ANDREW JACKSON. (continued 2)

Rumors of Indian massacres and outrages reached the command at every stage of their progress. They scarcely halted during the day, and at eight o’clock in the evening were in Huntsville, thirty-two miles distant. Here General Jackson ascertained that the report in regard to the advance of the Creeks was not well founded; and he therefore concluded to rest his men till the following morning, when he resumed his march, and in the evening effected a junction with the troops under Colonel Coffee.

From the positive assurances contained in letters received from Generals Cocke and White,—the latter of whom had concentrated about eight hundred and fifty men, at Highwassee Garrison, in the Cherokee country, on the fourth of October,—General Jackson was led to believe that he should find ample stores of provisions when he reached the Tennessee river. On the thirteenth of October, he dispatched Colonel Coffee, with six hundred men picked from his regiment, against Blackwarriors’ Town, on the Blackwarrior river, about one hundred miles south of Ditto’s Landing. Day after day passed by, and still the supplies did not arrive. The time was profitably spent, under the circumstances, in drilling the troops, but the delay was, nevertheless, intolerable. Repeated messages were received from Chenubby, Pathkiller, and other friendly chiefs, informing him that they and their families were liable to be cut off, at any moment, by the Red Sticks, who were collecting in force near the Ten Islands, on the Coosa River, and urging him to hasten to their assistance. He at length determined that he would not longer remain inactive.

ADVANCE TO THOMPSON’S CREEK.

As his contemplated route to the Coosa lay, for some distance, up the Tennessee river, he resolved to advance, hoping to meet the stores which he supposed were descending the stream; and so confident was he upon this point, that he sent forward expresses to stop them at Thompson’s Creek. On the nineteenth of October, he commenced his march for that point, with scarcely a week’s rations on hand, having previously dismissed the former contractors for his army and supplied their places with others.

He was obliged to cut a road for the passage of his wagon train through dense forests, and over almost impassable mountains; but he only smiled at obstacles when he possessed the means to overcome them. On the twenty-second instant, he arrived at Thompson’s Creek, but it was only to be again disappointed. No supplies were to be found, and nothing could be heard of any. Other generals would have given up in despair; but it was not in his nature to falter. Though environed by difficulties, which might well have appalled a braver spirit, he formed the stern resolution to breast them nobly and manfully. To retreat now, would be to abandon the friendly Creeks, of whose danger he was again reminded, by a message from Pathkiller, at Turkey Town, to their fate,—and to leave the southern frontiers of Tennessee exposed to the ruthless ravages of the savage enemy. Though the hideous monster, Famine, stared him in the face at every step, he resolved to advance to the Ten Islands, and then sweep down through the country where the hostiles, or Red Sticks, as they were called, in allusion to the emblems which they had adopted, were concentrating, to the forks of the Coosa and Tallapoosa.

He addressed earnest and importunate letters to the governors of Tennessee and Georgia, to Colonels Meigs and McKee, the Cherokee and Choctaw agents, to General Flourney, the commander of the seventh military district, to the friendly chiefs, and several private citizens of wealth and influence, urging them to leave no means untried to throw forward the necessary supplies for his army, and pledging himself, if properly furnished in this respect, to terminate the war in a very few weeks. While at Thompson’s Creek, he received a letter from General White, who had increased his force at Highwassee to about thirteen hundred men, besides one or two hundred friendly Cherokees, informing him that no flour could be spared at that post. He immediately dispatched expresses to Generals Cocke and White, apprising them of the condition of his troops in regard to provisions, and requiring them to join him as soon as possible in the Creek country.

On the twenty-fourth of October, Colonel Coffee returned from his expedition, having destroyed Blackwarriors’ Town, and captured three hundred bushels of corn, though he had not seen an Indian. The provisions of his men were so nearly exhausted, that, during the last four days of their excursion, they were obliged to subsist on parched corn. In the evening of the twenty-fourth, the preparations of General Jackson for a forward movement were completed; a dépôt was established at Thompson’s Creek, called Fort Deposit, and means provided for forwarding such supplies as might arrive; and, on the morning of the twenty-fifth, he put his army in motion for the interior, marching, as was his invariable custom, in three columns, so arranged that they could be instantly formed in order of battle, if attacked in front or in rear, or on either flank.

In two days General Jackson reached Wills’ Creek, a tributary of the Coosa, where he encamped till the morning of the twenty-ninth, to collect corn from the neighboring Indians,—his army being entirely out of bread. On the twenty-eighth instant, Lieutenant Colonel Dyer was detached with two hundred cavalry, against the village of Littefutchee, which he attacked the following night; the village was burned; twenty-nine prisoners were taken; and considerable corn, and a number of beeves, were collected from the vicinity. While at Wills’ Creek, Jackson was again obliged to remove his contractors, and employ others. On the thirtieth instant, he reörganized his troops. General Hall was placed in command of the first brigade, consisting of the first and second regiments of volunteer infantry, under Colonels Bradley and Pillow; and General Roberts in command of the second brigade, consisting of the first and second militia regiments, under Colonels Wynne and M’Crory. General Coffee, promoted from colonel, was placed in command of the cavalry brigade, which consisted of the volunteer regiment, Colonel Alcorn, and the mounted rifles, Colonel Cannon.

BATTLE OF TALLUS­CHATCHEE.

The march was then resumed for the Ten Islands. While General Jackson was cutting his way over the Coosa mountain, General Coffee was ordered to cross the river, at the fish-dams, with one thousand men of his brigade, to scour the country in the direction of the Ten Islands, and attack the Indian town of Talluschatchee, about thirteen miles distant, in an easterly direction, where a large force of the enemy had collected. The orders issued to General Coffee were gallantly executed. On the morning of the third of November he approached the town; the savages in vain attempted to oppose his march; and they were driven rapidly back upon their buildings, in and about which a fierce and bloody contest took place, that terminated in their complete rout and overthrow. Both men and women fought with the utmost desperation. One hundred and eighty-six of the enemy, including one of their prophets, and a number of women and children, were found dead on the field of battle; and there were eighty-four taken prisoners, all of whom were women and children. General Coffee had five men killed and fourteen wounded. Having destroyed the town and buried his dead, he rejoined the main army, at the Ten Islands, in the evening of the same day, with his wounded and prisoners.

KINDNESS TO THE ORPHAN.

Harassed by constant care and anxiety,—exposed, at every turn, to vexatious delays and hindrances, that fretted and annoyed him,—General Jackson never lost that kindness and gentleness of spirit, which bloomed, bright and pure, amid the intenser passions that burned and blazed around it. Among the prisoners taken at Talluschatchee, was an infant boy found clinging to the breast of his dead mother. He was brought to camp with the others, and General Jackson endeavored to hire some of the captive women to take care of him. They refused, saying, “All his relations are dead; kill him too!”—Jackson then caused him to be fed with sweetened water, and afterwards sent him to Huntsville, where he was nursed at his expense. After the close of the campaign, he took the little orphan, who was named Lincoyer, home with him to the Hermitage, where he was reared and educated with parental care and kindness. At a proper age, he was apprenticed to a saddler in Nashville; but he never lost his Indian tastes. His health began to fail before he reached the age of manhood, and he was removed to the Hermitage. He sunk rapidly into a consumption, and soon died, sincerely mourned and lamented by the general and his wife, who had watched over his sick bed with untiring assiduity.

At the Ten Islands, General Jackson established a post, called Fort Strother, on the right bank of the Coosa, opposite the mouth of Talluschatchee creek. The prisoners brought in by General Coffee were forthwith sent to Huntsville. No supplies had yet arrived; the army could not be furnished with regular rations; and it was hardly known, one day, what they were to subsist on the next. Once more the commanding general appealed to the contractors, by every consideration of humanity and patriotism, to forward the provisions which could alone save his troops from starvation. He likewise again wrote to General White, who had arrived at Turkey Town, twenty-five miles above Fort Strother, to join him immediately. His dispatch was written on the seventh of November, and, late in the evening, before it was closed, a runner came in from Lashly’s fort, at Talladega, about thirty miles south of Fort Strother, and a short distance east of the Coosa, with the intelligence that a large body of Red Sticks had encamped near that place, which was occupied by friendly Indians, and were preparing to destroy it and the inmates. General Jackson could not hesitate to grant the desired succor. He determined to march forthwith; the urgent circumstances which induced him to advance, were mentioned in the dispatch to General White; and the latter was entreated to lose no time in reaching Fort Strother, to protect his dépôt and cover his rear.

Marching orders were issued in a few moments after the arrival of the runner, and at midnight General Jackson was on the march for Talladega, with his whole disposable force, consisting of twelve hundred infantry, and eight hundred cavalry and mounted rifles. His sick, wounded, and baggage, were left at Fort Strother. Crossing the Coosa in the night, he pressed forward with such celerity—officers and men vieing with each other in zeal—that, on the evening of the eighth instant, he encamped within six miles of the fort at Talladega, which was occupied by one hundred and sixty friendly warriors, with their women and children. About midnight the chief Chenubby arrived from Turkey Town, with a letter from General White, informing General Jackson that he had received an order from his division commander, General Cocke, to join him at Chattooga, higher up the Coosa, and that he could not, therefore, advance to Fort Strother.

BATTLE OF TALLADEGA.

Jackson’s cup of disappointment was almost full. Neither General Cocke, nor General White, wanted in patriotism; but they seem, more particularly the former, to have been impressed with the belief, that by remaining aloof from General Jackson, they would secure a larger share of the honors of the campaign. It seems almost painful to contemplate the struggles of the proud and ambitious spirit constantly thwarted by their unwise movements. Had they joined him at once, the war would have been brought to a close in a few weeks; but they preferred to linger behind, in safety and security, eating up the provisions better deserved by those who were enduring the severest fatigues and privations; and when they recovered from their inactivity, and advanced to strike a blow, it proved to be the only unfortunate one of the whole campaign.

