and Aubemarle, with the whole Countrey of Eu; the Abbacie of Mount S Michael, Fescampe, Chereburge, and diuers other places; which he furnished with men of Armes, and Souldiers of assured trust.

The Duke feeling his owne weakenesse, dealt with Philip King of France, and by liberall promises so preuailed with him, that he descended into Normandie with a faire Armie, and bent his siege against one of those pieces which K. William had taken. But he found it so knottie a piece of worke, that in short time wearied with hardnesse and hazards of the field, he fell to a capitulation with King William, and so departed out of Normandie; receiuing a certaine summe of money in regard of his charges, and conceiuing that he had won honour ynough, in that no honour had bene won against him.

The money that was payd to the King of France, was raised in England by this deuise. King William commanded that 20. Thousand men should be mustered in England, and transported into Normandie, to furnish his warres against the French. When they were conducted neere to Hastings, and almost ready to be embarked, it was signified to them from the King; that aswell for their particular safeties, as not to disfurnish the Realme of strength, whosoeuer would pay 10. shillings towards the waging of Souldiers in Normandie, he might be excused to stay at home. Among 20. Thousand scarce any was found, who was not ioyfull to embrace the condition; who was not ready to redeeme his aduenture with so small a summe: which being gathered together, was both a surer and easier meanes to finish the warres, then if the King had still struggeled by force of Armes. For when the French King had abandoned the partie, Duke Robert, being prepared neither with money, nor constancie of mind to continue the warre, enclined to peace; which at the last, by diligence of friends, was concluded betweene the two brothers, vpon these conditions.

That the Duke should yeeld to the King the Countie of Eu, the Abbey of Fescampe, the Abbey of S. Michaels mount, Chereburge, and all other Castles and fortifications which the King had taken.

That the King should subdue to the vse of the Duke, all other Castles and houldes, which had reuolted from him in Normandie.

That the King should giue to the Duke certaine dignities and possessions in England.

That the King should restore all those to their dignities and lands in England, who had taken part with the Duke against him.

That if either of them should die without issue male, the suruiuour should succeed in his estate.

These Articles were confirmed by twelue Barons on the Kings part, and as many on the part of the Duke; so long obserued, as either of them wanted either power or pretence to disanull them.

This peace being made, the Duke vsed the aide of King William, to recouer the fort of Mount S. Michael, which their brother Henrie did forceably hold, for the money which hee had lent to the Duke of Normandie. Fourtie dayes they layed siege to this castle; hauing no hope to carrie it, but by the last necessity, which is hunger. Within the compasse of this time, as the King straggled alone vpon the shoare, certaine horsemen salied foorth and charged vpon him; of whom three strooke him together so violently with their lances, as because he could not be driuen out of his saddle, together with his saddle he was cast vpon the ground, and his horse slaine vpon the place, for which he had payed the same day 15. markes. Extremitie of danger (as it often happeneth) tooke from the King all feare of danger: wherefore taking vp his saddle with both his hands, he did therewith defend himselfe for a time. But because to stand vpon defence onely is alwayes vnsure, he drew his sword, and would not depart one foot from his saddle; but making shew of braue ioy, that he had nothing to trust vnto but his owne valour, he defended both his saddle and himselfe, till rescue came. Afterward when some of his Souldiers in blaming maner expostulated with him, wherefore he was so obstinate to saue his saddle: his answere was, that a King should loose nothing which he can possibly saue: It would haue angred mee, (said he) at the very heart, that the knaues should haue bragged, that they had wonne the saddle from mee. And this was one of his perpetuall felicities, to escape easily out of desperate dangers.

In the end Henry grew to extreeme want of water, and other prouisions: by which meanes he was ready to fall into the hands of those, who desired to auoyd necessitie to hurt him. And first he sent to the Duke his brother, to request some libertie to take in fresh water. The Duke sent to him a tunne of wine, and granted a surcease of hostilitie for one day, to furnish him with water. At this the King seemed discontented, as being a meanes to prolong the warre. But the Duke told him, that it had bene hard to deny a brother a little water for his necessitie. Herewith likewise the King relenting, they sent for their brother Henry; and wisdome preuailing more then iniuries or hate, they fell to an agreement, That vpon a day appointed, Henry should receiue his money at Roan; and that in the meane time, hee should hold the countrey of Constantine in morgage. The King enterteined with pay many of his brother Henries souldiers; especially he receiued those who ouerthrew him, to a very neere degree of fauour. And thus all parties ordered their ambition with great modestie; the custome of former warres running in a course of more humanitie, then since they haue done.

The King was the more desirous to perfect these agreements of Peace, for that Malcolme King of Scots (as Princes often times make vse of the contentions of their neighbours) tooke occasion vpon these confusions, to enterprise vpō the parts of England which confined vpon him. So as he inuaded Northumberland, made great spoile, tooke much prey, caried away many prisoners; whose calamitie was the more miserable, for that they were to endure seruitude in a hard Countrey. For this cause the King with his accustomed celeritie returned into England, accompanied with the Duke of Normandie his brother; and led a mighty armie against the Scots by land, and sent also a nauie to infest them by sea. But by a sudden and stiffe storme, by a hideous confusion of all ill disposed weather, his ships were cruelly crushed; and hauing long wrought against the violence and rage of the tempest, were in the end dispersed, and diuers of them cast away. Many of his souldiers also perished, partly by penurie and want, and partly by the euill qualitied ayre.

Notwithstanding the Scots, knowing the King of England to bee an enemie mighty and resolute, began to wauer in their assurance; framing fearefull opinions, of the number, valour and experience of his armie. Hereupon some ouertures of peace were made; the Scots expecting that the King, by reason of his late losses, would be the more moderate in his demands. But hee then shewed himselfe most resolute and firme; following his naturall custome, not to yeelde to any difficulty. King Malcolme coniecturing that such confidence could not be without good cause, consented at the last to these conditions.

That King Malcolme should make a certaine satisfaction for the spoyles which hee had done in England.

That King William should restore to him certaine lands in England.

That K. Malcolme should doe homage to King William.

