Volume 1 — THE FOURTH BOOKE. [IV.105.] (continued 3)

About the latter end of June, Sir George Yearley accompanied with the Councell, and a number of the greatest Gallants in the Land, stayed three or foure daies with Captaine Nuse, he making his moane to a chiefe man amongst them for want of provision for his Company, the great Commander replied hee should turne them to his greene Corne, which would make them plumpe and fat: these fields being so neere the Fort, were better regarded and preserved then the rest, but the great mans command, as we call them, was quickly obeied, for though it was scarce halfe growne either to the greatnesse or goodnesse, they devoured it greene though it did them small good. Sir George with his company went to Accomack to his new Plantation, where he staied neere six weekes; some Corne he brought home, but as he adventured for himselfe, he accordingly enjoyed the benefit; some pety Magazines came this Summer, but either the restraint by Proclamation, or want of Boats, or both, caused few but the Chieftaines to be little better by them. {MN-1} So long as Captaine Nuse had any thing we had part; but now all being spent, and the people forced to live upon Oisters and Crabs, they became so faint no worke could be done; and where the Law was, no worke, no meat, now the case is altered, to no meat, no worke; some small quantity of Milke and Rice the Captaine had of his owne, and that he would distribute gratis as he saw occasion; I say gratis, for I know no place else, but it was sold for ready paiment: those eares of Corne that had escaped till August, though not ripe by reason of the late planting, the very Dogs did repaire to the Corne fields to seeke them as the men till they were hanged; and this I protest before God is true that I have related, not to flatter Nuse, nor condemne any, but all the time I have lived in Virginia, I have not seene nor heard that any Commander hath taken such continuall paines for the publike, or done so little good for himselfe, and his vertuous wife was no lesse charitable and compassionate according to her power. For my owne part, although I found neither Mulberies planted, houses built, men nor victuall provided, as the honourable Adventurers [IV.156.] did promise mee in England; yet at my owne charge, having made these preparations, and the silke-Wormes ready to be covered, all was lost, but my poore life and children, by the Massacre, the which as God in his mercy did preserve, I continually pray we may spend to his glory. {MN-2} The 9. of September, we had an alarum, and two men at their labours slaine; the Captaine, though extreme sicke, sallied forth, but the Salvages lay hid in the Corne fields all night, where they destroyed all they could, and killed two men more, much mischiefe they did to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone defended his house though his men were sicke and could doe nothing, and this was our first assault since the Massacre.

The kindnesse of the King of Patawomek.

About this time Captaine Madyson passed by us, having taken Prisoners, the King of Patawomek, his sonne, and two more, and thus it happened; Madyson not liking so well to live amongst the Salvages as Croshaw did, built him a strong house within the Fort, so that they were not so sociable as before, nor did they much like Poole the Interpreter; many Alarums they had, but saw no enemies: Madyson before his building went to Moyaoncs, where hee got provision for a moneth, and was promised much more, so he returned to Patawomek and built this house, and was well used by the Salvages. Now by the foure great men the King sent to Pamaunke for the redemption of the Prisoners, Madyson sent them a letter, but they could neither deliver it nor see them: so long they stayed that the King grew doubtfull of their bad usage, that hee swore by the Skyes, if they returned not well, he would have warres with Opechankanough so long as he had any thing: at this time two of Madysons men ranne from him, to finde them he sent Master John Upton and three more with an Indian guide to Nazatica, where they heard they were. At this place was a King beat out of his Country by the Necosts, enemies to the Patawomeks; this expulsed King though he professed much love to the Patawomeks, yet hee loved not the King because he would not helpe him to revenge his injuries, but to our Interpreter Poole hee protested great love, promising if any treason were, he would reveale it; our guide conducted this Bandyto with them up to Patawomek, and there kept him; our Fugitives we found the Patawomeks had taken and brought home, and the foure great men returned from Pamaunke; not long after, this expulsed King desired private conference with Poole, urging him to sweare by his God never to reveale what hee would tell him, Poole promised he would not; then quoth this King, those great men that went to Pamaunke, went not as you suppose they pretended, but to contract with Opechankanough how to kill you all here, and these are their plots.

A Salvages policy.

First, they will procure halfe of you to goe a fishing to their furthest towne, and there set upon them, and cut off the rest; if that faile, they will faine a place where are many strangers would trade their Furres, where they will perswade halfe of you to goe trade, and there murder you and kill them at home; and if this faile also, then they will make Alarums two nights together, to tire you out with watching, and then set upon you, yet of all this, said he, there is none acquainted but the King and the great Conjurer.