The dispatch from General White made no change, however, in the determination of General Jackson. He resolved to dispose of the enemy in his front, and then fall back, with all possible speed, to Fort Strother, before the enemy would have time to profit by its defenceless condition. The prospect before his troops was disheartening in the extreme; if they conquered, there would be no food to refresh or reïnvigorate them; yet his example inspired them with confidence, and they obeyed his commands without hesitation or reluctance.

Long before daylight on the morning of the ninth of November, the army was again in motion. Silently threading their way through the luxuriant forests, winding over the hills, and crossing the rich intervals, that separated them from the enemy, they approached their position. Within a mile, they were halted, and formed in order of battle. The infantry brigades were placed in the centre,—General Hall’s on the right, and General Roberts’ on the left. They were flanked, on the right, by Colonel Alcorn’s volunteer cavalry, and, on the left, by the mounted rifles of Colonel Cannon. An advanced corps of riflemen, spies, and artillery, was formed under Colonel Carroll, the inspector general, and a strong reserve of two hundred and fifty mounted men, under Lieutenant Colonel Dyer.

At eight o’clock the attack was ordered; and the whole column moved rapidly forward, all full of animation and enthusiasm. Colonel Carroll preceded the main body, with the advance, having received orders to rouse the enemy from the thicket on the banks of a small rivulet, in which they had concealed themselves, and then to retire towards the centre. The sharp quick report of his rifles, and the hideous yells and screams, soon apprised the remainder of the column that the savages had been started from their cover. Meantime, the infantry regiments, which had previously advanced by heads of companies, had displayed, in accordance with the orders of General Jackson, and the cavalry were extending themselves, to the right and left, so as to encircle the enemy. The orders issued by the commanding general required the cavalry to keep up their connection with the flanks of the infantry. This was neglected on the right, and the plan of attack, which was most skilfully formed, was partially defeated by this untoward circumstance. Colonel Bradley, the officer commanding the infantry regiment on the right, also halted his men on a rising ground, before he came in contact with the enemy, and the gap was thereby considerably widened.

DEFEAT OF THE ENEMY.

When the fronts of the cavalry columns met on the further side of the enemy, they faced inwardly, and a general rush was made towards the centre. The Indians did not appear inclined to fly, at first, but made a bold onset upon the right wing of General Roberts’ brigade. Three of the companies, after delivering their fire, began to stagger, and finally fell back in the rear. Colonel Bradley was then ordered to advance with his regiment, and fill up the vacancy. This he declined doing; and General Jackson, much against his will, as he designed the reserve to pursue the enemy if they attempted to escape, was forced to direct Lieutenant Colonel Dyer to dismount his men, and engage them. Observing this movement, the retiring militia rallied and did good service.

The action was not of long continuance. The savages could not withstand the destructive fire poured in upon them from every side, and in fifteen minutes they commenced flying hither and thither, within the circle, seeking some avenue of escape. Whichsoever way they turned, they encountered the rifle and the bayonet. At length, they discovered the opening between Colonel Alcorn’s regiment of cavalry, on the right, and the volunteers of Colonel Bradley. Through this numbers of them dashed, hotly pursed by both cavalry and infantry, who followed them for nearly three miles, strewing the ground throughout the whole distance with their dead bodies. The Indian force numbered one thousand and eighty warriors, of whom two hundred and ninety-nine were found killed on the field of battle, and many more must have perished in the woods. The Americans lost but fifteen killed, and eighty-five wounded, some of the latter mortally.

The occupants of the fort thus timely relieved, crowded around General Jackson and his brave troops, and poured forth their thanks in eloquent and impressive terms. There were only one hundred and sixty warriors, with their women and children, and the arrival of the Tennesseans was most opportune, as the Red Sticks were to have assaulted the fort in a few hours. They had been entirely cut off from their supply of water, and had suffered considerably for want of it. Their stock of provisions was also limited; but on discovering the condition of Jackson’s troops, who had left Fort Strother with but little over one day’s rations, they cheerfully furnished them all they had to spare, which scarcely amounted to a single meal.

General Jackson complimented his troops, in the highest terms, for their gallantry in this action. All the officers, with the exception of Colonel Bradley, who was placed under arrest, but afterwards released, were mentioned in his dispatches in terms of marked approbation.

DESTITUTION OF THE TROOPS.

An instant retreat to Fort Strother was now necessary. The horses were suffering for the want of forage, and the men were half-famished, when they turned their backs on the field of victory, and commenced their retrograde march. Jackson was with the van of the army, and on the way discovered a quantity of acorns lying on the ground. Dismounting from his horse, he threw the bridle over his arm, and, having gathered a few of the nuts, sat down on the roots of a tree to eat them. He was thus engaged in satisfying his hunger, when a soldier approached him, and demanded something to eat. “I never turn away the hungry,” said the general, “while I have anything to give them.” He then offered the soldier a few acorns, adding, “I will most cheerfully divide with you such food as I have.” Mortified and surprised, the man shrunk back among his companions, who thereafter repressed every disposition to murmur or complain.

The army reached Fort Strother on the evening of the eleventh of November, but it was only to be once more disappointed. No provisions, except the limited quantities forwarded by the contractors, had yet arrived; and the private stores of the general had been almost exhausted, in order to supply the wants of the sick and wounded. Still he assumed a cheerful and confident tone, though sad enough at heart, and resorting to the slaughter-pens, provided himself with tripes, with which he made what he termed a comfortable repast. His example was imitated by the soldiers, who seemed inclined willingly to endure the hardships of the campaign.

But matters could not long continue in this situation. The battles of Talluschatchee and Talladega had satisfied, to a considerable degree, the desire for adventure which had previously animated the troops in the midst of the most embarrassing difficulties, and they soon began to pine for the comforts of home. Starvation was far more terrible to them than “an army with banners.” They were brave,—this could not be doubted,—and they would have gladly followed their general into the very heart of the Creek country, if they could only have been assured that a reasonable supply of food would be provided; of the two enemies whom they met in the wilderness, they feared the savage least; and was it not asking too much that they should encounter both?

Disaffection gradually gained ground, and, in a few days, the whole army was on the verge of mutiny. The militia regiments were the first to make known their determination to leave the camp, and return to Tennessee. Apprised of their intention, General Jackson ordered the volunteer brigade under arms, and when the militia attempted to move off, the former were directed to fire upon them unless they returned to their duty. This had the desired effect. The overawed militia retired to their tents, but, on the following morning, they were themselves paraded, in a similar manner, to prevent the volunteers from deserting their colors. This arraying of one species of force against another was a bold and happy conception of Jackson’s; but it would not bear repetition. No one could be better aware than himself, that the men had reasonable cause for complaint, even though he insisted on a rigid compliance with his orders to remain at Fort Strother. The horses were suffering so much, however, for the want of forage, that the mounted men received permission to go back to Huntsville, upon their pledge to return promptly when required to do so.

SUPPRESSION OF THE MUTINY.

Having been positively assured by the new contractor, Colonel Pope, in reply to his earnest and pathetic appeals, that supplies would soon reach his camp, General Jackson made a most eloquent and animated harangue to his troops on the fourteenth of November, exhorting them, by every consideration and argument which should influence brave and patriotic citizens, not to abandon the service, and leave the frontier settlements exposed to the desolating incursions of the Indians. He also promised them, that if a supply of provisions did not arrive within two days, he would himself lead them back where there was plenty. The militia consented to remain; but the volunteer regiments, forgetful of the heavy debt of gratitude which they owed to their commander, for his refusal to desert them the previous winter, at Natchez, when they had been abandoned by their government, determined to march forthwith to the settlements. Discovering that it was useless longer to attempt compulsory measures, General Jackson issued the necessary orders to General Hall, to conduct his brigade to Fort Deposit. Before the march was commenced, the second regiment wisely reconsidered their determination, and concluded to stay with the general; whereupon the first regiment moved off alone.

The specified time elapsed, and still no provisions had arrived. On the sixteenth, General Jackson commenced his preparations for the abandonment of Fort Strother; but, on reflecting how much this movement would reïnspirit the savages, he declared that he would not leave the post, if only two men would remain with him. Captain Gordon, of the spies, instantly volunteered to be one of his companions, and through his exertions, and those of some of the members of the general staff, one hundred and nine men were found who agreed to stay.

Feeling confident, however, that supplies were close at hand, General Jackson marched with the militia, apprising them, in advance, that they would be ordered back if his expectations should be realized. Within ten or twelve miles of the fort, they met one hundred and fifty beeves. The column at once halted; the cattle were knocked down, and eagerly cooked and eaten by the half-starved troops. But when the order to return was issued, none obeyed it. One company, indeed, had resumed the march, before the general discovered the mutinous disposition which prevailed among the troops. He immediately dashed ahead of the men who were moving off, and with General Coffee, a part of the staff, and a few soldiers, formed a line across the road, and declared that he would fire on them if they endeavored to pass. Well knowing that he was not the man to forfeit his word, they fell back to the main body, who were soon discovered to be likewise infected with the spirit of mutiny. Arguments and entreaties proved of no avail,—the troops all formed, and were on the point of continuing their march to Fort Deposit. As a last resort, the general snatched a musket, threw it across the neck of his horse, and placing himself in front of the column, declared that he would shoot down the first man who moved a single step in advance.

