Volume 3 — CONTENTS
Reading edition
OF THE
THIRD VOLUME.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S CORRESPONDENCE.
Page.
To John Hancock, President of Congress. Nantes, December 8th, 1776,5
Announces his arrival in France.—Does not assume a public character.—Military stores destined for America.
To the Committee of Secret Correspondence. Nantes, December 8th, 1776,7
The Committee of Secret Correspondence to Benjamin Franklin. Baltimore, January 1st, 1777,9
Announcing his appointment as Commissioner to Spain.
To the Committee of Secret Correspondence. Paris, January 4th, 1777,9
Arrives in Paris.—Has an audience with Count de Vergennes.—Interview with the Spanish Ambassador.—The nation favorable to the American cause.
To the President of Congress. Paris, January 20th, 1777,10
Recommending Captain Balm.
To the Count d'Aranda, Spanish Ambassador to the Court of France. Passy, April 7th, 1777,11
Communicates the propositions of the United States to Spain.—Congress will also assist France and Spain in the conquest of the English sugar islands.
To General Washington. Paris, June 13th, 1777,12
Recommending Count Kotkouski.—Count Pulaski.
To General Washington. Paris, June 13th, 1777,13
Recommending Baron de Frey.
M. Dubourg to B. Franklin. Paris, September 8th, 1777,14
Requesting a letter of recommendation for M. Gerard, who wishes to settle in America.
To Richard Peters. Passy, September 12th, 1777,15
Recommending M. Gerard.
Remarks on a Loan for the United States,15
America a safer debtor than Britain, from her general industry, frugality, prudence, ability, and virtue.
To David Hartley, member of Parliament. Passy, October 14th, 1777,23
The conduct of Great Britain has rendered submission impossible.—Cruel treatment of the American prisoners in England.—Propositions for their relief.
To James Lovell. Paris, December 21st, 1777,27
Mr Deane's recommendations of officers.—Numerous and vexatious applications, with high recommendations.
To James Hutton. Passy, February 1st, 1778,29
Means of reconciling America.
To David Hartley. Passy, February 12th, 1778,31
Alienation of America from Great Britain.—Kindness and cordiality of France.—Change of Ministry necessary for conciliation.—Subscriptions in England for the relief of American prisoners.—Mr Hutton.
To David Hartley. Passy, February 26th, 1778,34
Lord North's conciliatory bills.—Advice to the English whigs.
To James Hutton. Passy, March 24th, 1778,37
The Commissioners are ready to treat.
Note from William Pultney to B. Franklin. March 29th, 1778,37
Desires an interview with Dr Franklin.
To William Pultney. Passy, March 30th, 1778,38
America cannot treat on any terms short of independence—will not treat at all in case of a war against France.
To Dr Bancroft. Passy, April 16th, 1778,40
British Commissioners cannot succeed in America on their terms.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. Paris, April 23d, 1778,40
Advises him to take care of his own safety.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, April 24th, 1778,41
Giving an account of his conversations with Mr Hartley; of the visit of Mr Chapman, an agent of Lord Shelburne.—The Quebec fleet.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, April 25th, 1778,44
Policy of the English to excite divisions and distrust.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Yorktown, June 20th, 1778,45
Answer to a letter from Brussels. Passy, July 1st, 1778,45
Reply to insinuations against the faith of France.—Future prospects of America.—Acknowledgment of the independency of little consequence to America.—The King's political studies.—Peace is to be obtained only on equal terms.—Ridicules the offers of rewards.
To James Lovell. Passy, July 22d, 1778,52
Proceedings relative to Mr Deane.—Beaumarchais.—Eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty.—Mr Izard.—Inconvenience and expense of maintaining several Commissioners instead of one.—War between England and France; war in Germany.—Difficulty of raising loans.—Drafts of Congress on the Commissioners.
Instructions to B. Franklin, as Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France,59
Committee of Foreign Affairs to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778,62
Forwarding his new credentials.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, December 8th, 1778,63
Depreciation of the currency.
Dr Price to B. Franklin. London, Jan. 18th, 1779,64
Declines removing to America.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, January 29th, 1779,65
English successes in Georgia.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, February 8th, 1779,66
To David Hartley. Passy, February 22d, 1779,66
America cannot relinquish her alliance with France to treat with Britain.
Letter respecting Captain Cook. Passy, March 10th, 1779,67
Recommending to afford Captain Cook all the assistance he may need.
To David Hartley. Passy, March 21st, 1779,68
Delay in the exchange of prisoners.—Losses of the English.—Growth of America.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, April 22d, 1779,70
Proposing a truce.—Interests of France.—Advantages of adopting some preliminaries.
Observations by Mr Hartley,74
Enclosed in the preceding.
Instructions to John Paul Jones, Commander of the American Squadron in the service of the United States, now in the port of L'Orient,77
To David Hartley. Passy, May 4th, 1779,78
Relative to Mr Hartley's propositions.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Passy, May 26th, 1779,81
Receives his credentials.—Presented to the King.—American prisoners in France released.—Captain Jones's squadron.—Exchange of prisoners with England.—American prisoners there committed for high treason.—Necker unfavorably disposed towards America.—Accounts of the Commissioners.—Difficulty of raising a loan.—Charges of William Lee and Ralph Izard.—Recommends the appointment of consuls.—Agents and applications of the separate States.—Barbary Powers.—Disposition of the French.—Preparations of Spain.—Preparations in France.—Opinion of the Howes, Cornwallis, &c. of the impracticability of the conquest of America.