Madyson takes the King and kils 30. or 40. The King set at liberty. {MN}

This being made known to the Captain, we all stood more punctually upon our guard, at which the Salvages wondering, desired to know the cause; we told them we expected some assault from the Pamaunkes, whereat they seemed contented, and the next day the King went on hunting with two of our men, and the other a fishing and abroad as before, till our Shallop returned from James towne with the two Salvages, sent home with Captaine Croshaw: by those the Governour sent to Madyson, that this King should send him twelve of his great men; word of this was sent to the King at another towne where he was, who not comming presently with the Messenger, Madyson conceited hee regarded not the message, and intended as he supposed the same treason. The next morning the King comming home, being sent for, he came to the Captaine and brought him a dish of their daintiest fruit; then the Captaine fained his returne to James towne, the King told him he might if he would, [IV.157.] but desired not to leave him destitute of aid, having so many enemies about him; the Captaine told him he would leave a guard, but intreated his answer concerning the twelve great men for the Governour; the King replied, his enemies lay so about him he could not spare them, then the Captaine desired his sonne and one other; my sonne, said the King, is gone abroad about businesse, but the other you desire you shall have, and that other sits by him, but that man refused to goe, whereupon Madyson went forth and locked the doore, leaving the King, his sonne, and foure Salvages, and five English men in the strong house, and setting upon the towne with the rest of his men, slew thirty or forty men, women and children; the King demanding the cause, Poole told him the treason, crying out to intreat the Captaine cease from such cruelty: but having slaine and made flye all in the towne, hee returned, taxing the poore King of treason, who denied to the death not to know of any such matter, but said, This is some plot of them that told it, onely to kill mee for being your friend. Then Madyson willed him, to command none of his men should shoot at him as he went aboord, which he presently did, and it was performed: so Madyson departed, leading the King, his sonne, and two more to his ship, promising when all his men were shipped, he should returne at libertie; {MN} notwithstanding he brought them to James towne, where they lay some daies, and after were sent home by Captaine Hamer, that tooke Corne for their ransome, and after set saile for New found Land.

But, alas the cause of this was onely this They understood, nor knew what was amisse.

A.D. 1622.

A digression.

Ever since the beginning of these Plantations, it hath beene supposed the King of Spaine would invade them, or our English Papists indevour to dissolve them. But neither all the Counsels of Spaine, nor Papists in the world could have devised a better course to bring them all to ruine, then thus to abuse their friends, nor could there ever have beene a better plot, to have overthrowne Opechankanough then Captaine Chroshaws, had it beene fully managed with expedition. But it seemes God is angry to see Virginia made a stage where nothing but murder and indiscretion contends for victory.

Their proceedings of the other plantations. 300 surpriseth Nandsamund. {MN-1} Samuell Collyer slaine. {MN-2}

Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer little was done, but securing themselves and planting Tobacco, which passes there as current Silver, and by the oft turning and winding it, some grow rich, but many poore, notwithstanding ten or twelve ships or more hath arrived there since the massacre, although it was Christmas ere any returned, and that returne greatly revived all mens longing expectation here in England: for they brought newes, that notwithstanding their extreme sicknesse many were recovered, and finding the Salvages did not much trouble them, except it were sometimes some disorderly straglers they cut off. To lull them the better in securitie, they sought no revenge till their Corne was ripe, {MN-1} then they drew together three hundred of the best Souldiers they could, that would leave their private businesse, and adventure themselves amongst the Salvages to surprize their Corne, under the conduct of Sir George Yearley, being imbarked in convenient shipping, and all things necessary for the enterprise, they went first to Nandsamund, where the people set fire on their owne houses, and spoiled what they could, and then fled with what they could carry; so that the English did make no slaughter amongst them for revenge. Their Corne fields being newly gathered, they surprized all they found, burnt the houses remained unburnt, and so departed. Quartering about Kecoughtan, after the Watch was set, {MN-2} Samuell Collyer one of the most ancientest Planters, and very well acquainted with their language and habitation, humors and conditions, and Governor of a Towne, when the Watch was set going the round, unfortunately by a Centinell that discharged his peece, was slaine.

They surprise Pamaunke.

Thence they sailed to Pamaunke, the chiefe seat of Opechankanough, [IV.158.] the contriver of the massacre: the Salvages seemed exceeding fearefull, promising to bring them Sara, and the rest of the English yet living, with all the Armes, and what they had to restore, much desiring peace, and to give them any satisfaction they could. Many such devices they fained to procrastinate the time ten or twelve daies, till they had got away their Corne from all the other places up the River, but that where the English kept their quarter: at last, when they saw all those promises were but delusions, they seised on all the Corne there was, set fire on their houses: and in following the Salvages that fled before them, some few of those naked Devils had that spirit, they lay in ambuscado, and as our men marched discharged some shot out of English peeces, and hurt some of them flying at their pleasures where they listed, burning their empty houses before them as they went to make themselves sport: so they escaped, and Sir George returned with Corne, where for our paines we had three bushels apeece, but we were enjoyned before we had it, to pay ten shillings the bushell for fraught and other charges. Thus by this meanes the Salvages are like as they report, to endure no small misery this Winter, and that some of our men are returned to their former Plantations.

The opinion of Captaine Smith.

What other passages or impediments hapned in their proceedings, that they were not fully revenged of the Salvages before they returned, I know not; nor could ever heare more, but that they supposed they slew two, and how it was impossible for any men to doe more then they did: yet worthy Ferdinando Courtus had scarce three hundred Spaniards to conquer the great Citie of Mexico, where thousands of Salvages dwelled in strong houses: but because they were a civilized people, had wealth, and those meere Barbarians as wilde as beasts have nothing; I intreat your patience to tell you my opinion, which if it be Gods pleasure I shall not live to put in practice, yet it may be hereafter usefull for some, but howsoever I hope not hurtfull to any, and this it is.

How to subject all the Salvages in Virginia.

Had these three hundred men beene at my disposing, I would have sent first one hundred to Captaine Rawley Chroshaw to Patawomek, with some small Ordnance for the Fort, the which but with daily exercising them, would have struck that love and admiration into the Patowomeks, and terror and amazement into his enemies, which are not farre off, and most seated upon the other side the River, they would willingly have beene friends, or have given any composition they could, before they would be tormented with such a visible feare.

Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity constraines those to a kinde of constancy because of their enemies, and neither my selfe that first found them, Captaine Argall, Chroshow, nor Hamar, never found themselves in fifteene yeares trials: nor is it likely now they would have so hostaged their men, suffer the building of a Fort, and their women and children amongst them, had they intended any villany; but suppose they had, who would have desired a better advantage then such an advertisement, to have prepared the Fort for such an assault, and surely it must be a poore Fort they could hurt, much more take, if there were but five men in it durst discharge a peece: Therefore a man not well knowing their conditions, may be as wel too jealous as too carelesse; Such another Lope Skonce would I have had at Onawmanient, and one hundred men more to have made such another at Atquacke upon the River of Toppahanock, which is not past thirteene miles distant from Onawmanient: each of which twelve men would keepe, as well as twelve thousand, and spare all the rest to bee imploied as there should be occasion. And all this with these numbers might easily have beene done, if not by courtesie, yet by compulsion, especially at that time of September when all their fruits were ripe, their beasts fat, and infinite numbers of wilde Fowle began to repaire to every creeke, that men if they would doe any thing, could not want victuall. This done, there remained yet one hundred who should have done the like at Ozinieke, upon the River of Chickahamania, not past six miles [IV.159.] from the chiefe habitations of Opechankanough. These small Forts had beene cause sufficient to cause all the Inhabitants of each of those Rivers to looke to themselves. Then having so many Ships, Barks, and Boats in Virginia as there was at that present, with what facility might you have landed two hundred and twentie men, if you had but onely five or six Boats in one night; forty to range the branch of Mattapanyent, fortie more that of Youghtanund, and fortie more to keepe their randivous at Pamaunke it selfe. All which places lie so neere, they might heare from each other within foure or five houres, and not any of those small parties, if there were any valour, discretion, or industry in them, but as sufficient as foure thousand, to force them all to contribution, or take or spoile all they had. For having thus so many convenient randevous to releeve each other, though all the whole Countries had beene our enemies, where could they rest, but in the depth of Winter we might burne all the houses upon all those Rivers in two or three daies? Then without fires they could not live, which they could not so hide but wee should finde, and quickly so tire them with watching and warding, they would be so weary of their lives, as either fly all their Countries, or give all they had to be released of such an hourely misery. Now if but a small number of the Salvages would assist us, as there is no question but divers of them would; And to suppose they could not be drawne to such faction, were to beleeve they are more vertuous then many Christians, and the best governed people in the world. All the Pamaunkes might have beene dispatched as well in a moneth as a yeare, and then to have dealt with any other enemies at our pleasure, and yet made all this toile and danger but a recreation.

If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with my selfe I found sufficient, to goe where I would adaies, and surprise a house with the people, if not a whole towne in a night, or incounter all the power they could make, as a whole Army, as formerly at large hath beene related: And it seemes by these small parties last amongst them, by Captaine Crashow, Hamar, and Madyson, they are not growne to that excellency in policy and courage but they might bee encountred, and their wives and children apprehended. I know I shall bee taxed for writing so much of my selfe, but I care not much, because the judiciall know there are few such Souldiers as are my examples, have writ their owne actions, nor know I who will or can tell my intents better then my selfe.

Some againe finde as much fault with the Company for medling with so many Plantations together, because they that have many Irons in the fire some must burne; but I thinke no if they have men enow know how to worke them, but howsoever, it were better some burne then have none at all. The King of Spaine regards but how many powerfull Kingdomes he keepes under his obedience, and for the Salvage Countries he hath subjected, they are more then enow for a good Cosmographer to nominate, and is three Mole-hills so much to us; and so many Empires so little for him? For my owne part, I cannot chuse but grieve, that the actions of an English-man should be inferior to any, and that the command of England should not be as great as any Monarchy that ever was since the world began, I meane not as a Tyrant to torment all Christendome, but to suppresse her disturbers, and conquer her enemies.

For the great Romans got into their hand The whole worlds compasse, both by Sea and Land, Or any seas, or heaven, or earth extended, And yet that Nation could not be contented.

A.D. 1622.

MASTER ARGENT'S DELIVERANCE

The arrivall of Captaine Butler, & his accidents.

Much about this time arrived a small Barke of Barnestable, which had beene at the Summer Iles, and in her Captaine Nathaniel Butler, who having beene Governor there three yeares, and his Commission expired, he tooke the opportunity of this ship to see Virginia: at James Towne he was kindly entertained by Sir Francis Wyat [IV.160.] the Governor. After he had rested there foureteene daies, he fell up with his ship to the River of Chickahamania, where meeting Captaine William Powell, joyning together such forces as they had to the number of eighty, they set upon the Chickahamanians, that fearefully fled, suffering the English to spoile all they had, not daring to resist them. Thus he returned to James towne, where hee staied a moneth, at Kecoughtan as much more, and so returned for England.

A strange deliverance of Master Argent & others.