Now the day was come wherein Henrie was appointed to receiue his money at Roan, from the Duke of Normandie. But as affaires of Princes haue great variations, so they are not alwayes constant in their Counsels. And so the Duke, caried by his occasions, and ready to lay downe his faith and word more to the traine of times, then to the preseruation of his honour; instead of paying the money, committed his brother Henry to prison: from whence he could not be released, vntill hee renounced the Countie of Constantine, and bound himselfe by oath neuer to claime any thing in Normandie.

Henrie complained hereof to Philip King of France; who gaue him a faire enterteinement in his Court, but was content rather to feede then finish the contention: either expecting thereby some opportunitie to himselfe, or els the opinion of his owne greatnesse not suffring him to feare, that others might grow to haue fortune against him. Henry had not long remained in the Court of France, but a Normane Knight named Hacharde conueyed him disguised into Normandie; where the Castle of Damfronç was deliuered vnto him; and in short time after hee gate all the Countrey of Passays, and a good part of Constantine; either without resistance, or without difficultie and perill.

Hereupon the Duke leuied his forces, and earnestly assayed to recouer Damfronç: but then hee found that his brother Henrie was secretly, yet surely vnderset by the king of England. Hereupon, incensed with the furie of an iniuried minde, hee exclaimed against his brother of England, and almost proclaimed him a violator of his league. On the other side, the King of England iustified his action, for that hee was both a meanes and a partie to the agreement: and therefore stood bound in honour, not onely to vrge, but to enforce performance. So the flame brake foorth more furious then it was before, and ouer went King William with an able armie; where hee found the Duke also in good condition of strength commanding the field. And albeit in so neere approach of two mighty enemies, equall both in ambition and power, it is hard to conteine men of seruice; yet was nothing executed betweene them, but certaine light skirmishes, and surprizements of some places of defence. In the end, the King hearing of new troubles in England, and the Duke finding himselfe vnable either to preuaile with few souldiers, or to maintaine many, and both distrusting to put a speedie end to the warre; they were easily drawne to capitulations of peace. And thus ended the contention betweene these brethren; who vntill this time had continued like the waues of the Sea, alwayes in motion, and one beating against the other.

Besides these businesses which befell the King, against his Nobilitie, against the Duke of Normandie his brother, and against the King and nation of the Scots; the Welshmen also (who alwayes struggled for libertie and reuenge) perceiuing that the King was often absent, and much entangled with hostile affaires; enforced the fauour of that aduantage, to free themselues from subiection of the English, and happily to enlarge or enrich themselues vpon them. So hauing both desire and opportunitie, they wanted not meanes to assemble in armes, to expell the English that were amongst them, and to cast downe the Castles erected in their Countrey, as the principall yoakes of their subiection. Afterwards, rising in boldnesse with successe, they made diuers incursions vpon the bordering parts of England; spoiled the Citie of Glocester, and exercised all those outrages, which vnciuill people, incensed both with want and with hate doe not vsually omit. But being a company neither in discipline nor pay, raw and vnarmed, they proceeded more like to robbers then to Souldiers; hauing no intention to vanquish, but to spoile.

Hereupon the King twice in person inuaded Wales, but with small shew of successe for the present. For the Welsh-enemies scattered the warre, by diuiding themselues into small companies, and retiring into the mountaines and woods, and other places of naturall defence. Here they trauailed the King with a fugitiue fight; flying when they were pursued, and houering vpon him when they were giuen ouer: cutting off many stragling souldiers, and taking some carriages, which in those rough places could not easily either be passed, or defended. And so by shifting alwayes into places of aduantage, they sought at one time, both to auoyd fighting, and to hinder the King from doing any thing of importance. At the last, the King hauing made sufficient proofe how vaine it is, to follow a light footed enemie with a heauie Armie, pestered with traine of carriage, in places where the seruice of horsemen is almost vnprofitable; he gaue ouer the pursuit, and retired into England. But first he repaired those Castles which the Welsh had destroyed, and built new Castles also vpon the frontiers and within the bosome of Wales; which he furnished with so sure garrisons, as might suffice with fauour of opportunitie, either to weary or consume the enemies.

And indeed the Welsh being by this meanes, alwayes exercised, and dayly wasted; declined in short time, no lesse to cowardise then to wearinesse and wants; so as Hugh Earle of Chester, & Hugh Earle of Shrewesbury, dispossessed them of the Isle of Anglesey, which they had surprised not long before. The Welsh that were there taken, were very hardly, or rather vnmercifully and cruelly entreated; Some had their eyes pulled out, some their hands cut off, some their armes, some their noses, some their genitalles. An aged Priest named Kenredus, who had bene a chiefe directer of the common affaires, was drawne out of a Church whereinto he had fled, had one of his eyes pulled out, and his tongue torne from his throat. I make no doubt but these seuerities were vsed against them, vpon some sauage outrages which they had done; wherein the lesse compassion was borne to their calamities, for the cowardise which they shewed in their owne defence.

Shortly after, Magnus King of Norway the sonne of Olaus, the sonne of Harold Harfager, hauing brought the Isles of Orkeney vnder his dominion, subdued also from the Welsh the Isle of Man; and enterprised vpon the Isle of Anglesey against the English. But at his landing he was encountred by the Earle of Shrewsbury and the Earle of Chester; in which fight the Norwegians were vanquished and repelled, but the Earle of Shrewsbury with too braue boldnesse lost his life: leauing his honourable both actions and end as an excellent ornament to his posteritie. Afterwards the Earle of Chester led an armie into Wales; and found the people so consumed by the English garisons, that he easily reduced many to professe obedience to the Crowne of England; and disabled others, hauing no leaders of experience and valour, for shewing their faces as enemies in the field.