The piece which General Jackson had seized was too much out of order to be fired, and his arm was so weak that he could not aim it with any precision; but the men before him knew nothing of this, or, if they did, thought not of it. They only saw his flashing eye, and his determined look. General Coffee and some of the staff took their places in silence beside him. Two faithful companies also formed in his rear. All were ready to fire when he gave the signal. For several moments not a word was uttered. At length the power of numbers quailed before the iron will, the moral greatness of that one man. The mutineers signified their willingness to return, and in a short time they were retracing their steps to Fort Strother.

DESTRUC­TION OF THE HILLABEE TOWNS.

While General Jackson was engaged in quelling the disturbances in his camp, the East Tennesseans, under General White, were proceeding against the Hillabee towns, the warriors from which had been present at the battle of Talladega. Intimidated by the result of this action, they had applied to General Jackson, on the thirteenth of November, for terms of peace. On the seventeenth he replied, making known to them the conditions upon which their request would be granted. On the same night, General White, who had been detached for this service by General Cocke, on the eleventh of November, with all his cavalry and mounted infantry, approached the principal Hillabee village, having previously destroyed Little Oakfuskie, Genalga, and Netta Chaptoa. At daylight the town was surprised, sixty warriors were killed, and two hundred and fifty taken prisoners, without the loss of a drop of blood on the part of General White’s command.

This unfortunate movement—unfortunate, inasmuch as the blow fell with crushing weight upon a people already subdued, and anxious to make peace on any terms—confirmed General Cocke in the opinion which he had previously formed and communicated to General Jackson on the fourteenth of November, that it was far better to unite his forces with those of the latter, and act in concert with him, than, by remaining separate, to paralyze his efforts, and defeat his plans. Thereafter he made no attempt to operate independently of General Jackson, and on the twelfth of December joined him at Fort Strother, with fourteen hundred and fifty men.

Meanwhile the Georgia militia, under General Floyd, though, like the Tennessee troops, much embarrassed by the want of supplies, had been advancing from the frontier of that state into the Creek country. Early in the morning of the twenty-ninth of November, they surprised the Indian town of Antossee, situated on the left bank of the Tallapoosa, about twenty miles above its junction with the Coosa, and which the savages had been taught by their prophets to consider holy ground. The force under General Floyd consisted of nine hundred and fifty Georgians, and between three and four hundred friendly Indians. Antossee, and another town about five hundred yards lower down, were occupied by large parties of the enemy. Both were attacked at the same moment; the houses were set on fire; and a furious contest took place amid the surrounding flames. The Indians were ultimately routed and dispersed, with the loss of two hundred killed and wounded. General Floyd was himself severely wounded; and there were eleven of his men killed, and fifty-four wounded. As the principal Creek towns were within a short distance of Antossee, he completed the work of destruction, and immediately retired to the Chatahoochee, which he reached without molestation. On the ninth of December, another detachment of Georgia militia, under General Adams, consisting of five hundred and thirty men, marched on a second expedition against the towns on the Tallapoosa. They were unable to bring the enemy to action, but destroyed two of their villages, and then returned to camp.

ECCANAHACA DESTROYED.

While these operations were going on, east and north of the Creeks, the regulars and militia on the west, though cut off from all communication with the other columns, by the trackless forests which separated them, were not inactive. On the thirteenth of December, General Claiborne moved up the Alabama river, from Fort Stoddart, with a detachment, in order to destroy the towns above the mouth of the Cahawba. On the twenty-third instant he attacked Eccanahaca, or Holy Ground, a new town erected since the commencement of the war, in the midst of tangled thickets, and almost impenetrable swamps and morasses. This village was the general dépôt of the Indians in this section, and contained large quantities of property and stores of provisions. It consisted of about two hundred houses, and was occupied by a considerable body of the enemy, under the half-breed chief, Weatherford. General Claiborne advanced upon the town, with his force divided into three columns. The Indians were quickly driven out, leaving thirty dead on the ground. Having no facilities for removing the property or provisions, the general ordered them to be consumed with the town. He also destroyed another village, containing sixty houses, eight miles higher up the river.

Among the slain at Eccanahaca were three Shawnee warriors, who had probably joined the hostile Creeks after the terrible defeat of their tribe on the banks of the Thames, in October previous; and among the trophies of the expedition, was a letter to Weatherford, from Manriquez, the Spanish governor of Florida, dated at Pensacola, the twenty-ninth of September, affording ample and conclusive evidence of his connivance with the Red Sticks.⁠[18]⁠

The troops called out under the authority of the Legislature of Tennessee, were accepted by the General Government, and on the seventh of November, General Pinckney, previously in charge of the sixth military district, was ordered to assume command of the seventh. His plan of conducting the campaign contemplated the junction of the various corps operating in the Creek country, at the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa; and instructions were issued by him to the different commanders, requiring them to take possession of the country as they advanced, so as, at all times, to keep open their communication in the rear.

ANOTHER MUTINY.

After allaying the mutiny in his camp, in November, General Jackson visited Fort Deposit and Ditto’s Landing, to make arrangements for supplying his army, preparatory to another forward movement which he had in contemplation. Requisitions were issued for furnishing a suitable number of rations at Fort Strother, Talladega, and the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, together with wagons and pack-horses for their transportation. He then returned to Fort Strother with the first regiment of volunteers. Shortly after his return a new cause of disturbance arose. The volunteers had originally engaged to serve for twelve months, and they claimed that their term of service would expire on the tenth of December. General Jackson, however, contended that the period which elapsed between the time of their dismissal, after their return from Natchez, and that of their subsequent remuster, at Fayetteville, must be deducted. Each party insisted on its particular view of the case; and in the evening of the ninth of December, General Jackson was informed by General Hall, that his brigade were preparing to move off, with, or without permission, on the following morning.

General Jackson had become familiar with scenes of this character, and he immediately issued an order, stating that an actual mutiny existed in the camp, and commanding all officers and soldiers to unite in putting it down. He further directed the volunteer brigade to parade on the west side of the fort; the company of artillerists were ordered to take post, with one piece in front, and one in rear, of their line; and the militia, under Colonel Wynne, were instructed to occupy the eminences in advance. These dispositions being made, the general rode in front of the volunteers, and addressed each company separately, in eloquent and animated terms, informing them that he had submitted the question in dispute to the governor, and that, until his decision was known, or reïnforcements joined him, he could not dispense with their services. He appealed to every noble and worthy motive to induce them to remain; but declared, that he should do his duty, regardless of consequences; and that they could not leave him, without passing over his dead body. “Now,” said he, in conclusion, “argument is at an end; and you must choose, and that at once, whether you will go or stay!”

Not a word was uttered in reply, by the volunteers. He then demanded a prompt answer. Still there was no response. He now ordered the artillerists to prepare their matches. Ere the order was obeyed, the obstinacy of the men gave way before his unyielding firmness. “Let us return,” was whispered from one to another, with trembling lips; and the officers soon came forward, and pledged themselves and their men, to remain until the general should hear from the governor, or the expected reïnforcements arrive.

On the twelfth of December, General Cocke reached the camp, from Fort Armstrong, with the East Tennesseans. General Jackson then issued an address to the volunteer brigade, offering to permit those who desired to leave him, to return at once to Nashville, and those who chose to remain, to organize themselves into a separate corps, with officers of their own selection. But one man in the whole brigade, Captain Williamson, consented to stay; the remainder were marched back to Nashville, by General Hall, and soon after discharged from the service.

The regiment of volunteer cavalry belonging to General Coffee’s brigade, claimed the same indulgence with the volunteer infantry, and the mounted rifles insisted that they were only bound for a three months’ tour of duty. About one-half the brigade abandoned the service, at Huntsville, and the other half returned to Fort Deposit, but they also subsequently deserted their commander,—General Coffee exerting himself, in vain, to induce them to remain,—and returned home. These defections, and the expiration of the terms of service of a portion of General Cocke’s division, reduced the force under General Jackson, at Fort Strother, to six hundred militia, two companies of spies, under Captains Gordon and Russell, one of artillery, under Captain Deadrick, and a few volunteers from the various corps, who had been, “faithful among the faithless found.” The militia demanded their discharge at the expiration of three months, although it had been supposed they were enlisted for six, and it was not thought advisable to compel them to remain.

All these difficulties in keeping the troops in the field arose from the want of sufficient supplies. Had General Jackson been properly supported in this respect, it is probable there would not have been a single case of defection, and the first of January, 1814, would have witnessed the complete subjection of the Creeks. Still he was determined to prosecute the campaign, as soon as he should be in a condition to move forward. After the return of the militia, he was left with only about one hundred men, and was, in consequence, obliged to employ the friendly Cherokees in garrisoning Fort Armstrong and protecting the stores at Camp Ross. Generals Cocke and Roberts, Colonel Carroll, and Major Searcy, the aid of the commanding general, were at this time absent in Tennessee, exerting themselves to raise additional troops.

LETTER TO GOVERNOR BLOUNT.

On being informed of the situation of General Jackson, Governor Blount advised him to fall back from his advanced posts, and content himself with defending the frontiers of the state, until he was placed in sufficient force to carry on the war. On the twenty-ninth of December, 1813, the general unburthened his whole soul to the governor,

“In thoughts that breathe, and words that burn.”

“What!” said he, in his letter, “retrograde under such circumstances! I will perish first. What! a governor of a patriotic state, whose citizens pressed for war, who bawled for permission to exterminate the Creeks, to pause or hesitate at such a crisis as this? Such conduct cannot be justified, cannot be excused. Hear the voice of a friend: If you compel me to retrograde, the awful responsibility must and will be ascribed to you.... I shall do my duty. I will retain the post, or die in the struggle, unless ordered to retreat by my commanding general!”