To James Lovell. Passy, June 2d, 1779,95
Currency.—Charges of Mr Lee and Mr Izard.—Communication between Europe and America.—M. de la Luzerne.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, June 13th, 1779,98
Enclosing a resolve relative to Beaumarchais's accounts.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 9th, 1779,98
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 16th, 1779,99
Burning of Fairfield.—Compensation of Ministers.—Forwards letters to the King of France.—Invoices of supplies desired.
Instructions from Congress to B. Franklin. In Congress, August 14th, 1779,101
Proposing the mutual guaranty of the fisheries by France and the United States.
To the Marquis de Lafayette. Passy, August 24th, 1779,104
Forwarding him a sword, in the name of the Congress.
The Marquis de Lafayette to B. Franklin. Havre, August 29th, 1779,104
Acknowledging the reception of the sword.
To James Lovell. Passy, September 30th, 1779,105
Supplies.—Receives nothing himself.
To Mr Bridgen. Passy, October 2d, 1779,106
Devices on coins.
To John Jay, President of Congress. Passy, October 4th, 1779,108
Beaumarchais's accounts.—Supplies.—M. Neufville's offers of a loan.—Demands of Mr Ross, Mr Izard, and Mr Lee.—Inactivity of the combined fleets.—Relations of Holland and England.—Favorable disposition of Portugal.—Exchange of prisoners.—Jones's cruise in the English waters.—Complaints of French officers returning from America.—Complaints against American cruisers.—Luxury of the Americans.—Monument to General Montgomery.—Supplies from Spain.
To James Lovell. Passy, October 17th, 1779,118
Jones's cruise.—Mr Lee and Mr Deane.—Prospect of peace.—Return of Commodore Jones.
To R. Bernstorf, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Denmark. Passy, December 22d, 1779,121
Remonstrates against the seizure of the American prizes in the ports of Norway.
To David Hartley. Passy, February 2d, 1780,125
America will not treat without her allies.—His former offers to pay for the tea destroyed in Boston.—Indisposition to peace on the part of England.—Exchange of prisoners.—British barbarities in America.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, February 24th, 1780,128
Drafts merely nominal.
To Samuel Huntington, President of Congress. Passy, March 4th, 1780,129
Seizure of the prizes in Norway.—Quarrel between Commodore Jones and Captain Landais.—Necessity of appointing a consul.—Exchange of prisoners.—Prospects of England.—Supplies of France.
From R. Bernstorf, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Denmark, to B. Franklin. Copenhagen, March 8th, 1780,134
On the seizure of the American prizes.
To James Lovell. Passy, March 16th, 1780,135
Proposed convention in London.—Affairs of England.
To Joseph Reed, President of the State of Pennsylvania. Passy, March 19th, 1780,137
Mr Pultney.—Errors corrected.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, May 11th, 1780,140
Recommending the Baron d'Arendt.
To the Judges of the Admiralty at Cherbourg. Passy, May 16th, 1780,140
Requesting the release of the neutral ship Flora; the cargo, if English, may be condemned.
To the President of Congress. Passy, May 22d, 1780,141
Recommending the Baron d'Arendt.
To an Agent of American Cruisers. Passy, May 30th, 1780,142
Free ships make free goods.
To the President of Congress. Passy, May 31st, 1780,143
Complains of the trouble of maritime affairs.—Difficulty of meeting the drafts.—Accounts of the Commissioners.—American prizes in Danish ports.—Capture of neutral vessels with English cargoes.—European powers have adopted the rule, that free ships make free goods.—Unfavorable disposition in Europe towards England.—Difficulties in the exchange of prisoners.
To the President of Congress. Passy, June 1st, 1780,149
Recommending Commodore Jones.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, June 5th, 1780,149
Respecting neutral ships.—Expresses a wish that all private property and all private individuals might be unmolested.—Letter of General Clinton.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, June 30th, 1780,152
Orders to M. de la Luzerne relative to the French holders of American paper money.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780,153
Making new drafts.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780,154
Mr Laurens appointed to negotiate a loan in Holland.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780,155
Communicating the acknowledgment of Congress for the attentions of the French Consul in Bergen.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to H. Dohrman, merchant, Lisbon. Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780,155
Informing him of his appointment as agent of Congress for the relief of Americans in distress.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, July 17th, 1780,157
Enclosing a copy of a conciliatory bill, rejected in the House of Commons.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, July 26th, 1780,159
Messrs Neufville.—Capture of Charleston of little consequence.
To the President of Congress. Passy, August 9th, 1780,161
Disputes of Landais and Jones.—Necessity of appointing consuls.—Mr Adams offends the French Court.—The armed neutrality.
To James Lovell. Passy, August 10th, 1780,167
Little value of pretended confidential information of secrets of State.—Transmits copies of instruments annulling the eleventh and twelfth articles.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, August 15th, 1780,169
Notifying Dr Franklin of bills to be drawn on him.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Sept. 7th, 1780,170
Enclosing proceedings of Congress relative to new drafts.—Increase of taxes for the improvement of the currency.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, Oct. 2d, 1780,171
Relative to M. Dumas's appointment and services.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, Oct. 9th, 1780,172
Has recommended M. Dumas to Mr Laurens as Secretary.—Requests advice as to the manner of applying to the States-General.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, October 28th, 1780,173
Requesting him to transmit certain papers to Mr Jay at Madrid.