Also vpon some variances which did rise betweene Iustinus, sonne to Gurguntus, Earle of Glamorgane and Morganock; and Rhesus sonne to Theodore Prince of Southwales: Iustinus, not of power to maintaine either his right or his will, sent Æneas, sonne to Genidorus, sometimes Lord of Demetia, to craue aide in England. This he obtained, not onely readily, but in greater measure then the seruice did require. Robert Fitzhamond was generall Commander of the English armie; who encountred Rhesus at a place called Blackhill; and in that fight Rhesus was slaine: after whose death the name of King ceased in Wales. Then Iustinus failing, and happily not able to performe such conditions as in necessitie hee had assured, Fitzhamond turned his forces against him; chased the Welsh out of the champaine Countrey, and diuided the same among his principall Gentlemen. These erected Castles, in places conuenient for their mutuall ayde; and so well defended themselues, that they left the Countrey to their posterity. Thus was the Lordship of Glamorgane and Morganock, which conteineth 27. miles in length, & 22. in bredth, subdued to the English; giuing example how dangerous it is for any people, to call in a greater force of strangers to their ayde, then being victorious, they may easily be able to limit and restraine. This being a Lordship marcher, hath enioyed royall liberties, since the time wherein it was first subdued. It hath acknowledged seruice and obedience onely to the Crowne. It hath had the triall of all actions, as well reall as personall, and also held Pleas of the Crowne; with authority to pardon all offences, Treason onely excepted.

Whilest the King was entertained with these chases, rather then warres in Wales, hee lay at Gloucester many times; as not esteeming that his presence should alwayes be necessary, and yet not farre off if occasion should require. To this place Malcolme King of Scots came vnto him, vpon an honourable visitation. But the King hauing conceiued some displeasure against him, refused to admit him to his presence. Hereupon King Malcolme, full of fury and disdaine, returned into Scotland, assembled an armie, enuaded Northumberland, harrased and spoyled a great part thereof; hauing done the like foure times before. Such is the heate of hate in mindes that are mighty; who seldome hold it any breach of Iustice, to bee reuenged of him who offereth dishonor. When he was come neere to Alnewicke, and his souldiers were much pestered with prey, (a notable impediment both for readinesse and resolution to fight) hee was set vpon both suddenly and sharply by Robert Mowbray Earle of Northumberland; his troupes hewen in pieces, himselfe together with his eldest sonne Edward slaine. The third day ensuing, Margaret wife to King Malcolme, and sister to Edgar Adeling, not able to beare so sad and heauie a blow of fortune, ended also her life. Shee was famous for pietie and for modestie, two excellent endowments of that Sexe. By her perswasion Malcolme made a law, that whereas by a former law made by King Eugenius, the Lord enioyed the first night with any new married woman within his dominion; the husband might redeeme that abuse by paiment of halfe a mark of siluer.

King Malcolme being slaine, Dunwald his brother vsurped the kingdome; but after a few dayes he was dispossessed thereof by Duncane, bastard son to K. Malcolme. In this action Duncane was chiefly supported by the King of England; with whom he had remained in hostage, and to whom hee had made his submission by oath. And because the Scots did either see or suspect that hee bare a fauourable affection to the English, they would not receiue him for their King, but vnder promise that hee should not entertaine any English or Normane, either in place of seruice, or as a follower at large. The yeere next following Duncane was slaine, and Dunwald was againe possessed of the kingdom. Hereupon King William sent Clito Edgar with an armie into Scotland; by whose meanes Dunwald was dispoiled againe of his Kingdome, and Edgar sonne to King Malcolme aduanced to his fathers estate.

These were the principall aduentures by Armes which concerned England, during the reigne of K. William the second: wherein he so behaued himselfe, that he did worthily winne an opinion to be one, who both knew and durst. In all actions hee esteemed himselfe greatly dishonoured, if hee were not both in Armes with the first, and with the forwardest in fight; doing double seruice, as well by example, as by direction: In which heate of valour, the fauour of his Fortune excused many of his attempts from the blame of rashnesse. He was oftentimes most constant, or rather obstinate in pursuing those purposes, which with small deliberation he vndertooke.

At a certaine time when he was in hunting within the new Forrest, he receiued aduertisement, that Mans was surprised by Helie, Count de la Flesch, who pretended title thereto in right of his wife: that he was aided in this enterprise by Fouques d'Angiers, an ancient enemie to the Dukes of Normandie: and that the castle which held good for the King, must also be rendered, if in very short time it were not relieued. Vpon these newes, as if he had bene in the heat of a chase, he presently turned his horse; and his passion not staying to consult with reason, in great haste roade towards the Sea. And when he was aduised by some to stay a time, and take with him such forces as the importance of the seruice did require; with a heart resolute and violent voice he answered, That they who loued him, would not faile to follow; and that if no man else would stirre, he alone would relieue Mans.

When he came to Dortmouth, he commanded ships to be brought for his passage. The winds were then both contrary and stiffe, and the Sea swelled exceeding bigge; for which cause the Shipmasters perswaded him to await a more fauourable season, and not to cast himselfe vpon the miserable mercie of that storme. Notwithstanding the King, whose feare was alwayes least when dangers were greatest, mounted vpon Shipboard, and commanded them to put to Sea; affirming, That it was no Prince-like mind to breake a iourney for foulenesse of weather; and that he neuer heard of any King that had bene drowned. And so for that the chiefe point of rescue rested in expedition, hee presently committed to Sea; taking few with him, and leauing order that others should follow. After hee had long wrastled with the winds and waues, he arriued in France, where running on in the humour of his courage and forwardnesse, he acquitted himselfe with greater honour then at any time before. So effectuall is celeritie for the benefit of a seruice, that oftentimes it more auaileth, then either multitude or courage of Souldiers.

In this expedition, Helie the principall commander against him was taken. And when he was brought to the Kings presence, the King said pleasantly vnto him: Ah master! in faith I haue you now; and I hope I shal be able to keepe you in quiet. Then he: It is true indeed, the successe of my attempts haue not bene answerable to the resolution of my minde; by meere aduenture now you haue me: but if I were at libertie againe, I doe better know what I had to doe, and would not so easily be held in quiet. The King with a braue scorne replied: I see thou art but a foolish knaue; vnable to vse, either thy libertie or thy restreint aright. But goe thy wayes, make good thy confidence: I set thee free and at libertie againe; vse thy aduantage, and doe thy worst. Helie daunted more with this high courage, then before he had bin with the victory of the King, submitted himselfe, and made his peace vnder such conditions as it pleased the King to lay vpon him. Certainely this magnanimous example hath seldome bin equalled, neuer excelled by those, who are admired for the principall worthies of the world.