The earnest appeals of General Jackson, whose intrepidity of spirit and resoluteness of purpose appeared only the more conspicuous, when fortune smiled the most unkindly on him, were not without effect. On the thirteenth of January, 1814, he was joined at Fort Strother, by two regiments of mounted men, eight hundred and fifty strong, under Colonels Perkins and Higgins, who had volunteered for sixty days. Previous to this time, he had ascertained that the hostile Indians from several towns on the Tallapoosa, had concentrated in a bend of the river, thirty-five miles south-east of Talladega, near the mouth of the Emuckfaw Creek, and were either preparing to attack Fort Armstrong, or the Georgia troops.

The volunteer, cavalry having been enlisted for so short a period, it was necessary to act speedily if he desired to avail himself of their services. On the day of their arrival at Fort Strother, he issued orders directing them to hold themselves in readiness for the march, and, on the fifteenth and sixteenth of January, crossed the Coosa with his whole force, numbering seven hundred and sixty-seven men, though the official reports, which were not corrected lest the army should be intimidated by the knowledge of its weakness, showed a total of nine hundred and thirty.

BATTLE OF EMUCKFAW.

At Talladega, General Jackson was joined by two hundred friendly Creeks and Cherokees. The march was continued without intermission, and on the night of the twentieth instant, he encamped at Enotochopco, one of the Hillabee villages, within twelve miles of Emuckfaw. In the morning of the twenty-first, the army proceeded direct towards the bend of the river where the enemy were said to be fortified. About the middle of the afternoon, the spies discovered two Indians, who were pursued, but made their escape. Advancing a short distance further, they came upon the main trail of the savages. The general then determined to encamp and reconnoitre the surrounding country. A proper position having been selected, the army encamped in a hollow square. Pickets and spies were thrown out on every side; the sentinels were doubled; fires were built in a circle around the encampment; and every precaution taken to guard against a surprise.

Though General Jackson knew it not, as his spies could obtain but little information, he was in the immediate vicinity of the three principal, and most formidable, bands of the Red Sticks. Girded by the belt of watch-fires which their vigilant and sagacious commander directed to be formed, in order to prevent the approach of an enemy undiscovered, his troops reposed in security. All remained quiet till ten o’clock in the evening, when three of the savages were descried stealing cautiously towards one of the pickets. They were instantly fired on, and one of them was shot down. About an hour later, the spies came in, and reported that there was a large Indian encampment three miles distant, and that its occupants were whooping and dancing, as if preparing to go out on the war-path. The general was further informed by one of the spies, an intelligent Indian, that the enemy were sending away their women and children—a sure indication that they intended to decamp, or attack him, before morning. Orders were now given for the men to be prepared for action, at any moment.

Moments and hours passed by in anxious suspense. From time to time the orders enjoining strict caution and vigilance were repeated. The darkest hour of the morning—the time usually selected by the Indians for their attacks—approached; and when everything was the most quiet and undisturbed, all at once there rose a loud pealing yell on the left of the encampment, and with it came a hurtling volley of rifle-balls. A deafening responsive shout went up, within that fiery circle, like the wild pibroch of some Gaelic clan, rousing the martial spirit of all who heard it. The enemy kept up a rapid and unintermitting fire; but they could not approach near enough to effect any execution, without entering the line of light which the timely precaution of Jackson had thrown around his men; and whenever a single swart form, or painted visage, was disclosed, the American bullet sped away on its sure errand of death.

THE ENEMY REPULSED.

When the alarm was first given, General Coffee, Colonel Carroll, and Colonel Sitler, the adjutant general,—who, with a number of other officers previously belonging to different detachments, had remained with the commander to whom they were devotedly attached, and formed themselves into a corps, without privates,—mounted their horses and rode to the left. Their presence inspirited and encouraged the troops, and the savages were held firmly at bay till the dawning light enabled objects to be distinguished with precision. A company of infantry was then ordered to that flank, and thus strengthened, General Coffee, supported by Colonels Higgins and Carroll, led the whole line to the charge. The red warriors were driven from their coverts at the point of the bayonet, and pursued for more than two miles; the friendly Indians joining in the chase, and marking their pathway with the blood of the slain.

The enemy having been effectually repulsed, General Coffee was ordered to advance to the Indian encampment, with four hundred men and all the friendly warriors, and destroy it. On approaching it, he found that it was too strongly fortified to be carried by assault, and therefore returned to bring up the company of artillery. Before he again set out, his services were required at the camp. Within half an hour after his return, a body of savages were observed on the right, who opened a brisk fire on a party searching for the Indian shot by the picket on the previous night. General Coffee solicited the honor of attacking them. He was directed to take two hundred men with him, but through some mistake, he was followed by only fifty-four men, all of whom belonged to the company of volunteer officers which he commanded. With this small force, he fell with such fury on the left flank of the assailants, that they were forced to take shelter in a thicket on the bank of a small creek.

In the meantime, as had been anticipated by General Jackson, who supposed the demonstration on the right to be a mere ruse de guerre, the main body of the enemy came rushing like demons, with the most hideous and discordant yells, on the left of the American encampment. He instantly repaired thither in person. His men always knew how to fight under his eyes, and they stood their ground with veteran intrepidity and firmness. A few well-directed and effective volleys were delivered, and resort was then had to the bayonet; the men advancing to the charge under the orders of Colonel Carroll. Once more the enemy fled with precipitation, and were hotly pursued some distance from the camp.

The savages were now completely repulsed on the left, and General Coffee and his little band, who had been forced back into the open wood where the battle commenced, were reïnforced by one hundred friendly warriors. General Coffee, though severely wounded in the fierce conflict, which had deprived him of several of his best officers, including his aid, Major Donelson, placed himself at the head of the united force, and charged home upon the assailants. They could no longer make head against him, but retreated in confusion. The pursuit was continued for about three miles, in which forty-five of the enemy were killed.

Victorious as he was, General Jackson was still in a precarious position. His men had but few rations left, and the horses had not had corn or cane, for two days. The main object of the expedition—a diversion in favor of the Georgia troops—had been accomplished; yet his small force was seriously crippled, and it was to be feared, if he remained at Emuckfaw, that the Red Sticks would rally in greater numbers, and attack him once more, under all his disadvantages. He therefore decided to fall back to Fort Strother as soon as practicable. The remainder of the day was spent in burying the dead, in taking care of the wounded and preparing litters for their transportation, and in fortifying the camp. The militia sentinels were repeatedly alarmed during the night, probably by their own fancies, as no enemy was discovered; and on the morning of the twenty-third, without having been again molested, the army commenced the return march.

Not a solitary Indian was seen through the day, except those attached to the command. They defiled, without interruption, through a hurricane, covered with the huge bolls of prostrate oaks and pines, with straggling branches of trees flung in every direction, and closely-matted weeds and brambles, in which there were numerous hiding-places that might have afforded shelter to an enemy; and just before sunset, they arrived at Enotochopco, where they halted for the night, selecting a strong position, which they fortified, within a quarter of a mile of the creek.

BATTLE OF ENOTO­CHOPCO.

In the evening, small parties of the hostile savages were seen prowling about the encampment, although no attack was made. This circumstance, in connection with the fact that he had not been molested during the day, convinced General Jackson that the enemy had got in the advance, and were lying in wait for him at a dangerous defile where he had forded the creek on his outward march. He therefore sent out his pioneers, who discovered another crossing, about six hundred yards lower down, which was approached through open woodlands; and, unlike the other, its banks sloped gently down, and were tolerably free from reeds and underbrush. The lower ford was, of course, selected, in preference to the one above.

Presuming that the Indians would rush upon his men, when they were engaged in passing the stream, the general made his preparations with great care, and issued his orders with unusual precision. Colonel Carroll was ordered to take command of the centre of the rear-guard; Colonel Perkins of the right column; and Colonel Stump of the left. Captain Russell was directed to bring up the rear with his company of spies. If attacked, Colonel Carroll was instructed to face about, display, and maintain his ground; while the right and left columns were to face outward, wheel back on their pivots, and then attack the Indians on both flanks.

SUDDENNESS OF THE ATTACK.

In this order the crossing proceeded on the morning of the twenty-fourth. The front-guard, the wounded, and a part of the flank columns, had passed over; and the artillery were in the act of entering the creek—General Jackson being on the bank superintending the movement—when an alarm gun was fired in the rear. The instant after, the whole troop of Indians, who had discovered the effort to turn their position, came plunging down upon the rear-guard. Captain Russell received them gallantly, and fell back in good order. Colonel Carroll had scarcely given the order to halt and form, when the right and left columns, headed by their officers, broke and fled down the bank. Colonel Stump was among the foremost, and as he approached General Jackson’s position, the latter attempted to cut him down with his sword.

All was now confusion and disorder. The panic was communicated to the rear-guard, most of whom followed the example of their companions. Colonel Carroll, and Captain Quarles, were left with only twenty-five men, yet they sustained the unequal contest with unflinching bravery. The savages were checked in their advance, but the men were rapidly falling, and the iron hail came thicker and faster. General Jackson fairly boiled over with rage and indignation; yet, smothering his passion, he gave his orders coolly and calmly, but in a tone that rang like the blast of a trumpet. Words of encouragement were not wanting; and when the fearless and intrepid Coffee sprang from his litter into the saddle, he cried, “We shall whip them yet, my men!—the dead have risen and come to aid us!”