To Sir Grey Cooper, Baronet, Secretary to the Treasury of Great Britain. Passy, November 7th, 1780,174
Requesting relief for Mr Laurens, prisoner in the Tower.
Charles Vernon, Lieutenant Governor of the Tower of London, to Sir Grey Cooper. Hampstead, November 27th, 1780,175
Mr Laurens's treatment in the Tower.
Sir Grey Cooper to B. Franklin. London, November 29th, 1780,176
Respecting Mr Laurens; enclosing the preceding.
Instructions from Congress to B. Franklin. In Congress, November 29th, 1780,176
To James Lovell. Passy, December 2d, 1780,179
Agrees to furnish the French troops in America with provisions, in order to meet the drafts of Congress.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December 2d, 1780,180
Recommending the furnishing of provisions to the French troops.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December 3d, 1780,181
Mr Laurens's captivity.—Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke.—Delays in sending supplies.—Capture of a Portuguese ship with English property by an American armed vessel.—Recommends that neutral ships be not molested.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, December 21st, 1780,184
Mr Palfrey appointed Consul to France.
Additional instructions from Congress to B. Franklin. In Congress, December 27th, 1780,185
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Feb. 13th, 1781,186
Transmitting letters of Congress to the King.—Communicates the instructions of Congress.—Critical situation of America.—Quotes a letter of General Washington on this subject.—Disappointment in supplies expected from Spain.—Danger to Europe if America is recovered by England.—Necessity of immediate aid.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, March 6th, 1781,189
Instructed to apply for an early answer to the application of Congress for more aid.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. March 9th, 1781,189
Proceedings of Congress on several subjects.
To M. de Rayneval, Secretary to the Council of State. Passy, March 11th, 1781,190
Relative to supplies.
To the President of Congress. Passy, March 12th, 1781,192
Relating his proceedings in obedience to his instructions; the King of France grants a further sum of six millions; France declines the mediation of Russia and Austria.—Requests to be relieved from public duties on account of his age and infirmities—Recommends his grandson, William Temple Franklin, to Congress.
To Francis Lewis and the Board of Admiralty. Passy, March 17th, 1781,197
Account of the squadron and expedition of Captain Jones; disposition of the prizes; affair with Captain Landais; the Ministry wished it to be considered an American expedition.
Agreement between Captain John Paul Jones and the officers of the squadron,205
James Lovell to B. Franklin. March 31st, 1781,207
Military operations.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, May 9th, 1781,208
Desiring the exchange of Mr Gouverneur and Dr Witherspoon.
To M. de Lafayette. Passy, May 14th, 1781,209
Expedition against Arnold.—English policy.—Appointment of his successor to the Court of France.
To the President of Congress. Passy, May 14th, 1781,211
Supplies.—Exchange of prisoners.—Plans of the English administration.
To Thomas Lewis. Passy, May 16th, 1781,215
Supplies.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1781,216
Introducing Dr Putnam.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, June 8th 1781,216
Colonel Laurens's purchases in Holland.—The grant of the king to be expended partly in France.
To the President of Congress. Passy, June 11th, 1781,217
On the disposition of the French grant.
To John Adams. Passy, June 11th, 1781,218
Relative to certain expenses of Mr Adams, charged on the United States.
The President of Congress to B. Franklin. In Congress, June 19th, 1781,220
Appointment of new Ministers for negotiating a peace.—Dr Franklin's services necessary on this occasion.
To Major William Jackson. Passy, June 28th, 1781,221
Directing him to stop the shipment of money in Holland.
Major William Jackson to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, June 29th, 1781,221
Reason of his delay at Amsterdam.
To David Hartley. Passy, June 30th, 1781,222
Informing him that Vergennes declines granting him a passport.
Major William Jackson to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, July 2d, 1781,223
Remonstrating against the detention of the money, obtained from France by Colonel Laurens, and deposited with M. Fizeaux and Co. Amsterdam.—Communicates his determination to retain the money in his own hands.—Reasons for retaining the money referred to in the preceding letters.
To Major William Jackson. Passy, July 5th, 1781, at six in the morning,227
Reasons for ordering the detention of the money, which was part of the grant obtained by Dr Franklin.
To Major William Jackson. Passy, July 5th, 1781,229
Adhering to his former determination relative to the detention of the money.
To Major William Jackson. Passy, July 6th, 1781,229
Account of the manner in which the money referred to in the preceding letters was obtained.—Exertions of Dr Franklin in obtaining supplies.
To the President of Congress. Passy, July 11th, 1781,232
Reasons for detaining the money, intended to have been shipped at Amsterdam.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 21st, 1781,233
Forwarding duplicates of certain resolutions of Congress.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, August 6th, 1781,234
Entertains little hope of aid from Holland.—Coldness of that country.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, August 10th, 1781,235
Communicating intelligence from America.—Apologises for expressions in his former letter, and requests that it may not be shown.
To the President of Congress. Passy, September 13th, 1781,236
Interview with the Count de Vergennes on communicating his instructions relative to the negotiations, and the letter of Congress to the King.—Accepts the appointment of negotiator.—Desires that a Consul-General may be appointed for France.