He little fauoured flatterers; the flies which blow corruption vpon sweetest vertues; the myrie dogs of the Court, who defile Princes with fawning on them; who commonly are fatted with bread which is made with the teares of miserable people. He was most firme and assured in his word: and to those who did otherwise aduise him, he would say; That God did stand obliged by his word.[71]

He is commended for his manly mercie; in releasing prisoners, and in pardoning offences of highest qualitie: which to a people that then liued vnder a Law, both rigorous, and almost arbitrarie, and (as well for the noueltie as for the vncertaintie thereof) in a manner vnknowne, was a most high valued vertue. He not onely pardoned many great offenders, but partly by gifts, and partly by aduancements he knit them most assuredly vnto him. And therefore although in the beginning of his reigne, most of the Nobilitie, and many Gentlemen of best quality and rancke endeuoured to displace him, and to set vp Robert his elder brother for their King; yet doeth it not appeare, either that any seueritie was executed vpon them, or that afterward they were dangerous vnto him. Notwithstanding in some actions he was noted of crueltie, or at the least of sharpnesse and seuerity in iustice. For albeit hee promised to the English, whilest his first feares and iealousies continued, that they should enioy free libertie of hunting; yet did hee afterwards so seuerely restraine it, that the penalty for killing a Deere was death.

Robert Mowbray Earle of Northumberland, after he had defeated the Scots and slaine Malcolme their King, not finding himselfe either honoured or respected according to his seruice; first refrained, and afterwards refused to come vnto the Court. Hereupon the King, ouerruled indifferently with suspition and hate, (two violent passions in minds placed in authoritie) sent his brother Henry with an armie against him; who spoyled the Countrey, tooke the Earle, and committed him to prison. Then was hee charged with diuers crimes, which were sufficient (although but surmised) to vndoe an Innocent. Many examinations were also made, but for appearance onely and terrour, not to any bottome or depth. The especiall matter obiected against him was, for contriuing to despoyle the King both of life and state, and to set vp Stephen Albamerle his Aunts sonne for King. And thus it often happeneth, that great deserts are occasions to men of their destruction; either because Princes generally loue not those to whom they are exceedingly beholding, or else for that thereby men doe grow proud, insolent, disdainefull, bould, immoderate both in expectation and demand, discontented, impatient if they be not satisfied, and apt to breake forth into dangerous attempts.

Of those who any wayes declared themselues in his fauour or defence; some were despoiled of their goods, some were banished the Realme; others were punished with losse of their eyes, or of their eares, or of some other part of their bodie. William d'Owe was accused in a Councell holden at Salisbury, to bee a complice of this Treason. And albeit he challenged his accuser to the combate, yet his eyes were pulled out, and his stones cut off by commandement of the King. And yet some authours affirme, that he was ouercome in combate before. For the same cause the King commanded William Aluerie to be hanged; a man of goodly personage and modest behauiour; the Kings sewer, his Aunts sonne, and his godfather. Before his execution hee desired to be whipped through manie Churches in London: he distributed his garments to the poore, and bloodied the street as he went, with often kneeling vpon the stones. At the time of his death he tooke it vpon the charge of his soule, that he was cleere of the offence for which he suffered. And so committing his innocencie to God, and to the world his complaints, he submitted himselfe to the Executioners hands: leauing an opinion in some, a suspition in many, that others also died without desert. For the king gaue an easie eare to any man, that would appeach others for his aduantage: whereby it sometimes happened, that offenders were acquited by accusing innocents.

He was liberall aboue measure; either in regard of his owne abilities, or of the worthinesse of the receiuers. Especially hee was bountifull (if that terme may be applyed to immoderate lauishing)[72] to men of warre: for which cause many resorted to him from farre Countries for entertainement. To winne and retaine the fauour of these, hee much impouerished his peaceable people. From many he tooke without iustice, to giue to others without desert: esteeming it no vnequall dealing, that the money of the one, should bee aduentured and expended with the blood of the other.

He much exceeded in sumptuousnes of diet and of apparell, wherewith great men vse to dazel the eyes of the people: both which waies he esteemed the goodnesse of things, by their price. It is reported, that when his Chamberlaine vpon a certaine morning brought him a new paire of hose, the King demaunded what they cost; and the Chamberlaine answered, three shillings. Hereat the King grew impatient, and said: What? heauie beast! doest thou take these to be conuenient hose for a King? Away begger, and bring me other of a better price. Then the Chamberlaine departed and brought a farre worse paire of hose (for a better could not at that time bee found) and told the king that they cost a marke. The king not onely allowed them for fine enough, but commended them also as exceeding fit. Assuredly this immoderate excesse of a King is now farre exceeded by many base shifting vnthrifts.

In building his expences were very great. He repaired the Citie and Castle of Caerlile, which had been wasted by the Danes 200. yeres before. Hee finished New castle vpon Tine. Many other Castles he erected or repaired vpon the frontiers of Scotland; many also vpon the frontiers and within the very brest of Wales. Hee much enlarged the Towre of London, and enuironed it with a new wall. Hee also built the great Hall at Westminster, which is 270. foote in length, and 74. foote in breadth. And when many did admire the vast largenes thereof, he would say vnto them, that it was but a bed chamber, but a closet, in comparison of that which he intended to build. And accordingly he layd the foundation of another Hall, which stretched from the Riuer Thames to the Kings high street: the further erection wherof, with diuers other heroicall enterprises, ceased together with his life.

Thus partly by reason of his infinite plots and inuentions, and partly by his disorders and vnbrideled liberalities, he alwayes liued at great charges and expences; which whilest the large treasure lasted which his father left him, were borne without grieuance to the subiects: But when that was once drained, he was reduced to seeke money by extraordinary meanes. So, many hard taxes were laid vpon the people, partly for supplie to his owne necessities, and partly to imitate the policie of his father; that the people being busied how to liue, should reteine small either leisure or meanes to contriue innouations. For this cause he was supposed, vpon purpose to haue enterprised many actions of charge; that thereby he might haue colour to impose, both imployments and taxations vpon the people.

And because the riches of the clergie at that time were not onely an eye-sore vnto many, but esteemed also by some, to bee very farre aboue due proportion; Hee often fleeced them of great summes of money. For which cause it is euident, that the writers of that age (who were for the most part Clergie men) did both generally enueigh against him, and much depraue his particular actions. He withheld his annuall paiment to the Sea of Rome, vpon occasion of a Schisme betweene Vrbane at Rome, and Clement at Rauenna. He claimed the inuestiture of Prelates to be his right: Hee forbade Appeales and entercourse to Rome: For which and other like causes he had a very great contention with the Clergie of his Realme, especially with Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury.