But riding at Kecoughtan, M. John Argent, sonne to Doctor Argent, a young Gentleman that went with Captaine Butler from England to this place, Michael Fuller, William Gany, Cornelius May, and one other going ashore with some goods late in a faire evening, such a sudden gust did arise, that drive them thwart the River, in that place at least three or foure miles in breadth, where the shore was so shallow at a low water, and the Boat beating upon the Sands, they left her, wading neere halfe a mile, and oft up to the chin: So well it hapned, Master Argent had put his Bandileir of powder in his hat, which next God was all their preservations: for it being February, and the ground so cold, their bodies became so benumbed, they were not able to strike fire with a steele and a stone hee had in his pocket; the stone they lost twice, and thus those poore soules groping in the darke, it was Master Argents chance to finde it, and with a few withered leaves, reeds, and brush, make a small fire, being upon the Chisapeaks shore, their mortall enemies, great was their feare to be discovered. The joyfull morning appearing, they found their Boat and goods drive ashore, not farre from them, but so split shee was unserviceable: but so much was the frost, their clothes did freeze upon their backs, for they durst not make any great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloudy Salvages might discry them, so that one of them died the next day, and the next night digging a grave in the Sands with their hands, buried him. In this bodily feare they lived and fasted two daies and nights, then two of them went into the Land to seeke fresh water; the others to the Boat to get some meale and oyle, Argent and his Comrade found a Canow, in which they resolved to adventure to their ship, but shee was a drift in the River before they returned: thus frustrate of all hopes, Captaine Butler the third night ranging the shore in his Boat to seeke them, discharged his Muskets, but they supposing it some Salvages had got some English peeces, they grew more perplexed then ever, so he returned and lost his labour. The fourth day they unloaded their Boat, and stopping her leakes with their handkerchiefes, and other rags, two rowing, and two bailing out the water; but farre they went not ere the water grew upon them so fast, and they so tired, they thought themselves happy to be on shore againe, though they perceived the Indians were not farre off by their fires. Thus at the very period of despaire, Fuller undertooke to sit a stride upon a little peece of an old Canow; so well it pleased God the wind and tide served, by padling with his hands and feet in the water, beyond all expectation God so guided him three or foure houres upon this boord, he arrived at their ship, where they no lesse amazed then he tired, they tooke him in. Presently as he had concluded with his Companions, he caused them discharge a peece of Ordnance if he escaped, which gave no lesse comfort to Master Argent and the rest, then terror to those Plantations that heard it, (being late) at such an unexpected alarum but after, with warme clothes and a little strong water, they had a little recovered him, such was his courage and care of his distressed friends, he returned that night againe with Master Felgate to conduct him to them, and so giving thanks to God for so hopelesse a deliverance, it pleased his Divine power, both they and their provision came safely aboord, but Fuller they doubt will never recover his benumbed legs and thighes.

Now before Butlers arrivall in England, many hard speeches were rumored against him for so leaving his charge, before he received order from the Company: Divers againe of his Souldiers as highly commended him, for his good government, art, judgement and industry. [IV.161.] But to make the misery of Virginia appeare that it might be reformed in time, how all those Cities, Townes, Corporations, Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries of Mulberies, Glasse-houses, Iron forges, Guest-houses, Silke-wormes, Colleges, the Companies great estate, and that plenty some doe speake of here, are rather things in words and paper then in effect, with divers reasons of the causes of those defects; if it were false, his blame nor shame could not be too much: but if there bee such defects in the government, and distresse in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath beene too long concealed, and requireth rather reformation then disputation: but however, it were not amisse to provide for the worst, for the best will help it selfe. Notwithstanding, it was apprehended so hardly, and examined with that passion, that the brute thereof was spread abroad with that expedition, it did more hurt then the massacre; and the fault of all now by the vulgar rumour, must be attributed to the unwholesomnesse of the ayre, and barrennesse of the Countrey, as though all England were naught, because the Fens and Marshes are unhealthy; or barren, because some will lie under windowes and starve in Cheap-side, rot in Goales, die in the street, high-waies, or any where, and use a thousand devices to maintaine themselves in those miseries, rather then take any paines to live as they may by honest labour, and a great part of such like are the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion of those defailements.

1623. The Earle of Southampton Treasurer. How Captaine Spilman was left in the River of Patawomek.

In the latter end of this last yeare, or the beginning of this, Captaine Henrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath lived in those Countries thirteene or foureteene yeares, one of the best Interpreters in the Land, being furnished with a Barke and six and twentie men, hee was sent to trucke in the River of Patawomek, where he had lived a long time amongst the Salvages, whether hee presumed too much upon his acquaintance amongst them, or they sought to be revenged of any for the slaughter made amongst them by the English so lately, or hee sought to betray them, or they him, are all severall relations, but it seemes but imaginary: for then returned report they left him ashore about Patawomek, but the name of the place they knew not, with one and twentie men, being but five in the Barke, the Salvages ere they suspected any thing, boorded them with their Canowes, and entred so fast, the English were amazed, till a Sailer gave fire to a peece of Ordnance onely at randome; at the report whereof, the Salvages leapt overboord, so distracted with feare, they left their Canowes, and swum a shore; and presently after they heard a great brute amongst the Salvages a shore, and saw a mans head throwne downe the banke, whereupon they weighed Anchor and returned home, but how he was surprised or slaine, is uncertaine.

Thus things proceed and vary not a jot, Whether we know them, or we know them not.

NECESSARIES FOR VIRGINIA

A.D. 1623.

A particular of such necessaries as either private families, or single persons, shall have cause to provide to goe to Virginia, whereby greater numbers may in part conceive the better how to provide for themselves.

Apparell.

Apprarell for one man, so after the rate for more.

A Monmouth Cap. 1s. 10d.

3 falling bands. 1s. 3d.

3 shirts. 7s. 6d.

1 Waste-coat. 2s. 2d.

1 suit of Canvase. 7s. 6d.

1 suit of Frize. 10s.

1 suit of Cloth. 15s.

3 paire of Irish stockings. 4s.

4 paire of shoes. 8s. 8d.

1 paire of garters. 10d.

1 dozen of points. 3d.

1 paire of Canvas sheets. 8s. [IV.162.]