John Adams to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 4th, 1781,238
Relative to certain expenses of the American Ministers.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, October 20th, 1781,238
Mr Livingston is appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs.—Military operations.—Preparations for another campaign.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, October 24th, 1781,242
Announcing the capitulation of Yorktown.—Expresses a wish that Dr Franklin will accept his new appointment as negotiator.
To Thomas Mc'Kean, President of Congress. Passy, November 5th, 1781,243
State of American prisoners in England.—Difficulties in effecting exchanges.—England refuses the mediation of the Powers; will treat with the United States only as subjects.—Proceedings of Colonel Laurens in Holland.—Confusion in shipping the supplies.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, November 24th, 1781,249
Recommending certain French officers in the American service.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, November 26th, 1781,250
Financial difficulties of America.—Importance of a French naval force in the American waters.—The commission for negotiating a commercial treaty with Great Britain discharged.—Preparations for a new campaign.—Supposed letters of Mr Deane.
William Alexander to B. Franklin. Paris, December 15th, 1781,256
Requesting information concerning the disposition of France and America to treat with Great Britain.
To William Alexander. Passy, Dec. 15th, 1781,257
To David Hartley. Passy, December 15th, 1781,257
Concerning Mr Hartley's plan for securing the lives of the spectators at public spectacles in case of fire.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, December 16th, 1781,258
Military operations.—Enclosing a resolution of Congress for raising a pillar at Yorktown; also an ordinance ascertaining what captures on the waters are lawful, with other American State papers.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, January 2d, 1782,260
History of his proceedings for promoting negotiations for peace.—Conciliatory Bill of 1780, proposed as a basis; the question of independence to be waived; a separate treaty with America to be negotiated—Communicates these propositions to Lord North as general grounds of negotiation towards peace.—Lord North wishes to know if any person is authorised to treat on the part of America.—Urges the making of overtures for a separate negotiation.
Remarks on the Conciliatory Bill,267
Enclosed in the preceding.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, January 7th, 1782,268
Suggesting the objects of most importance to be negotiated; the limits of the United States; extend to the Mississippi on the West.—The fisheries; right of the Americans to fish on the banks of Newfoundland; sentiments of France on this subject.—Compensation to American royalists—Restitution of records and papers taken from America.
To David Hartley. Passy, January 15th, 1782,281
No negotiations can be opened without the concurrence of France.—Objections to the Conciliatory propositions—Commissioners authorised to treat.—A formal acknowledgment of independence not made necessary by the treaty with France.
To the Count de Vergennes. Passy, Jan. 18th, 1782,285
Capture of Flemish ships by American privateers.—English ships furnished with imperial papers after a pretended sale of ship and cargo at Ostend.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, January 23d, 1782,287
Intercepted letters of Mr Deane.—Complains of want of intelligence from Europe.—Encloses resolutions of Congress relating to the fisheries and the western limits.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, January 24th, 1782,288
Correcting Dr Franklin's misapprehensions of his propositions.—Cases in which America might treat separately.
Explanatory letter to Mr Hartley, referred to in the preceding,293
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, January 26th, 1782,294
Enclosing a convention for the establishment of consuls.
To Robert R. Livingston, Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Passy, January 28th, 1782,295
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, February 1st, 1782,295
Interview with the Minister; he is favorably disposed for peace.
The Danish Minister to the Count de Vergennes. Paris, February 6th, 1782,296
Complains of the outrages of American armed vessels on the coast of Norway.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, February 13th, 1782,297
Pressing for further assistance from France.—This measure would be advantageous to France herself.—Sufferings of American prisoners in England.—Disturbances in Vermont and New Hampshire.
To David Hartley. Passy, February 16th, 1782,301
Acknowledges his misapprehension of Mr Hartley's former proposition.—Reasons of jealousy between France and England; English Commissioner at Dunkirk.—England must take the first step towards a peace with America.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, February 24th, 1782,303
Enclosing the complaint of the Danish Count respecting outrages by American vessels on the coast of Norway.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. Feb. 28th, 1782,304
Prospects of peace.—The Ministry favorably disposed.
Edmund Burke to B. Franklin. London, February 28th, 1782,305
Resolution of the House of Commons.—Mr Laurens.
To the Count de Vergennes. Passy, March 3d, 1782,306
Relative to the complaints of the Danish Court.—Expects redress for the seizure of American prizes in Danish ports.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, March 4th, 1782,308
Complaints against American cruisers.—Influence and services of M. de Lafayette.—Changes in the British Ministry.—Unfriendly disposition of the King.—Relations with France.—Financial arrangements of Mr Morris.—American prisoners.—Arrival and reception of Cornwallis and Arnold in England.—Mr Deane's discontents; his vindication of Arnold.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, March 9th, 1782,314
Address of the House of Commons to the King against continuing the war in America.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, March 9th, 1782,315
Enclosing a letter from the Superintendent of Finance.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March 11th, 1782,315
Mr Digges appointed by the Ministry to inquire if any persons are authorised to treat.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March 12th, 1782,316
Enclosing the Parliamentary proceedings respecting the war with America; prelude to a general bill to enable the administration to treat.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March 21st, 1782,318
Dissolution of the Ministry.—Is desirous of negotiating the peace.
T. Digges to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, March 22d, 1782,320
Appointed by the Ministry to inquire if any persons in Europe are commissioned by Congress to treat and to make known the disposition of the Ministry to open negotiations for a truce.—His communications with Mr Adams.