The company of artillery, who were armed with muskets, now rushed up the acclivity, and ranged themselves by the side of Colonel Carroll and his little band, while their commander, Lieutenant Armstrong⁠[19]⁠—Captain Deadrick being absent—and a few of his men, dragged up their six pounder. The gun had been unlimbered at the foot of the height, and when they prepared to load it, the rammer and picker were missing. No time was to be lost, as the savages were fast closing upon them. One of the men instantly wrested off his bayonet, and rammed the cartridge home with his musket; another used his ramrod as a picker, and primed with a musket cartridge. Twice was the gun loaded and fired with grapeshot. At the second discharge, the enemy were thrown into confusion, when Colonel Carroll pressed upon them with the bayonet, and forced them to retire a short distance, though they still persisted in the attack.

Meanwhile, Captain Gordon, whose company had been in the advance, had moved round and thrown himself upon the left flank of the Indians; and a few moments later, General Jackson brought up a considerable number of the rear-guard and flankers, whom he had rallied and reformed, with the assistance of General Coffee, Colonel Higgins, and other officers. Finding themselves baffled at every point, the enemy gave up the contest and made a hasty retreat, throwing away their packs as they fled, and leaving twenty-six of their warriors dead on the field.

In this series of engagements, at Emuckfaw and Enotochopco, General Jackson lost twenty men killed, and seventy-five wounded, four of them mortally. One hundred and eighty-nine dead bodies of the enemy were counted; but they removed all their wounded, and, probably, many who were killed outright.

A NEW ARMY RAISED.

Important as were these actions in their immediate results, they assumed additional consequence, as effecting a fortunate diversion in favor of the troops under General Floyd. He was attacked by the savages, at Camp Defiance, shortly before daylight, on the morning of the twenty-seventh of January, three days after the battle of Enotochopco. The furious onset of the savages was with difficulty resisted, and they were only repulsed with the loss of seventeen men killed, and one hundred and thirty-two wounded. Three hundred warriors, at the least, were rendered hors du combat in the several contests with General Jackson, and many more were intimidated from again taking up arms; and had they been present, the Georgia force might, not unlikely, have been overpowered.

After caring for his dead and wounded, General Jackson resumed his march, and arrived at Fort Strother on the twenty-seventh of January. On the twenty-eighth, General Coffee and his corps of officers were directed to return home, and wait the orders of the government; and on the thirty-first instant, General Roberts was ordered to conduct the volunteer regiments, whose bravery and patriotism were highly commended by the commanding general, back to Fayetteville, where they were discharged.

The brilliant successes of General Jackson in the Creek country now began to attract unusual attention. The commander of the military district, General Pinckney, referred to his conduct in terms of strong approbation, and suggested his name to the Secretary of War, for an appointment in the regular army. He had fought himself into the confidence and affections of the public, and he had no further need to depend on the reluctant services of a disorderly and half-mutinous soldiery.

So far from being offended at the tone and language of General Jackson’s letter, Governor Blount properly appreciated the feelings of the writer, and made every possible exertion to send him both troops and supplies. Men were not wanting to enrol their names; but there were hundreds and thousands who longed to fight beneath the standard, and under the eye, of Andrew Jackson. On the third of February, General Doherty arrived at Camp Ross with two thousand men from East Tennessee; and, shortly after, General Johnston reported himself at Huntsville, with over seventeen hundred men, from West Tennessee. Two regiments of cavalry, one from each section of the state, under Colonels Dyer and Brown, also appeared, and were organized into a brigade, under General Coffee. On the sixth of February, the 39th infantry, under Colonel Williams, about six hundred strong, joined General Jackson at Fort Strother, and about the same time, the Choctaws took up the hatchet against the Red Sticks, and offered him their services.

It was the intention of General Jackson to advance as soon as possible towards the bend of the Tallapoosa, near which the battle of Emuckfaw had been fought, and where, he was assured, the main strength of the enemy lay. The want of supplies, as usual, retarded his movements. It was now the rainy season; the streams were very much swollen, and the bridges swept away; the roads were soaked with water, and terribly cut up; and, although he kept five hundred men at work on the route between Fort Deposit and Fort Strother, several weeks elapsed before he was able to collect twenty days’ rations at the latter place.

PREPARA­TIONS TO TAKE THE FIELD.

While the general was making his preparations at Fort Strother, most of the detachments composing the force under his command remained in the rear, that the supplies thrown forward to that post might not be too quickly consumed. During this period of inaction, the spirit of mutiny again made its appearance, among the West Tennessee troops. He felt that he had so far dealt too leniently with this offence, and determined to visit it with summary punishment. A private belonging to General Johnston’s command was convicted of open mutiny, and sentenced to death. This was his second offence, and the general firmly refused to pardon him. The sentence was carried into effect, and the example thus presented exerted a most salutary influence on the whole army.

Early in March, General Jackson had finally completed his arrangements. Colonel Dyer was ordered to scour the country between the Coosa, Blackwarrior, and Cahawba, as low down as the old Coosa towns; the Choctaws and Chickasaws were directed to watch the country west of the Tombigbee, and prevent the escape of any of the Red Sticks beyond the Mississippi; and the Cherokees received instructions to range about the headwaters of the Tallapoosa. At the same time, there was a large force of North Carolina and South Carolina militia, under Colonel Pearson, who had relieved the Georgia troops under General Floyd, on the eastern borders of the Creek country, in readiness to coöperate in any simultaneous movement upon the fastnesses of the hostile Indians.

Leaving a garrison of four hundred and fifty men at Fort Strother, under Colonel Steel, General Jackson commenced descending the Coosa, having embarked his stores in boats, with the remainder of his force, on the sixteenth day of March. Arrived at the mouth of Cedar Creek, he established a dépôt at this point, and commenced the construction of a fort, which he named Fort Williams. The work on the fort being in a sufficient state of forwardness, he took up the line of march across the country to Emuckfaw, on the morning of the twenty-fourth instant, with about two thousand men. A strong detachment was left at Fort Williams, to protect the supplies, and continue the labor on the fortifications.

Not far from five miles below the battle-ground of the twenty-second of January, at Emuckfaw, is the great bend of the Tallapoosa, called by the Indians, Tohopeca, or Horse Shoe. At this place, the warriors from the hostile towns of Oakfuskie, Oakchoya, Eufaulee, New Youca, the Hillabees and Fish Ponds, had concentrated their forces, near one thousand strong, for a last desperate struggle. Across the narrow neck of land, or isthmus, by which the peninsula formed by the crooked river was entered, they had erected a breastwork of logs, from five to eight feet high, with double portholes, arranged with no little skill and ingenuity. Within the inclosure, there were about one hundred acres of land; the centre was high ground, covered with brush and fallen timber; and on the river bottom, at the lower extremity of the peninsula, was the Indian village.

TOHOPECA.

On the night of the twenty-sixth of March, General Jackson encamped within six miles of the Horse Shoe, and early on the following morning, General Coffee was detached, with the mounted men and most of the friendly Indians, under instructions to cross the river at a ford two miles below Tohopeca, and take possession of the high grounds on the opposite bank, so as to cut off all chance of escape in that quarter. General Jackson then marched the remainder of his force to a position in front of the enemy’s breastworks, where he halted his men, until the preärranged signal announced that General Coffee had drawn a cordon of soldiers around the elevated ground overlooking the river and the hostile town and fortification. The main column immediately moved forward; the two pieces of artillery, a six and a three pounder, were planted on a hill eighty yards distant from the left of the enemy’s line; and at half past ten o’clock in the forenoon, the action was opened by a brisk fire, which was warmly returned by the Red Sticks.

The firing on the American side was mainly confined to the artillery, though a rifle or musket was occasionally discharged, whenever the dark warriors incautiously exposed their persons. For nearly two hours, the cannonade was kept up, with spirit and activity, though without producing any sensible impression. Meantime the friendly Indians had advanced to the left bank of the river, while General Coffee remained on the high ground with the rest of his troops. Some of the Cherokees now discovered that the enemy’s canoes, which were drawn up on the shore, near their village, had been left unguarded. They instantly plunged into the stream, swam across, and, in a few moments, returned with a number of the canoes. Means being thus provided for passing over, the Cherokees, headed by their chief, Richard Brown, and Colonel Morgan, and Captain Russell’s company of spies, crossed to the village, set it on fire, and attacked the enemy in the rear.

Surrounded though they were, the hostile Indians fought with the utmost bravery and desperation. Every avenue by which they might have fled was occupied by the American troops, and their habitations were in flames; still they refused to surrender, and successfully resisted every attempt of the spies and Cherokees to dislodge them. The soldiers with General Jackson, clamored loudly to be led to the assault, but he hesitated to give the order, till he became convinced that the party in the rear were not strong enough to overcome the opposition they encountered. The command to storm the works was then received with shouts and acclamations. General Doherty’s brigade, and the 39th infantry, under Colonel Williams, promptly advanced to the attack. The result of the contest did not long remain in doubt. A fierce struggle was maintained for a short time, through the portholes, muzzle to muzzle; the action being so close, as remarked in the dispatch of the commanding general, that “many of the enemy’s balls were welded to the American bayonets.” Major Montgomery, of the 39th infantry, was the first to spring upon the breastwork, but was shot dead among his comrades, who were rushing forward to sustain him. A smothered cry for vengeance rolled along the line,—and the whole column dashed over the feeble barrier, like the avalanche, crushing and bearing down everything before it.

THE RED STICKS COMPLETELY ROUTED.