The seedes of this contention were cast, when Anselme was first receiued to his Sea. For at that time two did striue for the Papacie of Rome; Vrbanus and Guibert, called Clement the third: some Christian States fauouring the one, and some the other. King William inclined to Clement the third, and with him the Realme generally went; but Anselme did fully goe with Vrbane; making so his condition before he did consent to accept his dignitie.

When he was elected and before his consecration, the King demanded of him, that such lands of the Church of Canterbury as the King had giuen to his friends since the death of Lanfranck, might still be held by them as their lawfull right: but to this Anselme would in no case agree. Hereupon the King stayed his consecration a certaine time; but at length by importunitie of the people hee was content to receiue his homage, and to giue way to his consecration. Not long after, the Archbishop desired licence of the king to goe to Rome, to receiue his Pall; which when the King refused to grant, he appealed to the Sea of Rome. Now this was the first Appeale that euer before had been made in England. For Appeales were not here in ordinarie vse, vntil after this time, vnder the reigne of King Stephen; when Henrie Bishop of Wint. being the Popes Legate, brought them in.

Wherefore the King offended with this noueltie, charged Anselme with breach of his fealtie and oath. Anselme answered, that this was to be referred to the iudgement of a Councell, whether it bee a breach of allegiance to a terrene Prince, if a man appeale to the Vicar of Christ. The King alleaged; that the custome of his Realme admitted no appeale from the king; that supreame appeale was a most principall marke of Maiestie, because no appeale can be made but to a superiour; that therefore the Archbishop by appealing from him, denied his Souereignty, derogated from the dignitie of his Crowne, and subiected both him and that to another Prince, to whom as to a superiour he did appeale; That herein hee was an enemie and a Traitour to him and to the State. Anselme replyed, that this question was determined by our Lord, who taught vs what allegiance is due to the Pope, where he saith; Thou art Peter, and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church, &c. And againe; To thee will I giue the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heauen, &c. And againe in generall; Hee that heareth you heareth me, and who despiseth you despiseth me. And againe, He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of my eye. But for the allegiance due to the King, he saith; Giue to Cæsar that which belongeth to Cæsar, and to God what pertaineth to God. To this the king finally said; That hauing made themselues Masters to interprete and giue sence to the Scriptures, it was easie to maintaine by them whatsoeuer they desired or did; it was easie for them to burst their ambition with their swelling greatnes. But well he was assured, that Christ intended not to dissolue orders for Ciuill gouernment, to ruine kingdoms, to embase authority and right of Kings, by meanes of his Church: this right of a King he had, and this right he would maintaine.

In this contention few of the Bishops did openly take part with Anselme; but some, and especially the Bishop of Durhame, did directly declare against him. The residue, when he asked their aduise, would answere him, That he was wise ynough, and knew what was best for him to doe; as for them, they neither durst nor would stand against their Lord. By assistance of these the King purposed to depriue Anselme, and to expell him out of the Realme. But Anselme auowed, That as he was ready to depart the Realme, so would he take his authoritie with him, though he tooke nothing else.

Now the King had sent two messengers to Pope Vrbane at Rome, to entreat him to send the Pall to the King; to be disposed by him as he should thinke fit. These messengers were by this time returned; and with them came Guibert the Popes Legate, who brought the Pall. The Legate went first priuily to the King, and promised that if Vrbane should be receiued for Pope in England, the King should obtaine of him whatsoeuer he would. The King required that Anselme might be remoued. The Legate answered, that it could not be, that such a man without iust cause should be remoued; Notwithstanding some other things being granted to the King, Vrbane was declared to be lawfull Pope; and the King was content to swallow downe that morsel, which had bene so vnpleasant for him to champe on. The Pall was caried to Anselme with great pompe, in a vessell of siluer; and he came foorth bare footed, in his Priestly Vestments to meete and to receiue it.

The yeere next following the King inuaded Wales; where he repressed the rebellious enemies, and returned victorious. Anselme prepared to goe vnto him, to salute him, to congratulate his good successe. But the King preuented him by messengers, who layde to his charge, both the small number, and euill appointment of the Souldiers, which he sent to that seruice; and therefore warned him to appeare at the Court, to make his answere. Happely also the King was incensed by matters more light; but taken in the worst part, as it commonly falleth out in suspitions and quarels. At the day appointed Anselme appeared, but auoyded his answere by appealing to the Pope: for prosecution whereof, hee made suit for the Kings licence to goe to Rome. The King said as before; That this appeale was against the custome of the Realme, and against the dignitie of his Crowne, to both which Anselme had sworne. Anselme answered, That he was sworne to neither of them, but so farre as they were consonant to the Lawes of God, and to the rules of equitie and right. The King replied, That no limitation being expressed, it was not reasonable that vpon his owne conceit of pietie or equitie, he should slip out of the band of his oath. Thus was the contention on both sides obstinately maintained; and for a long time Anselme was commanded to attend the Court.

At the last hee was released, but vnder expresse charge, that he should not depart out of the Realme; or if he did, that it should neuer be lawfull for him to returne. Anselme departed from the Court, went streight to Douer, with purpose to passe the Seas into France. Here hee was either awaited or ouertaken by William Warlewast the Kings officer; not to stay him from his passage, but to rifle him of all that he had. Others also were appointed to seise his goods in other places, and to conuert the profits of his Archbishopricke to the vse of the King; making a bare allowance to the Monks, of meat, drinke and cloathing. So the Archbishop crossed the Seas into France, rested a while at Lions, and then trauailed ouer the Alpes to Rome; where he was enterteined by Pope Vrbane, with more then ordinarie ceremonies of honour.

And first the Pope wrote to the king of England on the behalfe of Anselme; and reteined him in his Palace vntill he should receiue answere from the king. When the messenger was returned with such answere as Anselme did not like, he desired of the Pope to be discharged of his dignitie; which he had found (he said) a wearisome stage, whereon hee played a part much against his will. But hereto the Pope would in no case agree; charging him vpon vertue of his obedience, That wheresoeuer he went, he should beare both the name and honour of Archbishop of Canterburie. As for these matters, (said he) we shall sufficiently prouide for them at the next Councell where your selfe shalbe present.