John Adams to B. Franklin. The Hague, March 26th, 1782,325
Interview with Mr Digges; opposes the plan of a truce.—Many cities in Holland declare in favor of American independence.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, March 30th, 1782,328
Policy of the Ministry; to divide America, and to separate America and France.—Singular language of the bill empowering the King to treat.
To John Adams. Passy, March 31st, 1782,329
Mr. Digges's mission.—Delays of Holland and Spain.
To David Hartley. Passy, March 31st, 1782,330
The five Commissioners empowered to treat.
To David Hartley. Passy, April 5th, 1782,331
Has no confidence in Digges.—The Commissioners are ready to treat.—Reconciliation spoken of in the Parliamentary proceedings more than a mere peace.—Acts necessary to effect it.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, April 8th, 1782,334
The new Ministry.—Recommending the Prince de Broglie.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, April 12th, 1782,335
Encloses a copy of his commission, empowering him to treat.—Treaties and instructions forbid their treating without France.
M. de Rayneval to B. Franklin. Versailles, April 12th, 1782,336
The French Minister approves his reply to Mr Hartley.—Proposals of the British Ministry for a separate treaty with France by Mr Forth.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, April 12th, 1782,338
The new Ministry endeavor to gain over Holland.—Capture of St Joseph (Illinois) by the Spaniards.
To David Hartley. Passy, April 13th, 1782,340
Insincerity of the late Ministry in their proposals for reconciliation; endeavoring at the same time to treat separately with France.
To John Adams. Passy, April 13th, 1782,341
Mr Forth's mission to the French Ministry; Canada offered to France to induce her to treat separately; answer of the French Court.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, April 23d, 1782,342
Enclosing the complaint of the Danish Court on account of the capture of a Danish vessel.
David Hartley to B. Franklin, London, May 1st, 1782,343
The late Ministry wished for peace on prudential grounds, not for reconciliation; proposal of a separate peace was intended to excite distrust in France. His breviate laid before the Ministry, calculated to divest the war with America of hatred and jealousy against France.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, May 22d, 1782,353
Enclosing a letter to the King; resolutions of Congress on the application of Sir Guy Carleton to forward despatches, and on the subject of prisoners in England.—Disposition towards France in America.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, May 25th, 1782,356
Release of the American prisoners in England.—Prospect of reconciliation.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, May 30th, 1782,357
Memorial on the subject of prize money due Captain Jones.—Inquires why the Danish Court applies to France on account of injuries of American cruisers.—Affair of Captain Huddy, who was hanged by a party of soldiers.
Richard Oswald to B. Franklin. Paris, June 5th, 1782,362
Desiring the discharge of Lord Cornwallis's parole.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, June 5th, 1782,363
Promises to comply with the request to discharge Lord Cornwallis.
John Adams to B. Franklin. The Hague, June 13th, 1782,364
Mr Grenville only empowered to treat with France; the Ministry will be unwilling to make any concessions.—The Dutch are disposed to an alliance with America.—Policy of Russia.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, June 23d, 1782,366
People in America not disposed to a separate treaty.—Affairs of Captain Huddy.—Case of the Ernten.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, June 25th, 1782,368
An additional six millions cannot be obtained from France.—Mr Grenville is sent with full powers to treat with all the belligerent powers together.—Is joined by Mr Jay.—An act of Parliament was considered necessary to authorise the exchange of the American prisoners, as they were committed for high treason.—The Swedish Ambassador expresses a wish to treat with Dr Franklin.—Services of M. Dumas.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, June 29th, 1782,373
Discharges Lord Cornwallis from his parole.—The intentions of the British Ministry seem to change with success.—Disinclination of the King to America.—Agents are sent by the Ministry into America to attempt a separate treaty.
JOURNAL.
From March 21st to July 1st, 1782. Passy, May 9th, 1782,376
Reasons for keeping a Journal.—Visited by Lord Cholmondely, by whom he transmits the following.
To Lord Shelburne. Passy, March 22d, 1782,377
Desires a general peace.
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. London, April 6th, 1782,378
Lord Shelburne appointed Secretary of State; sends Mr Oswald to confer with Dr Franklin.
Henry Laurens to B. Franklin. London, April 7th, 1782,379
Introducing Mr Oswald.—Desires to effect his exchange.—Conversation with Mr Oswald, in which Dr Franklin declares that America will only treat in concert with France.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, April 15th, 1782,381
Stating the mission of Mr Oswald and his proceedings thereon, as above.—Mr Oswald has an interview with M. de Vergennes, and returns to England.
To Lord Shelburne. Passy, April 18th, 1782,383
M. de Vergennes declares the King ready to treat in concurrence with his allies.—Details of his conversation with Mr Oswald, as given in the succeeding letter to Mr Adams.
Notes for conversation,388
To John Adams. Passy, April 20th, 1792,391
In a conversation with Mr Oswald, he observed that if England desires a reconciliation much reparation must be made, that the advantage to the commerce of England from a peace would depend on a reconciliation, without which the peace would not be durable, that it would be politic for England to offer to cede Canada.—Desires the presence of Mr Adams and Mr Laurens.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, April 20th, 1792,393
Details of Mr Oswald's proceedings.
John Adams to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, April 16th, 1782,394
Giving an account of his interview with Mr Laurens at Haerlem.—Suggests the necessity of the session of Canada and Nova Scotia, or at least a stipulation that no troops nor fortifications should be maintained on the frontiers.—Mr Laurens represents the new Ministry as feeble and insincere, the nation as desirous of a general peace.—Mr Adams proposes to Dr Franklin to receive no other messenger who is not a plenipotentiary.