The Indians, fighting with the fury of despair, met the shock with clubbed muskets and rifles, with the gleaming knife and tomahawk. Some few attempted to escape by swimming the river, but were shot down in their flight, by the spies and mounted men under General Coffee. Most of them, however, fought and died, where they stood—behind the ramparts which they were unable to defend. The conflict—nay, we may call it, without reproach to the victors, the butchery—was continued for hours. None asked for quarter. The Tallapoosa ran red with the blood of the savages, and the dead were piled in mangled heaps upon its banks.

Driven from the breastwork, a considerable number of the enemy took refuge among the brush and fallen timber on the high ground in the centre of the peninsula. General Jackson sent them an interpreter, to offer terms of capitulation, but they fired on and wounded him. The cannon were brought to bear on their position, and a partially successful charge was made, yet they were not dislodged. Finally, the brush was set on fire. The flames spread with rapidity, snapping and crackling as they caught the dry bark and leaves, and licking up everything in their way, like some huge, greedy monster. The Indians were now forced from their concealment; and all who attempted to fly, or offered resistance, were shot down. Night at length put an end to the carnage, and, under cover of the darkness, a few of the survivors of that fatal field escaped into the adjoining forests.

Five hundred and fifty-seven dead bodies of the enemy were found within the peninsula; and there were over three hundred taken prisoners, nearly all women and children. The total loss of the Red Sticks, in killed alone, must have been near eight hundred; as a number of the dead were thrown into the river previous to the final rout, by their surviving friends, or shot by General Coffee’s men while attempting to make their escape. Among the slain were three prophets, one of whom, by the name of Monohoe, was struck by a grapeshot in his mouth, out of which had issued the lies which had lured his nation to their ruin.

General Jackson lost fifty-five men killed, and one hundred and forty-six wounded. Twenty-three of the killed, and forty-seven of the wounded, were friendly Creeks and Cherokees.

After completing the destruction of the Indian fortifications at Tohopeka, General Jackson commenced his return march to Fort Williams, where he arrived on the second of April. He instantly began his preparations for scouring the country lying in the forks of the Coosa and Tallapoosa; and, on the seventh of April, his army was in motion for Hoithlewalee, one of the principal towns on the Hickory Ground;—the men being provided with eight days’ rations, which they carried on their backs. The campaign was now drawing to a close, but its hardships were not quite ended. The roads were flooded by the heavy rains, and the streams scarcely fordable; and, consequently, the march was tedious and difficult. General Jackson was much worn by the fatigues and privations which he had encountered, but his capability of endurance was not yet exhausted; and the strength of constitution he manifested, though belied by the apparent weakness of his frame, gave rise to the sobriquet of “Old Hickory,” which was applied to him by his soldiers, and adhered to him through life.

INDIAN TOWNS DESTROYED.

The terrible vengeance taken at Tohopeka, for the massacre at Fort Mims, and the other monstrous cruelties perpetrated by the Red Sticks, put an end to the war. The great body of the hostile savages fled in dismay, before the advancing columns of General Jackson. Many of the fugitives were killed by a detachment of the 3rd infantry, under Colonel Russell, but numbers effected their escape into Florida, on account of the remissness of Colonel Milton, the officer in command of the South Carolinians, who were then on the left bank of the Tallapoosa, not far above its junction with the Coosa. McQueen, one of the most prominent chiefs among the Red Sticks, was captured, but afterwards escaped to the Escambia river, with five hundred adherents.

Arrived at Hoithlewalee, General Jackson found the town abandoned. On the fourteenth of April it was destroyed, with several other villages in the vicinity. The general then divided his command into two columns; one scouring the country on the left bank, and the other, with which he remained in person, advancing down the right bank of the Tallapoosa, to the confluence, where a fort was constructed, called by General Pinckney, in honor of the gallant Tennessee commander, Fort Jackson. At this point most of the Hickory Ground chiefs came in and submitted to the conqueror. Weatherford also voluntarily surrendered, and the great prophet of the Creeks, Hillinghagee, was taken prisoner. The only terms prescribed by the victorious general were, that all who surrendered themselves should retire to the country north of Fort Williams, where, if their conduct was good, they would be permitted to remain proposition was made known, numbers of the fugitives were on their way to the neutral territory.

On the twentieth of April, General Pinckney arrived at Fort Jackson, and on the following day assumed the command. General Jackson shortly after repaired to his home in Tennessee, to recruit his health and strength, which had suffered materially during his long and arduous campaign. The thanks of the government and the applause of the nation followed him in his retirement. An opportunity was soon afforded for rewarding his services by an appointment in the regular army.—On the resignation of General Harrison, President Madison nominated him as a brigadier general, and major general by brevet; and, a short time afterwards, he was appointed a full major general, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the retirement of General Hampton. Both commissions were received at the same time, and the latter was accepted.

In the summer of 1814, General Jackson was ordered to take command of the seventh military district, and established his headquarters at Mobile. Associated with Colonel Hawkins, he concluded a favorable treaty with the Creek nation, by which, with the exception of a small portion of the tribe who chose to remain in Florida, they were prevented from again taking up arms during the continuance of the war with England.

THE SPANISH AUTHORITIES IN FLORIDA.

The hostile tribes were now entirely quieted, and a chain of military posts established through the former theatre of their outrages. No sooner had this been done, than the attention of General Jackson was directed to the alarming state of affairs at Pensacola. He had long been convinced that the Spanish authorities in Florida were lending their aid and assistance to the English, in the prosecution of hostilities. Indeed, the facts and circumstances which forced him to such a conclusion, were so glaring and palpable, that it was impossible to form any other opinion. It is barely probable that Spain was the passive agent of Great Britain in this respect; but if so, her pusillanimity, in thus tamely surrendering her neutral rights and character, was equally censurable. If she was, in fact, the coädjutor of England, the measures adopted by General Jackson were justifiable; but if she was the creature only, they were necessary. This is the only argument that need be offered, in defence of the attack on Pensacola, which, in after times, was so severely criticised and censured, by his political opponents.

In the month of August, Captain Gordon, of the spies, visited Pensacola, and ascertained that a large body of savages had been organized there by Colonel Nicholls, of the British army, and were then being instructed and drilled by British officers, in the presence, and with the knowledge, of the Spanish governor; that Fort Barrancas was occupied by between two and three hundred British troops; and that there were three armed vessels belonging to the same nation, in the bay, from which a considerable quantity of arms and provisions had been disembarked. Another reconnaissance was subsequently made by Lieutenant Murray, of the Mississippi militia, which fully confirmed the report made by Captain Gordon. On the twenty-ninth of August, also, Colonel Nicholls issued a proclamation, dated at his “headquarters, Pensacola,” addressed to the inhabitants of the southern and southwestern states, and inviting them to join his standard, in which he informed them that he was “at the head of a large body of Indians, well armed, disciplined, and commanded by British officers; a good train of artillery, with every requisite; seconded by the powerful aid of a numerous British and Spanish squadron of ships and vessels of war.”

General Jackson was not disposed to stand idly by, and see the rights of his country violated, and her interests jeoparded. He forthwith dispatched an express to the governor of Tennessee, requesting the whole quota of the militia of that state to be brought into the field without delay, and commenced his preparations for a march on Pensacola. On the fifteenth of September Colonel Nicholls appeared before Fort Bowyer, thirty miles below Mobile, at the entrance of the bay, with four vessels, containing a number of siege pieces, and several hundred sailors, mariners, and savages. The heavy guns were landed, the fort invested, and a lively cannonade opened upon it. Major Lawrence, of the 2nd infantry, the commander of the post, with its garrison of one hundred and twenty men, made a brave defence, and finally forced the enemy to retire, with the loss of one of their ships, and over two hundred killed and wounded.

CAPTURE OF PENSACOLA.

Having been joined by about two thousand men from Tennessee, General Jackson took up the line of march for Pensacola, with all his disposable troops. His whole force consisted of upwards of three thousand men, but a small part being regulars, and the remainder militia from Mississippi and Tennessee, with a few Choctaw warriors. On the sixth of November he arrived near Pensacola, and sent a flag to the Spanish governor, to communicate the purpose of his visit. The bearer of the flag was fired on from the batteries in the town, and forced to return. Dispositions were then made for carrying the fort by assault, which was discovered to be defended by both British and Spanish troops, on the following day. On the morning of the seventh, the general entered the town with his troops, under a heavy fire from the fort, and the British flotilla in the harbor, and carried one of the advanced batteries at the point of the bayonet. The governor now supplicated for mercy, and surrendered the town and fort unconditionally; the British troops retiring to Fort Barrancas, and their savages allies seeking shelter in the everglades of Florida, whither they were driven by a detachment from the American army under Major Blue.

On the morning of the eighth of November, just as General Jackson was making ready to march upon Fort Barrancas, the British spiked and dismounted the cannon, blew up the works, and retreated to their shipping. The object of his visit to Pensacola being thus accomplished, and the enemy driven from the rendezvous, where they had been invited, or welcomed, by the Spanish authorities, General Jackson restored the town and fort to Governor Manriquez, and immediately returned to Mobile with his troops.

Intimations of an intended attack, or descent, on the southern frontier of the United States, had been previously given, and they were corroborated by the statements of the pirates of Barrataria, who, with their leader, Lafitte, had been solicited by Colonel Nicholls to join the projected expedition, but were afterwards induced, under a promise of pardon for their offences, to take an active and important part in the defence of New Orleans. It was for a long time uncertain at what point the blow would be struck; but, early in September, it became known that formidable preparations were making for the invasion of Louisiana, and the reduction of New Orleans. Governor Claiborne promptly ordered the two militia divisions of the state, under Generals Villeré and Thomas, to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment’s notice, and issued a patriotic address to his fellow citizens, calling upon them to turn out, in a mass, if necessary, in defence of their homes and families. No immediate attack was then made, however, and the alarm subsided. It was renewed again towards the close of November; the apprehensions of danger were evidently well founded, and General Jackson at once hastened to the city of New Orleans, giving directions, before he set out, for his troops to follow as rapidly as possible, and dispatching an express to expedite the movements of the Kentucky militia, who were required to join him without loss of time.

