Volume 1 — [I.5] Sir Richard Grenvills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter Raleigh. 1585.

Sir Richard Grenvills, Voyage 1585.

The 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish, Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundel went to the mayne, with Manteo a salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualled for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganameo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for Weapomeiok, & Master John Arundel for England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at Plimouth the 18. of September, 1585.

These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.

Philip Amidas Admirall. Master Acton.

Master Thomas Heryot. Master Stafford.

Master Thomas Luddington. Master Snelling.

Master Marvyn. Master Antony Russe.

Cap. Vaghan. Master Allen.

Master Kendall. Master Michael Pollison.

Master Gardiner. Master Thomas Bockner.

Master Predeox. Master James Mason.

Master Rogers. Master David Salter.

Master Harvy. Master James Skinner.

With divers others to the number of 108.

A.D. 1585-86. Their first Plantation.

Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoack. The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoules that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7. dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries till a stronger supply. To the Northward our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantnest of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is not to be excelled by any other whatsoever.

There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks, and Opposians, which came to visit us.

Chawonoack. [I.6]

To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.

Chawonock. {MN-1} 700. men. {MN-2}

The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, {MN-1} it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province upon the river, {MN-2} and the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more understanding then all the rest.

Menatonon his relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich mine, & the Sea by it. {MN}

The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. {MN} When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a Canow up the river Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Journey Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong, for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe every two dayes, where I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay.

Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped starving in that Discovery as ever men did.

Pemissapan his trechery. The discovery of the river Moratoc. {MN-1} A noble resolution. {MN-2}

For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and them against us; {MN-1} a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: & this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and provision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160. myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: {MN-2} a Councell we held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaves [I.7.] (if the worst fell out) upon them and the pottage they would live two dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.

The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.

Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and have the Bowie full, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonnocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.

The great current of the river Moratoc. {MN}

Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this metall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and our victuals spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the river, {MN} that cost us foure dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes journey to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our returne for England with Sir Francis Drake.

The Conspiricy of Pemissapan. {MN-1} The death of a most rare Salvage. {MN-2}

Ensenore a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us. {MN-1} Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were slaine and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old Ensenore, had no more credit for us: for he began by all the devises he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute, when [I.8.] they saw us all returne, the report false, and had Manteo, and three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corne till the next harvest to sustaine us). {MN-2} This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest come out of the mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr. Heriots, and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr. Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes and Oysters.

A slaughter of two Salvages. {MN-1} Pemissipan slaine and 8. others. {MN-2}

Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. {MN-1} For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. {MN-2} Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.

A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake. {MN}

Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service committed to him.) {MN} He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to have driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and Company appoynted.

Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit. Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into, the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.

Virginia abandoned. {MN}

Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies. {MN} So with prayses to God we set sayle in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie.

To reason lend me thine attentive eares, Exempt thy selfe from mind-distracting cares: Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee rejected be, ere understood. Written by Mr. Ralph Layne, Governour.