To John Adams. Passy, April 21st, 1782,397
The act of Parliament for exchanging American prisoners as prisoners of war, is a tacit acknowledgement of independence.—Circumstances in Holland favorable for obtaining a loan.
John Adams to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782,399
Plan of a triple or quadruple alliance.—Difficulty of obtaining a loan in Holland.
Henry Laurens to B. Franklin. London, April 20th, 1782,401
Requesting the discharge of Lord Cornwallis in return for his own enlargement.—Disposition in England is become favorable to the acknowledgement of independence, and to a general peace.
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. Shelburne House, April 20th, 1782,403
Mr Oswald is sent back to settle the time and place of treating.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, May 4th, 1782,406
Mr Oswald brings information that it has been agreed in Council to treat at Paris of a general peace, and that Mr Grenville will be sent for that purpose.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, May 5th, 1782,407
Appointing an interview with Mr Oswald.
To John Adams. Passy, May 8th, 1782,408
Mr Oswald intimates that the Ministry will acknowledge the independence of America, on condition that Britain is left in the same condition as at the peace of 1763.
Charles J. Fox to B. Franklin. St James, May 1st, 1782,409
Expresses his wishes for a reconciliation.—Mr Grenville is acquainted with his sentiments.—Journal continued; Mr Grenville represents England as ready to treat with all the powers.—Dr Franklin accompanies him on an interview with the Count de Vergennes.—They maintain that England should expect no concessions in return for the acknowledgment of independence, which was already conquered by America.—Dr Franklin sees Lafayette, who expresses a wish to be sent to England.
To Mr Secretary Fox. Passy, May 10th, 1782,415
To Lord Shelburne. Passy, May 10th, 1782,416
Time of treating not yet settled.—Discharge of American prisoners.
To Lord Shelburne. Passy, May 13th, 1782,418
Desires that Mr Oswald may be sent to treat.—Journal continued.—Conversation with Mr Grenville relative to the obligations of America to France.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, May 3d, 1782,421
Favorable prospect of reconciliation.
To David Hartley. Passy, May 13th, 1782,422
The release of the American prisoners will tend to promote a reconciliation.—Journal continued; Ministers of the European powers determined not to return the visits of the American Ministers.—Anecdote of the Russian Minister and the Count du Nord.
Henry Laurens to B. Franklin. Ostend, May 17th, 1782,425
Declines engaging in the negotiations.—His opinions coincide with those of Dr Franklin.—Lord Cornwallis desires to be discharged.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, May 25th, 1782,429
Nations are never satisfied with the terms of a peace.—Discharge of Lord Cornwallis.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, May 13th, 1782,433
Relative to his proceedings with the new Ministry.—Proposes the following preliminaries; the British troops to be withdrawn from America; a truce made, which shall be converted into a peace, in case of a peace with the allies of America.—Journal continued.—Mr Grenville states that he has received full powers to treat with France and her allies.—The power relates only to France.
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. Whitehall, May 28th, 1782,440
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. Whitehall, May 29th, 1782,440
Mr Oswald has received orders to return to Paris, with the necessary instructions.—Journal continued; Mr Grenville explains the omission of America in the power.—His instructions are full, empowering him to acknowledge the independence of America.—Conversation on the resolution of the Americans not to treat without the allies.—Mr Grenville suggests the question, whether it includes Holland and Spain? whether it would be adhered to in regard to France at all events?
To Mr Grenville. Passy, May 31st, 1782,445
Releasing Captain McLeod conditionally from his parole.
To John Adams. Passy, June 2d, 1782,446
Giving an account of affairs as above related in the Journal.—Suspects the omission of America in Mr Grenville's power.—Journal continued; Mr Oswald states that peace is absolutely necessary, that no more money can be raised.
Lord Shelburne to Richard Oswald. Whitehall, May 21st, 1782,449
Relative to Mr Walpole's appointment to negotiate.—Journal continued; Memorandums of Lord Shelburne; that Commissioners be appointed, or any character given to Mr Oswald, which he and Dr Franklin think proper for treating; that compensation be made to the loyalists.—Conversation with Mr Oswald on those points.—Russian offer of mediation to Holland.
W. H. Hartley to B. Franklin. Soho Square, May 24th, 1782,455
Journal continued; Release of Lord Cornwallis.—Extract from the Evening Post relative to information obtained by Mr Grenville in his visit to Dr Franklin; erroneous statements.—Policy of Russia to mediate a peace between Britain and Holland, and continue the general war.—Major Ross declines receiving the conditional discharge of Lord Cornwallis.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, June 11th, 1782,460
Discharge of Lord Cornwallis.—Journal continued.—Conversation with the Count de Vergennes relative to the attempts to separate France and America; suggests the propriety of a treaty between the allies, to support each other in case of a subsequent war by England against either.—Mr Ross accepts Lord Cornwallis's conditional discharge.—M. Boeris informs that Holland will decline the mediation of Russia for a separate treaty. Mr Grenville receives full powers, authorising him to treat with any other Prince or State.—Empowered to acknowledge the independence of America previous to the treaty, and to propose the peace of 1763 as a basis.—Suggests a doubt whether Great Britain will allow America to be designated by the expression State.—Comparison of Mr Fox and Lord Shelburne; of Mr Oswald and Mr Grenville.