When the Councell was assembled, Anselme[73] sate on the outside of the Bishops; but the Pope called him vp, and placed him at his right foot with these words; Includamus hunc in orbe nostro, tanquam alterius orbis Papam. Afterwards in all generall Councels, the Archb. of Canterburie tooke that place. In this Councell the points of difference betweene the Greeke and Latine Churches were strongly debated; especially concerning the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, and for leauened bread in the administration of the Eucharist: wherein Anselme shewed such deepe learning, weight of iudgement, and edge of wit, that he approched neerer admiration then applause. These matters determined, complaints were brought against the King of England, and the Pope is said to haue bene ready to excommunicate him: but Anselme kneeled before the Pope, and obteined for the King a longer terme. The Pope was then at great contention with Henry the fourth Emperour, who had bene excommunicated before by Hildebrand, and was then againe excommunicate by Vrbane: being the first Christian Prince with Souereigne power, who was euer excommunicate by any Pope. And for that Vrbane at that time had his hands full against the Emperour, for that also hee would not make the example too odious at the first; he was willing ynough to forbeare excommunication against the King. And the rather for that Anselme had intelligence from his friends in England, that the excommunication would not be regarded. Hereupon, accompting it a sufficient declaration of his power for the time, to haue menaced excommunication, he caused a generall decree to be made; That as well all Lay-persons who should giue inuestiture of Churches, as those of the Clergie who should be so inuested; also those who should yeeld themselues in subiection to Lay-men for Ecclesiastical liuings, should be excōmunicate.

This generall sentence was pronounced. The Pope also signified by letters to the King, that if he would auoyd particular proceeding against himselfe, he should foorthwith restore Anselme to the exercise of his Office in his Church, and to all the goods and possessions perteining thereto. Hereupon the King sent messengers to the Pope, who declared vnto him; That their great Master the King marueiled not a litle, wherefore he should so sharply vrge the restitution of Anselme; seeing it was expresly told him, That if he departed out of England without licence, he should expect no other vsage. Well, said the Pope, Haue you no other cause against Anselme, but that he hath appealed to the Apostolicall Sea, and without licence of your King hath trauailed thither? They answered, No. And haue you taken all this paines (said he) haue you trauailed thus farre to tell me this? Goe tell your Lord, if he will not be excommunicate, that he presently restore Anselme to his Sea: And see that you bring mee answere hereof the next Councell, which shalbe in the third weeke after Easter: make haste, and looke to your terme, lest I cause you to be hanged for your tarryance.

The messenger was herewith much abashed; yet collecting himselfe, he desired priuate audience of the Pope: affirming, that he had some secret instructions from the King to impart vnto him. What this secret was it is vnknowne. Whatsoeuer it was, a longer day was obtained for the King, vntill Michaelmas then next ensuing. And when that day was come, albeit complaints were renued, yet was nothing done against the King. The Archb. seeing the small assurance of the Pope, returned to Lions in France; and there remained vntil the death, first of Pope Vrbane, and afterwards of the king; which was almost the space of 3. yeeres.

By this great conflict the king lost the hearts of many of the Clergie; but his displeasure had seasoned reuenge with contentment: and finding himselfe sufficient, both in courage and meanes to beare out his actions, he became many other wayes heauie vnto them. When any Bishopricke or Monasterie fell voyd, he kept them vacant a long time in his hands, and applied the profits to himselfe: At the last hee would set them to open sale, and receiue him for Prelate, who would giue for them the greatest price. Herehence two great inconueniences did ensue; the best places were furnished with men of least sufficiencie and worth; and no man hoping to rise by desert, the generall endeuour for vertue and knowledge were layd aside: the direct way to aduancement, was by plaine purchase from the king.

In this seazing and farming and marchandizing of Church-liuings, one Ranulph, commonly called the Kings Chapleine, was a great agent for the King. Hee was a man of faire vse of speach, and liuely in witte, which hee made seruants to licentious designes; but both in birth and behauiour base, and shamelesse in dishonestie; a very bawde to all the Kings purposes and desires. Hee could be so euill as hee listed, and listed no lesse then was to his aduantage. The King would often laugh at him, and say; that he was a notable fellow to compasse matters for a King. And yet besides more then ordinary fauour of countenance, the King aduanced him, first to be his Chancellour, and afterward to be Bishop of Duresme. By his aduise, so soone as any Church fell voide, an Inuentory was made of all the goods that were found, as if they should bee preserued for the next successor; and then they were committed to the custodie of the King, but neuer restored to the Church againe. So the next incumbent receiued his Church naked and bare, notwithstanding that he paid a good price for it. From this King the vse is said to haue first risen in England, that the Kings succeeding had the Temporalties of Bishops Seas so long as they remained voide. Hee also set the first enformers to worke, and for small transgressions appointed great penalties. Hee is also reported to haue been the first King of this Realme, who restreined his subiects from ranging into forreine Countreys without licence.

And yet what did the King by this sale of Church dignities, but that which was most frequent in other places? For in other places also few attained to such dignities freely. The difference was this: here the money was receiued by the King, there by fauorites or inferiour officers: here it was expended in the publike vses of the State; there to priuate and many times odious enrichments: this seemeth the more easie, that the more extreme pressure, as done by more hungrie and degenerous persons: this may bee esteemed by some the more base, but assuredly it was the better dealing. And further, it is euident that the King did freely aduance many excellent persons to principall dignities in the Church; and especially Anselme to the Archbishopricke of Canterburie, who was so vnwilling to accept that honour, that the King had much to doe to thrust it vpon him. And the rather to enduce him, he gaue him wholly the citie of Canterburie, which his predecessors had held but at the pleasure of the King. This Anselme was one whose learned labours doe plainely testifie, how little his spirits were fed with the fulsome fumes of surfeting and ease; which to many others, together with their bodies, doe fatten and engrosse their mindes. He so detested singularitie, that he accounted it the sinne which threw Angels out of Heauen, and man out of Paradise. This detestation of singularitie might happily encline him to the other extreme; to adhere ouer lightly to some common receiued errours. It is attributed to him that hee would often wish, to bee rather in hell without sinne, then with sinne in heauen.