7 ells of Canvas to make a bed and boulster, to be filled in Virginia, serving for two men. 8s.

5 ells of course Canvas to make a bed at Sea for two men. 5s.

1 course rug at sea for two men. 6s

4L.

Victuall for a whole yeare for a man, and so after the rate for more.

8 bushels of meale. 2L.

2 bushels of pease. 6s.

2 bushels of Otemeale. 9s.

1 gallon of Aquavitæ. 2s. 6d.

1 gallon of oyle. 3s. 6d.

2 gallons of Vineger. 2s.

3L. 3s.

Armes for a man, but if halfe your men be armed it is well, so all have swords and peeces.

1 Armor compleat, light. 17s.

1 long peece five foot and a halfe, neere Musket bore. 1L. 2s.

1 Sword. 5s.

1 Belt. 1s.

1 Bandilier. 1s. 6d.

20 pound of powder. 18s.

60 pound of shot or Lead, Pistoll and Goose shot. 5s.

3L. 9s. 6d.

Tooles for a family of six persons, and so after the rate for more.

5 broad howes at 2s. a peece. 10s.

5 narrow howes at 16d. a peece. 6s. 8d.

2 broad axes at 3s. 8d. a peece. 7s. 4d.

5 felling axes at 18d. a peece. 7s. 6d.

2 steele handsawes at 16d. a peece. 2s. 8d.

2 two handsawes at 5s. a peece. 10s.

1 whipsaw, set and filed, with box, file and wrest. 10s.

2 hammers 12d. a peece. 2s.

3 shovels 18d. a peece. 4s. 6d.

2 spades at 18d. a peece. 3s.

2 Augers at 6d. peece. 1s.

6 Chissels at 6d. a peece. 3s.

2 Percers stocked 4d. a peece. 8d.

3 Gimblets at 2d. a peece. 6d.

2 Hatchets at 21d. a peece. 3s. 6d.

2 frowes to cleave pale 18d. each. 3s.

2 hand Bills 20d. a peece. 3s. 4d.

1 Grindstone. 4s.

Nailes of all sorts to the value of 2L.

2 Pickaxes. 3s.

6L. 2s. 8d.

Houshold implements for a family and six persons, and so for more or lesse after the rate.

1 Iron pot. 7s.

1 Kettell. 6s.

1 large Frying-pan. 2s. 6d.

1 Gridiron. 1s. 6d.

2 Skellets. 5s.

1 Spit. 2s.

Platters, dishes, spoones of wood. 4s.

1L. 8s.

For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit, and at Sea for six men. 12s. 6d.

So the full charge after this rate for each person, will amount about the summe of 1L. 10s.

The passage of each man is 6L.

The fraught of these provisions for a man, will be about halfe a tun, which is 12L. 10s. 10d.

So the whole charge will amount to about 20L.

Now if the number be great, Nets, Hooks and Lines, but Cheese, Bacon, Kine and Goats must be added. And this is the usuall proportion the Virginia Company doe bestow upon their Tenents they send.

A.D. 1623.

A briefe relation written by Captaine Smith to his Majesties Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, concerning some aspersions against it.

Honourable Gentlemen, for so many faire and Navigable Rivers so neere adjoyning, and piercing thorow so faire a naturall Land, free from any inundations, or large Fenny unwholsome Marshes, I have not seene, read, nor heard of: And for the building of Cities, Townes, and Wharfage, if they will use the meanes, where there is no more ebbe nor floud, Nature in few places affoords any so convenient, for salt Marshes or [IV. 163.] Quagmires. In this tract of James Towne River I know very few; some small Marshes and Swamps there are, but more profitable then hurtfull: and I thinke there is more low Marsh ground betwixt Eriffe and Chelsey, then Kecoughton and the Falls, which is about one hundred and eighty miles by the course of the River.

The causes of our first miseries.

Being enjoyned by our Commission not to unplant nor wrong the Salvages, because the channell was so neere the shore, where now is James Towne, then a thicke grove of trees; wee cut them downe, where the Salvages pretending as much kindnesse as could bee, they hurt and slew one and twenty of us in two houres: At this time our diet was for most part water and bran, and three ounces of little better stuffe in bread for five men a meale, and thus we lived neere three moneths: our lodgings under boughes of trees, the Salvages being our enemies, whom we neither knew nor understood; occasions I thinke sufficient to make men sicke and die.

But 38 English in all Virginia.

Necessity thus did inforce me with eight or nine, to try conclusions amongst the Salvages, that we got provision which recovered the rest being most sicke. Six weeks I was led captive by those Barbarians, though some of my men were slaine, and the rest fled, yet it pleased God to make their great Kings daughter the means to returne me safe to James towne, and releeve our wants, and then our Common-wealth was in all eight and thirty, the remainder of one hundred and five.

Proofes of the healthfulnesse of the Countrey.

Being supplied with one hundred and twenty, with twelve men in a boat of three tuns, I spent foureteene weeks in those large waters; the contents of the way of my boat protracted by the skale of proportion, was about three thousand miles, besides the River we dwell upon, where no Christian knowne ever was, and our diet for the most part what we could finde, yet but one died.

How the Salvages became subjected.

The Salvages being acquainted, that by command from England we durst not hurt them, were much imboldned; that famine and their insolencies did force me to breake our Commission and instructions, cause Powhatan fly his Countrey, and take the King of Pamaunke Prisoner; and also to keepe the King of Paspahegh in shackels, and put his men to double taskes in chaines, till nine and thirty of their Kings paied us contribution, and the offending Salvages sent to James towne to punish at our owne discretions: in the two last yeares I staied there, I had not a man slaine.