M. de Lafayette to B. Franklin. Versailles, Thursday morning, June 20th, 1782,471
Count de Vergennes proposes to meet Mr Grenville, and adopt measures for an official communication to the allies.—Journal continued.—Arrival of Mr Jay.—Visit to the Count de Vergennes, who expresses a doubt of the sincerity of the British Court.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, June 27th, 1782,474
Expresses a wish that he should be employed to treat.—Doubts whether the word State in Mr Grenville's powers would apply to America, the Enabling Act not having then been passed.—Journal continued.—British Agents in America to propose a reunion with Great Britain.—Interview with the Spanish Minister.—Journal closes.
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, July 2d, 1782,477
Delays in the opening of the negotiation.—Suggests doubts of the sincerity of the British Ministers.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 5th, 1782,478
Enclosing public papers.
Note from M. de Lafayette to B. Franklin. Paris, July 9th, 1782,479
Mr Grenville's express arrives.
To M. de Lafayette. Passy, July 9th, 1782,479
Mr Grenville informs him of changes in the Minister.—No change is made in the disposition for peace.
To David Hartley. Passy, July 10th, 1782,480
Complains of the delays in the opening of the negotiation.—Suspicions.
To Benjamin Vaughan. Passy, July 10th, 1782,481
Proposing certain ameliorations in the conduct of wars.
To Benjamin Vaughan. Passy, July 11th, 1782,483
Plan of Lord Shelburne for a reunion of America under a separate Parliament.—The plan impracticable.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, July 12th, 1782,484
Rumors that Lord Shelburne's opposition to the absolute acknowledgment of American independence was the cause of Mr Fox's resignation.
To the Earl of Shelburne. Passy, July 12th, 1782,485
Congratulations on his appointment to the treasury.
To M. de Lafayette. Passy, July 24th, 1782,485
Delays in the negotiations.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, July 26th, 1782,486
Townshend appointed Secretary for Foreign Affairs.—Mr Oswald receives a place in that department.
Lord Grantham to B. Franklin. Whitehall, July 26th, 1782,488
Sincerity of the Ministers.—Mr Fitzherbert.
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. Shelburne House, July 27th, 1782,488
Acknowledgments for his congratulations.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, July 28th, 1782,489
Affair of Captain Asgill.—Justification of the proceedings of General Washington.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, August 8th, 1782,491
Mr Oswald informs him that his commission is in preparation.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, August 8th, 1782,491
Requesting a visit.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, August 9th, 1782,492
Letter of General Carleton and Admiral Digby to General Washington, declaring that a negotiation for a general peace is opened on the ground of independence.—Compensation to loyalists; fisheries; western lands.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Aug 12th, 1782,494
Accounts between France and the United States; the sum of eighteen millions has been received, exclusive of the Holland loan, for which the King is guaranty; twelve millions of this a free gift.—Sweden ready to treat.—Affairs of the expedition of Commodore Jones.—Medals and monument in commemoration of the victories of Yorktown and Saratoga.—Delays in the negotiation.
To Robert Morris. Passy, Aug. 12th, 1782,498
Difficulty of obtaining more supplies.—State of Beaumarchais's accounts.—State of the United States' funds in Europe.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, August 16th, 1782,502
Regrets the delays in the negotiations.—Believes the Ministry sincere.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
COMMISSIONER AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT OF FRANCE, AND COMMISSIONER FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE
At the beginning of the Revolution, Dr Franklin was in England, where he had resided several years as an agent for Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, New Jersey and Georgia. He returned to America in the spring of 1775, and was shortly after elected a member of Congress. In that body he held the rank, to which his great talents and patriotism entitled him, and was chosen one of the Committee of Secret Correspondence for transacting foreign affairs.
On the 26th of September, 1776, he was elected a Commissioner to the Court of France, in conjunction with Silas Deane and Thomas Jefferson. Immediately after his appointment he hastened preparations for his departure. Meantime Mr Jefferson declined serving, and Arthur Lee was chosen in his place. Dr Franklin set off from Philadelphia on his voyage, October 26th, and entered Quiberon Bay, on the coast of France, November 29th, after a fatiguing passage. He was now seventyone years of age. He proceeded to Nantes, where he remained a few days to recruit himself, and arrived in Paris about the 20th of December. Here he found Mr Deane, and they were soon after joined by Mr Lee.
Little was done by the Commissioners in Paris for more than a year, as France was not then prepared to take an open part against England. The success of the American arms against Burgoyne became the turning point in the French Cabinet, and they immediately consented to make treaties of amity and commerce with the United States, which were definitively signed on the 6th of February, 1778. This great work being finished, Congress deemed it expedient to dissolve the Commission by appointing a Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France. The choice fell on Dr Franklin, and, notwithstanding his advanced age, and the arduous nature of the office, he accepted the appointment, and discharged the entire duties of it to the end of the Revolution.
While holding the place of joint Commissioner in France, Congress elected him, on the 1st of January, 1777, to a separate mission to the Court of Spain. Upon this mission, however, he never entered, and it was afterwards transferred to Arthur Lee.
Towards the close of the war, Dr Franklin strenuously urged Congress to permit him to return to his own country, requesting that a successor might be sent out, whose years and strength would better qualify him to endure the labors and perform the services of his station. But Congress did not listen to this petition. His counsels and experience were thought essential to the management of the important concerns then pending. He took a leading part in all the negotiations for peace, and, in conjunction with John Adams, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, signed the preliminary articles, November 30th, 1782, and the definitive treaty, September 3d, 1783. On the 3d of April, of the same year, he concluded a treaty of amity and commerce, with the Swedish Minister in Paris, between Sweden and the United States.