The king also aduanced Robert Bloet, to the Bishopricke of Lincolne: a man whose wisedom was highly graced, with goodly personage, and good deliuery of speach: from whom notwithstanding the king afterwards wiped fiue thousand markes. Hee also freely receiued Hugh de Floriaco, a man for his vertue much esteemed, to be Abbot of the Monastery of S. Augustines in Canterburie; and likewise diuers others to other Ecclesiasticall preferments: whereby I am confirmed in opinion, that many odious imputations against the king, were either altogether inuented, or much enlarged aboue the trueth.

It happened vpon auoidance of a certaine Monastery, that two Monkes went to the king, either of them contending, as well by friends, as by large offer of purse, to procure to be made Abbot of the place. The king espying a third Monke standing by, who came with the other two, either to accompany them, or to obtaine some inferiour place vnder him that should preuaile, demaunded of him what hee would giue? The Monke answered, that hee had small meanes, and lesse minde, to purchase that or any other dignitie of the Church: For with that intention did he first betake himselfe to a religious life, that holding riches and honour (the two beauties of the world) in contempt, he might more freely and quietly dispose himselfe to the seruice of God. The King replied, that he iudged him most worthy of that preferment; and therefore first offred it vnto him, then intreated, and lastly enioyned him to accept it. Assuredly, the force of vertue is such, that often times wee honour it in others, euen when we little esteeme it in ourselues.

He is charged with some actions and speaches tending to profanenesse. The Iewes at Roan so preuailed with him by gifts, that they drew him to reprehend one who had forsaken their superstition. At London a disputation was appointed betweene certaine Christians and Iewes. The Iewes a little before the day prefixed, brought to the King a rich present; At which time he encouraged them (no doubt but by the way of ioylitie and mirth) to acquite themselues like tall fellowes, and if they preuailed by plaine strength of trueth, hee sware (as was his vsuall) by S. Lukes face, that hee would become one of their Secte. These things happely not much spoken amisse, might easily bee depraued by report.

It is affirmed of him that he so much exceeded in bodily lust, (then which nothing maketh a man more contemptible) that thereby hee seemed to decline from the Maiestie of a Prince. This vice did cast a great mist ouer his glorie. And yet neither is it infrequent in lusty bodies, placed in a State both prosperous and high, neither can the pleasure of one man that way extend it selfe to the iniurie of many. The worst was, that after his example, many others did follow licentious traces;[74] examples of Princes being alwayes of greater force then their Lawes, to induce the people to good or to euill. As the King turned the prosperitie of his actions to serue his vanities and delights, so his followers by felicitie became insolent, and let goe at aduenture serious affaires; not receiuing into their thoughts any other impression then of brauery and pleasure. And they who were greatest in the counsailes and fauours of the King, respected all things no further, then as they were aduantageable to themselues.

Then rose vp costly apparell, and dainty fare, two assured tokens of a diseased State; the one the vainest, the other the grossest prodigalitie that can be. Then was brought into vse the laying out of haire, strange fashions and disguisings in attire, and all delicacies pertaining to the bodie. Then were practised nice treadings, lasciuious lookes, and other dissolute and wanton behauiour: many effeminate persons did accompanie the Court, by whose immodest demeanour the maiestie of that place was much embased. From hence also the poyson brake foorth, first into the citie, and after wards into other places of the Realme; for as in fishes, so in families, and so likewise in States, putrifaction commonly beginneth at the head.

In the second yeere of this kings reigne Lanfranck Archb. of Canterburie ended his life: A man highly esteemed, with good men, for his learning and integritie; with great men, for his diligence and discretion to sound deepely into affaires; with the common people for his moderate and modest behauiour. King William the first did honour and embrace him with great respect, and was much guided by his aduise. He was as a Protector to King William the second. When he went to Rome to obteine his Pall, the Pope rose from his chaire, stepped forwards to meet him, and with many ceremonies of courtesie did enterteine him. Then he returned to his seat, and said: Now Lanfrancke, I haue done to thee what is due to thy vertue, come thou and doe to me what apperteineth to my place. He was an earnest enemie to all vices, especially to auarice and pride, the two banes of all vertues. He renued the great Church of Canterburie, and enriched it with 25. mannours. He repaired the walles of that Citie, and built two Hospitals therein; one of S. Iohn, the other Harlebaldowne. He gaue a thousand markes towards the repairing and enlarging of the Abbey of S. Albones, and procured Redbourne to be restored thereto. By his Testament hee gaue to the same Church 1000. pounds, besides many rich ornaments. He tooke great paines in purging ancient Authors frō such corruptions as had crept into them: diuers workes also he wrote of his owne, but the greatest part of them are perished. Thus he liued in honour, and died with fame; his time imployed in honest studies and exercises, his goods to good and Religious vses.

The same yeere a strange and great earthquake happened throughout all the Realme; after which ensued a great scarcitie of fruit, and a late haruest of corne, so as much graine was not fully ripe at the end of Nouember.

In the fourth yere of the reigne of this King, a strong stroke of lightning made a hole in the Abbey steeple at Winchelscombe, neere to the top; rent one of the beames of the Church, brake one of the legges of the Crucifixe, cast downe the head thereof, together with the Image of the Virgine Marie that was placed by it: Herewith a thicke smoke darkened the Church, and breathed foorth a marueilous stincke, which annoyed the Church a long time after. In the same yeere a mightie winde from the Southwest did prostrate 606. houses in London: And breaking into the Church of S. Mary Bow in Cheape, slew two men with some part of the ruines which it made, raised the roofe of the Church, and carried many of the beames on such a height, that in the fall six of them, being 27. or 28. foot in length, were driuen so deepe into the ground (the streets not then paued with stone) that not aboue 4. foote remained in sight: and so they stood, in such order and rancke as the workemen had placed them vpon the Church. The parts vnder the earth were neuer raised, but so much was cut away as did appeare aboue the groūd; because it was an impediment for passage. The Tower of London at the same time was also broken, and much other harme done.

The next yeere Osmund Bishop of Salisbury finished the Cathedrall Church of old Salisburie; and the fifth day after the Consecration, the steeple thereof was fired with lightning.