How we lived of the natural fruit of the Countrey.

All those conclusions being not able to prevent the bad events of pride and idlenesse, having received another supply of seventie, we were about two hundred in all, but not twentie work-men: In following the strict directions from England to doe that was impossible at that time; So it hapned, that neither wee nor they had any thing to eat, but what the Countrey afforded naturally; yet of eightie who lived upon Oysters in June and July, with a pint of corne a week for a man lying under trees, and 120 for the most part living upon Sturgion, which was dried til we pounded it to powder for meale, yet in ten weeks but seven died.

Proofe of the Commodities we returned.

It is true, we had of Tooles, Armes, & Munition sufficient, some Aquavitæ, Vineger, Meale, Pease, and Otemeale, but in two yeares and a halfe not sufficient for six moneths, though by the bils of loading the proportions sent us, would well have contented us, notwithstanding we sent home ample proofes of Pitch, Tar, Sope Ashes, Wainskot, Clapboord, Silke grasse, Iron Ore, some Sturgion and Glasse, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, and blacke Walnut, crowned Powhatan, sought the Monacans Countrey, according to the instructions sent us, but they caused us neglect more necessary workes: they had better have given for Pitch and Sope ashes one hundred pound a tun in Denmarke: Wee also maintained five or six severall Plantations.

What we built.

James towne being burnt, wee rebuilt it and three Forts more, besides the Church and Store-house, we had about fortie or fiftie severall houses to keepe us warme and dry, invironed with a palizado of foureteene or fifteene foot, and each as much as three or foure men could carrie. We digged a faire Well of fresh water in the Fort, where wee had three Bulwarks, foure and twentie peece of [IV.164.] Ordnance, of Culvering, Demiculvering, Sacar and Falcon, and most well mounted upon convenient platformes, planted one hundred acres of Corne. We had but six ships to transport and supply us, and but two hundred seventy seven men, boies, and women, by whose labours Virginia being brought to this kinde of perfection, the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by this small meanes; yet because we had done no more, they called in our Commission, tooke a new in their owne names, and appointed us neere as many offices and Officers as I had Souldiers, that neither knew us nor wee them, without our consents or knowledge; since there have gone more then one hundred ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thousand people. Now if you please to compare what hath beene spent, sent, discovered and done this fifteene yeares, by that we did in the three first yeares, and every Governor that hath beene there since, give you but such an account as this, you may easily finde what hath beene the cause of those disasters in Virginia.

Then came in Captaine Argall, and Master Sedan, in a ship of Master Cornelius, to fish for Sturgion, who had such good provision, we contracted with them for it, whereby we were better furnished then ever.

Not long after came in seven ships, with about three hundred people; but rather to supplant us then supply us, their Admirall with their authoritie being cast away in the Bermudas, very angry they were we had made no better provision for them. Seven or eight weekes we withstood the inundations of these disorderly humors, till I was neere blowne to death with Gun-powder, which occasioned me to returne for England.

How I left the Countrey.

In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas, I left the Countrey, as is formerly related, with three ships, seven Boats, Commodities to trade, harvest newly gathered, eight weeks provision of Corne and Meale, about five hundred persons, three hundred Muskets, shot, powder, and match, with armes for more men then we had. The Salvages their language and habitation, well knowne to two hundred expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing, tooles of all sorts, apparell to supply their wants: six Mares and a Horse, five or six hundred Swine, many more Powltry, what was brought or bred, but victuall there remained.

My Charge. My Reward. {MN}

Having spent some five yeares, and more then five hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and neere as much more about New England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares I have here and there not spared any thing according to my abilitie, nor the best advice I could, to perswade how those strange miracles of misery might have beene prevented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must insue, but few would beleeve me till now too deerely they have paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I have rather left all then undertake impossibilities, or any more such costly taskes at such chargeable rates: {MN} for in neither of those two Countries have I one foot of Land, nor the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor ever any content or satisfaction at all, and though I see ordinarily those two Countries shared before me by them that neither have them nor knowes them, but by my descriptions: Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to heare and see those contentions and divisions which will hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not found, as they have hindred many hundreds, who would have beene there ere now, and makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre.

For the Books and Maps I have made, I will thanke him that will shew me so much for so little recompence, and beare with their errors till I have done better. For the materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to affirme them both there and here, upon such grounds as I have propounded, which is to have but fifteene hundred men to subdue againe the Salvages, fortifie the Countrey, discover that yet unknowne, and both defend & feed their Colony, which I most humbly refer to his Majesties most judiciary judgement, and the most honourable Lords of [IV.165.] his Privy Councell, you his trusty and well-beloved Commissioners, and the Honourable company of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England and Sommer-Ilands.

Out of these Observations it pleased his Majesties Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, to desire my answer to these seven Questions.

Quest. 1. What conceive you is the cause the Plantation hath prospered no better since you left it in so good a forwardnesse?

Answ. Idlenesse and carelesnesse brought all I did in three yeeres in six moneths to nothing, and of five hundred I left, scarce threescore remained, and had Sir Thomas Gates not got from the Bermudas, I thinke they had beene all dead before they could be supplied.

Quest. 2. What conceive you should be the cause, though the Country be good, there comes nothing but Tobacco?