THE CITY OF NEW ORLEANS.

Important as was the position of New Orleans, as the great emporium of the southwestern part of the Union, commanding the extensive trade and navigation of the Mississippi and its tributaries, the means provided for its defence were lamentably insufficient. It had been understood for some time, that the expedition under Admiral Cochrane, baffled at Baltimore, but subsequently reïnforced by a large body of troops, supposed, after the conclusion of the Treaty of Paris, to be no longer needed in Europe, was destined, ultimately, to operate upon the Gulf coast. Although New Orleans was the most liable to attack, and the most vulnerable point, in that quarter, few preparations were made for its protection; for the reason, probably, that the plundering and harassing warfare carried on by the enemy on the Atlantic shore, and the operations on the Niagara frontier, furnished constant employment for all the men and means at the disposal of the General Government. Late in the fall of 1814, the new levies raised in Kentucky and Tennessee, were ordered to proceed to that city, and supplies of arms and ammunition were also sent down the Mississippi.

New Orleans, at this time, contained about twenty thousand inhabitants,⁠[20] a great number of whom were of Spanish or English descent, and, consequently, but little reliance was to be placed on their fidelity to the American cause; so far from this, many were known to be in correspondence with the enemy, and only waiting for a favorable opportunity to act in a more open and decided manner. General Jackson arrived in the city on the second of December, and found everything in confusion and alarm. The apprehended invasion was the principal topic of conversation in every café and boudoir. The opponents of the administration there, as elsewhere throughout the union, confidently predicted that New Orleans must fall; and its friends more than half feared that the prediction would be verified.

It was no easy task to reänimate those who had grown faint-hearted under the influence of the pitiful Jeremiads which were constantly sounding in their ears. The American commander was accompanied by but few of his men, and his presence alone could not go very far towards the restoration of confidence. Yet he set himself vigorously to the work, and in a brief space of time, his impulsive energy, his earnest zeal, and his determined patriotism had wrought marvellous changes. The timid were reässured; the wavering were encouraged to remain steadfast; and those who had never doubted or faltered, derived new strength from his example. As yet, there were but a few hundred regular troops in the city, and the imminence of the danger was such, that it was necessary to commence operations without delay. The general was deficient both in the personnel and the matériel of war; but the exigencies of his military career had long since taught him to rely on his own unaided efforts. He was ever full of resources,—but never more than now.

The geographical position of New Orleans was highly favorable to its defence. It is situated on the left bank of the Mississippi, around a bend of the river, shaped like a crescent, about midway between the high ground at Baton Rouge, and the Gulf. On either side of the river, there is a strip of arable alluvion, protected from inundation by levees, and varying in width, from three hundred, to one thousand yards. Beyond this there are dense cypress brakes and swamps, with here and there a few acres of salt prairie, extending, on the east, to Lakes Borgne and Pontchartrain. The river debouches into the Gulf through several mouths, which are obstructed by numerous sand bars; and its ascent, at all times difficult, is especially so in high water, when the current is unusually rapid. Under the direction of General Jackson, the militia were imbodied; the defences of Forts St. Philip and Bourbon, on the Mississippi, below New Orleans, were enlarged and strengthened; batteries were constructed at the Rigolets, and on the Chef Menteur; all the numerous bayous and inlets, intersecting the lower valley of the river, between the Chef Menteur and the Atchafalaya, were obstructed, or guarded by strong pickets; and lines of intrenchments and fortifications were traced, below the city, extending from the Mississippi to the swampy grounds, and their construction commenced. Commodore Patterson, the officer in command of the naval station, zealously coöperated with General Jackson, in carrying out the measures of defence which he projected.

APPROACH OF THE BRITISH FLEET.

Positive intelligence was received in New Orleans, on the ninth of December, that the British fleet had been descried standing off the Chandeleur islands; and Lieutenant Thomas ap Catesby Jones was immediately dispatched by Commodore Patterson, with a flotilla of five gun boats, and one hundred and eighty-two men, to watch the motions of the enemy. On the twelfth instant, they were discovered in such force, off Cat island, at the eastern extremity of Lake Borgne, that Lieutenant Jones judged it safer to retire up the lake and guard the passes leading towards the city. On the following day, the schooner Seahorse, which had been sent to the bay of St. Louis, to assist in the removal of some public stores at Shieldsboro, was attacked by three of the enemy’s barges. These were driven off, but they soon returned with four others. The crew then abandoned the vessel and blew her up; and the storehouse on the bay was set on fire. The flotilla under Lieutenant Jones was attacked on the fourteenth instant, while becalmed, by a detachment of seamen and marines, twelve hundred strong, under Captain Lockyer, in forty-two launches and barges. Lieutenant Jones and his men made a brave defence; but after an obstinate contest of more than an hour, during which the enemy lost two of their boats, and over three hundred men, they were obliged to surrender, with the loss of forty killed and wounded.

In the meantime, large appropriations had been made by the legislature of Louisiana for the defence of New Orleans; but that body appeared extremely reluctant to adopt all the suggestions of General Jackson and Governor Claiborne. Many of the members were disaffected, and others had been led to believe, by the British spies and emissaries who infested the city, that all attempts at resistance would be unavailing, and that it would be far wiser to propose terms of capitulation, immediately upon the appearance of the British force. General Jackson in vain urged the legislature to suspend the habeas corpus act; and despairing of accomplishing anything, except by the adoption of rigorous and decided measures, as a last resort, he finally ordered martial law to be proclaimed in the city and its vicinity. The functions of the civil authorities were only suspended in part, however, and the legislature continued its sessions.

PROCLAMA­TION OF MARTIAL LAW.

This high-handed exercise of power, rendered necessary by the temporizing and vacillating course of the legislature, naturally provoked considerable comment. Those who were really and truly devoted to the American cause had no fears, when they saw the general wielding the authority which he had seized into his own hands; those only clamored against what they termed this infraction of the rights of the citizen, who were prepared to surrender the city to the enemy, at the first summons. The proclamation of martial law, though, perhaps, scarcely warranted by the law and the constitution, was one of those acts which are sometimes absolutely requisite in great emergencies. The power acquired under such circumstances, is, doubtless, liable to abuse; but in the hands of one whose patriotism, like that of Andrew Jackson, is sans peur, sans reproche, there can be no danger. “Silent leges, inter arma,” is a maxim, as applicable to free, as to monarchical governments. General Jackson was extremely loth to assume any questionable power, until he became penetrated with the conviction that the safety of the country demanded this step, and he surrendered it the very moment he felt assured that the crisis was past. His course was subsequently approved by the General Government, and pronounced by the Secretary of War, both “just as it respected the responsibility of the commanding general, and safe as it respected the liberties of the nation.”

A new impetus was given to every movement, by the active and energetic conduct of General Jackson. The fruitful and varied resources of his great mind were in constant requisition. His determined spirit, manifested in his expressive remark to Governor Claiborne—that he would “defend the country, or die in the last ditch!”—was communicated to those around him. Treason shrunk abashed from his presence, and cowardice assumed the appearance of valor at his side.

After the capture of the flotilla under Lieutenant Jones, it became impossible to watch the movements of the British squadron; and hence it was extremely difficult to foretell what point would be first attacked. Large requisitions were made by General Jackson, of negroes to work on the projected fortifications, intended to secure the different approaches; and all those found in the streets, together with the drays and carts, were impressed for the same purpose. The militia were ordered out en masse, and disciplined regularly every day. Orders were likewise again sent to hasten the march of the reïnforcements; and to General Coffee, who was rapidly approaching with his brigade of mounted men from Tennessee, the commanding general said, “You must not sleep until you arrive within striking distance!” The order was obeyed with characteristic promptitude;—General Coffee marched his command eighty miles on the last day, and arrived near the city late in the evening of the twenty-first of December.

All the arrangements of General Jackson for the defence of New Orleans were made with consummate skill. The batteries commanding the passes from Lake Borgne into Lake Pontchartrain were well manned; the colored battalion, under Major Lacoste, with the Feliciana dragoons, were ordered to take post on the Chef Menteur, to cover the Gentilly road; Major Plauche’s battalion, with Lieutenant Wagner’s company of light artillery, were stationed at Fort St. John, on the bayou of that name; the Tennessee cavalry and infantry, under Generals Coffee and Carroll, remained about four miles above the city; the regular troops, and the remainder of the state militia, occupied the city, and the fortifications on the river below; and the schooner Caroline and brig Louisiana were moored in the stream.

LANDING OF THE ENEMY.

The watchful care and vigilance of the American commander were frustrated, however, by the want of due caution on the part of a picket posted near the mouth of the bayou Bienvenu, which led up from Lake Borgne. On the twenty-second of December, the picket was surprised by a party of the enemy, belonging to the division of General Keane, whose whole command, about four thousand five hundred in number, with their heavy cannon and stores, immediately proceeded, in their small boats, up the bayou, and, at four o’clock in the morning of the twenty-third, arrived opposite the opening of Villeré’s canal, which connected with the Mississippi. They halted at this point for a few hours, and then continued up the canal. Early in the afternoon of the same day, they gained the bank of the river unmolested, and established themselves on the plantations of General Villeré, Colonel La Ronde, and Major Lacoste, about eight miles below the city.