The yeere following much raine fell, and so great frosts ensued, that riuers were passable with loaden carts.

The yeere next ensuing was exceeding remarkeable both for the number and fashion of gliding Starres, which seemed to dash together in maner of a conflict.

About this time Pope Vrbane assembled a Councell at Cleremont in Auergne, wherein hee exhorted Christian Princes to ioyne in action for recouery of Palestine, commonly called The Holy Land, out of the seruile possession of the Saracenes. This motion was first set on foote, and afterwards pursued by Peter the Heremite of Amiens; which falling in an age both actiue and Religious, was so generally embraced, as it drew 300000. men to assemble together from diuers Countreys; and that with such sober and harmlesse behauiour, that they seemed rather Pilgrimes then Souldiers. Among others, Robert Duke of Normandie addressed himselfe to this Voyage; and to furnish his expenses therein, he layed his Duchie of Normandie to gage to his brother of England for 6666. li. or as other Authors report, for 13600. pounds of Siluer.

This money was taken vp part by imposition, and part by loane, of the most wealthy inhabitants within the Realme: But especially the charge was layd vpon religious persons, for that it was to furnish a religious warre. When many Bishops and Abbots complained, that they were not able to satisfie such summes of money as the King demanded of them, vnles they should sel the Chalices & siluer vessels which pertained to their Churches. Nay answered the King, you may better make meanes with the siluer and gold which vainely you haue wrapped about dead mens bones; meaning thereby their rich Relickes and Shrines.

The yeare following a blasing starre appeared, for the space of fifteene dayes together; the greatest bush whereof pointed towards the East, and the lesser towards the West. Gliding starres were often seene, which seemed to dart one against another. The people began (as to mindes fearefull all fancies seeme both weightie and true) to make hard constructions of these vnusuall sights; supposing that the heauens did threaten them, not accustomed to shew it selfe so disposed, but towards some variation.

In the 13. yeere of his reigne, the Sea surmounted his vsuall bounds, in diuers parts of England and Scotland: whereby not only fields, but many villages, castles, and townes were ouerflowen, and some ouerturned, and some ouerwhelmed with sand; much people, and almost innumerable cattel was destroyed. At the same time certaine lands in Kent, which did once belong to Godwine Earle of Kent, were ouerflowed and couered with sand, which to this day do beare the name of Godwins sands. Thunders were more frequent & terrible then had been vsuall; through violence whereof diuers persons were slaine. Many feareful formes and apparitions are reported to haue bin seene; whether errours, or inuentions, or truethes, I will not aduow. The heauens often seemed to flame with fire. At Finchamsted[75] in Barkeshire neere vnto Abington, a spring cast vp a liquor for the space of fifteene dayes, in substance and colour like vnto blood; which did taint and infect the next water brooke whereinto it did runne. The King was often terrified in his sleepe with vncouth, ougly, vnquiet dreames: and many fearefull visions of others were oftentimes reported vnto him. At the same time hee held in his handes three Bishoprickes, Canterburie, Winchester, and Salisburie; and twelue Abbeys.

The same yeere vpon the second of August, a little before the falling of the Sunne, as the King was hunting within the newe forrest, at a place called Choringham (where since a Chappell hath beene erected) hee strooke a Deere lightly with an arrow. The Deere ranne away, and the King stayed his horse to looke after it; holding his hand ouer his eyes, because the beames of the Sunne (which then drew somewhat lowe) much dazeled his sight. Herewith another Deere crossed the way; whereat a certaine Knight, named Sir Walter Tirrell, aimed with an arrow: and loosing his bowe, either too carelessly at the Deere, or too steadily at the King, strooke him therewith full vpon the brest. The King hauing so receiued the wound, gaue foorth a heauie groane, and presently fell downe dead; neither by speach nor motion expressing any token of life. Onely so much of the arrowe as was without his bodie was found broken; whether with his hand, or by his fall, it is not certainely knowen. The men that were neere vnto him (especially Sir Walter Tirrell) galloped away; some for astonishment, others for feare. But a fewe collecting themselues returned againe, and layd his bodie vpon a Colliers Cart, which by aduenture passed that way; wherin it was drawen by one leane euill-fauoured, base beast, to the Citie of Winchester; bleeding abundantly all the way, by reason of the rude iogging of the Carte. The day following hee was buried, without any funerall pompe, with no more then ordinarie solemnities, in the Cathedrall Church or Monasterie of Saint Swithen; vnder a plaine flat marble stone, before the Lectorne in the Quire. But afterwards his bones were translated, and layd by King Canutus bones.

Most writers doe interprete this extraordinarie accident to bee a iudgement of God, for the extraordinarie loose behauiour of the King, But it may rather seeme a iudgement of God, that King William the first, who threw downe Churches, and dispeopled Villages and Townes; who banished both the seruice of God, and societie of men, to make a vaste habitation for sauage beasts, had two sonnes slaine vpon that place. It may also seeme a iudgement of God, that King William the second, who so greatly fauoured beastes of game, that he ordeined the same penaltie for killing of a deere, as for killing of a man; should as a beast, and for a beast, and among beasts be slaine. And thus God doth often punish vs by our greatest pleasures; if they be either vnlawfull, or immoderately affected; whereby good things become vnlawfull.

Hee died in the principall strength, both of his age, and of his distastfull actions; wherein hee had bene much carried by the hoate humour of his courage and youth; his iudgement not then raised to that stayednesse and strength,[76] whereto yeeres and experience in short time would haue brought it. Hee reigned in great varietie of opinion with his Subiects (some applauding his vertues, others aggrauating his vices) twelue yeeres, eleuen moneths wanting eight dayes: and was at his death fourtie and three yeeres old. At this time he presumed most highly, and promised greatest matters to himselfe, hee proiected also many difficult aduentures, if his life had continued the naturall course; wherein his hopes were nothing inferiour to his desires.

Hee gaue to the Monckes of Charitie in Southwarke his Mannour of Bermondsey, and built for them the great new Church of Saint Sauiour. Also of an old Monasterie in the Citie of Yorke, he founded an Hospitall for the sustentation of poore persons and dedicated it to S. Peter. This Hospitall was afterward augmented by King Stephen, and by him dedicated to S. Leonard. * * *