Answ. The oft altering of Governours it seemes causes every man make use of his time, and because Corne was stinted at two shillings six pence the bushell, and Tobacco at three shillings the pound, and they value a mans labour a yeere worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not worth ten pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with all things; now make a mans labour in Corne worth threescore pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound a man, then shall they have Corne sufficient to entertaine all commers, and keepe their people in health to doe any thing, but till then, there will be little or nothing to any purpose.

Quest. 3. What conceive you to have beene the cause of the Massacre, and had the Salvages had the use of any peeces in your time, or when, or by whom they were taught?

Answ. The cause of the Massacre was the want of marshall discipline, and because they would have all the English had by destroying those they found so carelesly secure, that they were not provided to defend themselves against any enemy, being so dispersed as they were. In my time, though Captaine Nuport furnished them with swords by truck, and many fugitives did the like, and some Peeces they got accidentally, yet I got the most of them againe, and it was death to him that should shew a Salvage the use of a Peece. Since I understand they became so good shot, they were imployed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by the English.

Quest. 4. What charge thinke you would have setled the government both for defence and planting when you left it?

Answ. Twenty thousand pound would have hyred good labourers and mechanicall men, and have furnished them with cattle and all necessaries, and 100. of them would have done more then a thousand of those that went, though the Lord Laware, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary, but when they had tried, they confessed their error.

Quest. 5. What conceive you would be the remedy and the charge?

Answ. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of labourers and necessaries for them, that they may be there by next Michaelmas, the which to doe well will stand you in five thousand pound, but if his Majesty would please to lend two of his Ships to transport them, lesse would serve, besides the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage all men.

Quest. 6. What thinke you are the defects of the government both here and there?

Answ. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers there, makes such delaies by questions and formalitie, [IV.166.] that as much time is spent in complement as in action; besides, some are so desirous to imploy their ships, having six pounds for every Passenger, and three pounds for every tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may now better be procured then one at the first, when the common stocke defrayed all fraughts, wages, provisions and Magazines, whereby the Ships are so pestred, as occasions much sicknesse, diseases and mortality, for though all the Passengers die they are sure of their fraught; and then all must be satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses and hopes. As for the letters of advice from hence, and their answers thence, they are so well written, men would beleeve there were no great doubt of the performance, and that all things were wel, to which error here they have beene ever much subject; and there not to beleeve, or not to releeve the true and poore estate of that Colony, whose fruits were commonly spent before they were ripe, and this losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are not sensible of the losse of their adventures, and so they thinke, or will not take notice; but it is so with all men: but howsoever they thinke or dispose of all things at their pleasure, I am sure not my selfe onely, but a thousand others have not onely spent the most of their estates, but the most part have lost their lives and all, onely but to make way for the triall of more new conclusions, and he that now will adventure but twelve pounds ten shillings, shall have better respect and as much favour then he that sixteene yeere agoe adventured as much, except he have money as the other hath, but though he have adventured five hundred pound, and spent there never so much time, if hee have no more and not able to beg in a family of himselfe, all is lost by order of Court.

But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of one purse, till those new devices have consumed both mony and purse; for at first there were but six Patentees, now more then a thousand, then but thirteene Counsailors, now not lesse then an hundred; I speake not of all, for there are some both honourable and honest, but of those Officers, which did they manage their owne estates no better then the affaires of Virginia, they would quickly fall to decay so well as it; but this is most evident, few Officers in England it hath caused to turne Banquerupts, nor for all their complaints would leave their places, neither yet any of their Officers there, nor few of the rest but they would be at home, but fewer Adventurers here will adventure any more till they see the businesse better established, although there be some so wilfully improvident they care for nothing but to get thither, and then if their friends be dead, or want themselves, they die or live but poorely for want of necessaries, and to thinke the old Planters can releeve them were too much simplicity; for who here in England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers, have they never so much; much lesse in Virginia where they want for themselves. Now the generall complaint saith, that pride, covetousnesse, extortion and oppression in a few that ingrosses all, then sell all againe to the comminalty at what rate they please, yea even men, women and children for who will give most, occasions no small mischiefe amongst the Planters.

As for the Company, or those that doe transport them, provided of necessaries, God forbid but they should receive their charges againe with advantage, or that masters there should not have the same privilege over their servants as here, but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or threescore pounds, whom the Company hath sent over for eight or ten pounds at the most, without regard how they shall be maintained with apparell, meat, drinke and lodging, is odious, and their fruits sutable, therefore such merchants it were better they were made such merchandize themselves, then suffered any longer to use that trade, and those are defects sufficient to bring a well setled Common-wealth to misery, much more Virginia.

Quest. 7. How thinke you it may be rectified?

Answ. If his Majestie would please to intitle it to his Crowne, and yearely that both the Governours here and there may give their accounts to you, or some that are not ingaged in the businesse, that the common stocke [IV.167.] bee not spent in maintaining one hundred men for the Governour, one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the Treasurer, five and twenty for the Secretary, and more for the Marshall and other Officers who were never there nor adventured any thing, but onely preferred by favour to be Lords over them that broke the ice and beat the path, and must teach them what to doe, if any thing happen well, it is their glory; if ill, the fault of the old directors, that in all dangers must endure the worst, yet not five hundred of them have so much as one of the others; also that there bee some present course taken to maintaine a Garrison to suppresse the Salvages, till they be able to subsist, and that his Majesty would please to remit his custome, or it is to be feared they will lose custome and all, for this cannot be done by promises, hopes, counsels and countenances, but with sufficient workmen and meanes to maintaine them, not such delinquents as here cannot be ruled by all the lawes in England, yet when the foundation is laid, as I have said, and a common-wealth established, then such there may better be constrained to labour then here: but to rectifie a common-wealth with debaushed people is impossible, and no wise man would throw himselfe into such a society, that intends honestly, and knowes what he undertakes, for there is no Countrey to pillage as the Romans found: all you expect from thence must be by labour.