General Jackson did not wait to be attacked. Within an hour after receiving the information that the enemy had effected a landing, he put his troops in motion. Anticipating that the city might be simultaneously threatened by way of the Chef Menteur, General Carroll was left posted on the Gentilly road, with his command and the city militia; and the remainder of the troops, under General Jackson in person, consisting of General Coffee’s brigade, Major Hind’s dragoons, a detachment of artillery and marines, under Colonel McRea, parts of the 7th and 44th infantry, the battalions of Majors Plauche and Daquin, and two six pounder guns in charge of Lieutenant Spotts, moved down the left bank of the river, to attack the enemy who had landed below. The schooner Caroline, Captain Henley, with Commodore Patterson on board, and the brig Louisiana, Lieutenant Thompson, also dropped down the river. It was understood that the signal of attack would be the fire of the Caroline, when she had arrived opposite the position of the British troops.

At six o’clock in the evening of the twenty-third, the different corps composing the main column, in all not far from two thousand men, effected a junction at the canal Rodriguez, within sight of the watch fires of the enemy, which were discovered gleaming dimly in the distance. The night was prematurely dark, owing to the dense fog rising from the river. This circumstance, however, favored the movement, as it was thereby concealed from the enemy; and the very best spirit pervaded the whole command. The troops were now formed for the attack;—the artillery and marines, and the regular infantry, on the right; the battalions of Plauche and Daquin, both under Colonel Ross, in the centre; and the brigade of General Coffee, dismounted, on the left. General Coffee was directed to turn the enemy’s right, and attack them in the rear; while the rest of the column advanced against them in front.

NIGHT ATTACK.

At half-past seven o’clock, the long looked-for signal was given by the Caroline. The first intimation received by the enemy, of the approach of the Americans, was the raking broadside of the schooner, which completely swept their encampment. Before they had fairly recovered from their astonishment, General Jackson fell upon them like a thunderbolt. Though taken by surprise, General Keane ordered his fires to be extinguished, and finally succeeded in forming his men to beat off the attack. Before order was entirely restored, General Coffee had forced his way into the enemy’s camp, and General Jackson was moving upon them in front with equal daring and impetuosity.

Notwithstanding the intense darkness, the American soldiers were kept to their duty, and displayed the most praiseworthy gallantry. The enemy were driven from their position, and several successive charges were made, with great success. At length, it was discovered that the troops were falling into confusion, on account of the thick mist which shrouded everything around, and General Jackson thought it best to call off his men. During the remainder of the night they lay on the field of battle, and in the morning fell back to the canal Rodriguez, about two miles nearer the city, where the swamp and the Mississippi approached within a few hundred yards of each other.

The American loss in the engagement on the evening of the twenty-third, was twenty-four killed, one hundred and fifteen wounded, and seventy-four taken prisoners; that of the British was forty-six killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded, and sixty-four missing. But the most important result of the action, was the check given to the operations of the enemy. They were taught to respect their antagonists far more than they had done; and, when they were informed by their prisoners, who designed to deceive them, that the American force was at least fifteen thousand strong, they began to think the conquest of New Orleans would not, after all, be a mere holiday affair.

General Jackson decided to make a stand at the position to which he retired on the morning of the twenty-fourth of December, as it was ascertained that reïnforcements were constantly arriving at the enemy’s camp. The work of fortifying it was instantly commenced. The canal Rodriguez, which was about four feet deep, served the purpose of a ditch; and, behind this, a breastwork was constructed, stretching from the Mississippi on the right, about one thousand yards, to the cypress swamp on the left. The line extended some distance into the marsh and then inclined to the right, in order to prevent any attempt to turn that flank. The underbrush and trees in this quarter were also cleared away for a considerable space, so that an assailing column could not approach without being exposed to a destructive fire. Earth being scarce in this low country, General Jackson had recourse to a novel expedient. Bales of cotton, in large numbers, were brought from the city, which were placed in line and covered over with dirt. Flank bastions to enfilade the works, and strong batteries, were also constructed, at irregular intervals.

On the right bank of the Mississippi, about half a mile in advance of General Jackson’s main position, a line of intrenchments, extending from the river to the low grounds, was also formed, and a heavy battery of fifteen guns established, which enfiladed the whole front ©f the position on the left bank. In addition to this principal line of intrenchments, there were others formed in the rear, to which General Jackson designed to retreat, in succession, if the enemy forced him to abandon his first position. Another precautionary measure was likewise adopted, to render his main line more secure against attack. Sluices were opened through the levee, and the plains in front flooded with water from the river. The general was so carried away with zeal and enthusiasm, and so deeply impressed with the great responsibility resting upon him, and the importance of every step, that for four days and nights, while his preparations were in progress, he scarcely took a moment’s rest. No crisis seemed to be too great for him; his vigilance became more keen sighted, and his spirits rose higher, as dangers thickened around his path; his resources grew more ample as the occasion required, and his resolution hourly grew more stern and unbending.

SKIRMISHING.

Sir Edward Packenham, the Commander in Chief of the British land forces, joined General Keane on the twenty-fourth of December with heavy reïnforcements, and an additional supply of artillery. Frequent skirmishes took place between detached parties of the hostile commands, and on the twenty-seventh instant, the schooner Caroline, which had been prevented from ascending the river by a strong norther, was blown up by hot shot thrown from a battery erected by the enemy, on the night of the twenty-sixth. Fortunately, the crew of the vessel had previously made their escape. A similar attempt was made upon the brig Louisiana, but her commander, Lieutenant Thompson, succeeded in getting her up the river, and anchored her on the right of General Jackson’s position.

It was at first designed by the British commander, to commence regular approaches against the formidable line of intrenchments occupied by the American troops. On the twenty-eighth of December, a brisk cannonade was opened from a battery planted near the levee, within half a mile of the river. Showers of Congreve rockets were also thrown, which, although a new implement of warfare,⁠[21] failed to excite either fear or astonishment in the opposing ranks. The firing was kept up for several hours without producing any sensible effect; and the attack was then relinquished. During the night of the thirty-first, heavy batteries were constructed on the plain, directly in front of the American position; and the advent of the new year was welcomed by a tremendous burst of artillery, accompanied by incessant flights of rockets, which was continued till three o’clock in the afternoon, when the batteries were effectually silenced by the American guns. The casualties on these two occasions were,—on the side of the Americans, eighteen killed and thirty-one wounded; and, on the side of the enemy, forty-eight killed, and eighty-two wounded.

These repeated efforts having proved of no avail, General Packenham decided to carry the works by a coup de main. For a number of days all his men were employed in deepening Villeré’s canal, for the passage of the boats, by which a detachment could be thrown across the river to attack the fortifications on the right bank. On the sixth instant, General Lambert joined the main body of the enemy, already on shore, with his division; and the whole command was thus increased to upwards of twelve thousand men. Everything being in readiness for the contemplated assault, on the evening of the seventh instant, it was directed to take place at dawn of day on the following morning.

Meanwhile General Jackson had been actively employed in completing his preparations. Near the river, and in advance of the cotton embankment, he commenced the construction of a redoubt, with embrasures, calculated to rake the ditch in front of the intrenchments, and the road down the levee; but this was still incomplete on the eighth of January. The line Dupré, about two miles in rear of the main line, to which he designed to retreat and make a second stand, if he should be compelled to retire, was also strengthened as far as practicable. Various devices were employed to mislead the enemy in regard to his position, and the strength of his command, which was daily rendered more necessary, on account of the increasing disaffection in the city. The number of his men was represented to be greater than it was; their deficiency in arms was carefully concealed; and no intercourse was allowed between the lines and the city, except through officers in whom he had the most implicit confidence.

DISAFFEC­TION IN THE CITY.

In spite of all his precautions, the enemy were informed by their agents of every movement that took place, and the disaffection which they eagerly fomented, ultimately increased to such an extent, that it was seriously proposed that terms of surrender should be offered by the legislature. On being apprised of this treasonable design, General Jackson directed Governor Claiborne, whenever such a proposition was made, to close the doors of the state-house. The order was misunderstood by the governor, who closed the doors forthwith, and the members of the legislature were thus prevented from assembling. The commanding general did not design to interrupt their ordinary deliberations, but it was probably fortunate for the safety of the city, that they were not allowed to convene.

On the fourth of January, the anxiously-expected reïnforcements from Kentucky, under Generals Thomas and Adair, twenty-five hundred strong, reached New Orleans. They were poorly furnished with arms, however, and, like most of the other troops, were nearly destitute of clothing. The city was ransacked in search of weapons, but a scanty supply could be obtained; and the other deficiency was partially remedied, by the patriotic exertions of Mr. Girod, the mayor, and the ladies of New Orleans.

General Jackson now made a final disposition of his troops. Governor Claiborne was posted on the Gentilly road, with a portion of the Louisiana militia; another portion, under General Morgan, was stationed on the right bank of the river, and the battery on that shore was manned by the sailors and marines under Commodore Patterson. General Morgan was further reïnforced, on the night of the seventh of January, when it was ascertained that the enemy were opening a passage into the river, by a detachment of the Kentucky troops. On the left bank, General Jackson was posted with his main column, consisting of about thirty-five hundred men. There were eight distinct batteries along the line, mounting, in all, twelve guns and two howitzers. On the right, were the 7th and 44th infantry, between which were the battalions of Majors Plauche, Lacoste, and Daquin; in the centre was General Carroll’s command, supported by that of General Adair; and, on the extreme left, were the Tennessee rifles under General Coffee. The remainder of the Kentucky troops, under General Thomas, remained in the rear.