For the government I thinke there is as much adoe about it as the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, men here conceiting Virginia as they are, erecting as many stately Offices as Officers with their attendants, as there are labourers in the Countrey, where a Constable were as good as twenty of their Captaines, and three hundred good Souldiers and labourers better then all the rest that goe onely to get the fruits of other mens labours by the title of an office. Thus they spend Michaelmas rent in Mid-summer Moone, and would gather their Harvest before they have planted their Corne.

As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that went never demanded any, but adventured good summes, and it seemes strange to me, the fruits of all their labours, besides the expence of an hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and such multitudes of people, those collaterall Officers could not maintaine themselves so well as the old did, and having now such liberty to doe to the Salvages what they will, the others had not. I more then wonder they have not five hundred Salvages to worke for them towards their generall maintenance, and as many more to returne some content and satisfaction to the Adventurers, that for all their care, charge and diligence, can heare nor see nothing but miserable complaints; therefore under your correction to rectifie all, is with all expedition to passe the authority to them who will releeve them, lest all bee consumed ere the differences be determined. And except his Majestie undertake it, or by Act of Parliament some small tax may be granted throughout his Dominions, as a Penny upon every Poll, called a head-penny; two pence upon every Chimney, or some such collection might be raised, and that would be sufficient to give a good stocke, and many servants to sufficient men of any facultie, and transport them freely for paying onely homage to the Crowne of England, and such duties to the publike good as their estates increased reason should require. Were this put in practice, how many people of what quality you please, for all those disasters would yet gladly goe to spend their lives there, and by this meanes more good might be done in one yeere, then all those pety particular undertakings will effect in twenty.

For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take it from them that have it, then from us who had it first, pretending to his Majesty what great matters they would doe, and how little we did, and for any thing I can conceive, had we remained still as at first, it is not likely we could have done much worse; but those oft altering of governments are not without much charge, hazard and losse. If I be too plaine, I humbly crave your pardon; but you requested me, therefore I doe but my duty. For the Nobility, who knowes not how freely both in [IV.168.] their Purses and assistances many of them have beene to advance it, committing the managing of the businesse to inferiour persons, amongst whom questionlesse also many have done their utmost best, sincerely and truly according to their conceit, opinion and understanding; yet grosse errors have beene committed, but no man lives without his fault; for my owne part, I have so much adoe to amend my owne, I have no leisure to looke into any mans particular, but those in generall I conceive to be true. And so I humbly rest

Yours to command, J. S.

ENQUIRY BY KING JAMES

A.D. 1623.

The King hath pleased to take into his consideration.

Thus those discords, not being to be compounded among themselves, nor yet by the extraordinary diligences, care and paines or the noble and right worthy Commissioners, Sir William Jones, Sir Nicholas Fortescue, Sir Francis Goston, Sir Richard Sutton, Sir Henry Bourgchier and Sir William Pit; a Corante was granted against Master Deputy Farrar, and 20. or 30. others of that party to plead their causes before the right Honourable, the Lords of his Majesties Privy Councell: now notwithstanding all the Relations, Examinations, and intercepting of all Letters whatsoever came from thence, yet it seemes they were so farre unsatisfied and desired to know the truth, as well for the preservation of the Colony, as to give content and doe all men right, they sent two Commissioners strictly to examine the true estate of the Colony. Upon whose returne after mature deliberation, it pleased his royall Majesty to suppresse the course of the Court at Deputy Farrars, and that for the present ordering the affaires of Virginia, untill he should make a more full settlement thereof, the Lord Viscount Mandevile, Lord President of his Majesties Privie Councell, and also other Privy Councellors, with many understanding Knights and Gentlemen, should every Thursday in the afternoone meet at Sir Thomas Smiths in Philpot lane, where all men whom it should concerne may repaire, to receive such directions and warrant for their better security, as more at large you may see in the Proclamation to that effect, under the great Seale of England, dated the 15. of July, 1624. But as for the relations last returned, what numbers they are, how many Cities, Corporations, townes, and houses, cattle and horse they have, what fortifications or discoveries they have made, or revenge upon the Salvages; who are their friends or foes, or what commodities they have more then Tobacco, & their present estate or what is presently to be put in execution, in that the Commissioners are not yet fully satisfied in the one, nor resolved in the other, at this present time when this went to the Presse, I must intreat you pardon me till I be better assured.

Thus far I have travelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia, not being ignorant for all my paines this discourse will be wrested, tossed and turned as many waies as there is leaves; that I have writ too much of some, too little of others, and many such like objections. To such I must answer, in the Companies name I was requested to doe it, if any have concealed their approved experiences from my knowledge, they must excuse me: as for every fatherles or stolne relation, or whole volumes of sofisticated rehearsals, I leave them to the charge of them that desire them. I thanke God I never under-tooke any thing yet any could tax me of carelesnesse or dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or troublesome? Ah! were these my accusers but to change cases and places with me but 2. yeeres, or till they had done but so much as I, it may be they would judge more charitably of my imperfections. But here I must leave all to the triall of time, both my selfe, Virginia's preparations, proceedings and good events, praying to that great God the protector of all goodnesse to send them as good successe as the goodnesse of the action and Country deserveth, and my heart desireth.

FINIS.

A.D. 1623.