Mr Jefferson at length arrived in Paris as his successor, and Dr Franklin returned to Philadelphia in September, 1785, after an absence of nine years, during the whole of which time he had been engaged in a most active, laborious, and successful service for his country.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
TO JOHN HANCOCK, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Nantes, December 8th, 1776.
Sir,
In thirty days after we left the Capes of Delaware, we came to an anchor in Quiberon Bay. I remained on board four days, expecting a change of wind proper to carry the ship into the river Loire; but the wind seemed fixed in an opposite quarter. I landed at Aury, and with some difficulty got hither, the road not being well supplied with means of conveyance. Two days before we saw land, we met a brigantine from Bordeaux belonging to Cork, and another from Rochefort belonging to Hull, both of which were taken. The first had on board staves, tar, turpentine, and claret; the other coniac brandy and flaxseed. There is some difficulty in determining what to do with them, as they are scarce worth sending to America, and the mind of the French Court, with regard to prizes brought into their ports, is not yet known. It is certainly contrary to their treaties with Britain, to permit the sale of them, and we have no regular means of trying and condemning them. There are, however, many here, who would purchase prizes, we having already had several offers from persons who are willing to take upon themselves all consequences as to the illegality. Captain Wickes, as soon as he can get his refreshment, intends to cruise in the channel.
Our friends in France have been a good deal dejected with the Gazette accounts of advantages obtained against us by the British troops. I have helped them here to recover their spirits a little, by assuring them that we still face the enemy, and were under no apprehension of their armies being able to complete their junction. I understand that Mr Lee has lately been at Paris, that Mr Deane is still there, and that an underhand supply is obtained from the government of two hundred brass field pieces, thirty thousand firelocks, and some other military stores, which are now shipping for America, and will be convoyed by a ship of war. The Court of England (Mr Penet tells me, from whom I have the above intelligence) had the folly to demand Mr Deane to be delivered up, but were refused.
Our voyage, though not long, was rough, and I feel myself weakened by it, but I now recover strength daily, and in a few days shall be able to undertake the journey to Paris. I have not yet taken any public character, thinking it prudent first to know whether the Court is ready and willing to receive Ministers publicly from the Congress, that we may neither embarrass her on the one hand, nor subject ourselves to the hazard of a disgraceful refusal on the other. I have despatched an express to Mr Deane, with the letters that I had for him from the Committee, and a copy of our commission, that he may immediately make the proper inquiries, and give me information. In the mean time I find it generally supposed here, that I am sent to negotiate, and that opinion appears to give great pleasure, if I can judge by the extreme civilities I meet with from numbers of the principal people, who have done me the honor to visit me.
I have desired Mr Deane, by some speedy and safe means, to give Mr Lee notice of his appointment. I find several vessels here laden with military stores for America, just ready to sail; on the whole, there is the greatest prospect that we shall be well provided for another campaign, and much stronger than we were last. A Spanish fleet has sailed with seven thousand land forces foot and some horse. Their destination unknown, but supposed against the Portuguese in Brazil. Both France and England are preparing strong fleets, and it is said, that all the powers of Europe are preparing for war, apprehending that a general one cannot be very far distant. When I arrive at Paris I shall be able to write with more certainty. I beg you to present my duty to Congress, and assure them of my most faithful endeavors in their service.
With the sincerest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Nantes, December 8th, 1776.
Gentlemen,
After a short but rough passage of thirty days, we anchored in Quiberon Bay, the wind not suiting to enter the Loire. Captain Wickes did everything in his power to make the voyage comfortable to me; and I was much pleased with what I saw of his conduct as an officer, when on supposed occasions we made preparation for engagement, the good order and readiness with which it was done, being far beyond my expectations, and I believe equal to anything of the kind in the best ships of the king's fleet. He seems to have also a very good set of officers under him. I hope they will all in good time be promoted. He met and took two prizes, brigantines, one belonging to Cork, laden with staves, pitch, tar, turpentine, and claret; the other to Hull, with a cargo of flaxseed and brandy. The captains have made some propositions of ransom, which, perhaps, may be accepted, as there is yet no means of condemning them here, and they are scarce worth sending to America. The ship is yet in Quiberon Bay, with her prizes. I came hither from thence, seventy miles, by land. I am made extremely welcome here, where America has many friends. As soon as I have recovered strength enough for the journey, which I hope will be in a very few days, I shall set out for Paris. My letter to the President will inform you of some other particulars.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. December 10th. I have just learnt that eighty pieces of cannon, all brass, with carriages, braces, and everything fit for immediate service, were embarked in a frigate from Havre, which is sailed; the rest were to go in another frigate of thirtysix guns.
FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Baltimore, January 1st, 1777.
Sir,
Congress, relying on your wisdom and integrity, and well knowing the importance of the case, have appointed you their Commissioner to negotiate a treaty of friendship and commerce with the Court of Spain.[1] The idea of Congress on this subject you will find in the instructions sent by this opportunity to yourself, and the other Commissioners, at the Court of France. Your commission for this special service we have now the honor to enclose you.
We are, with great respect and esteem, honorable Sir, yours, &c.
B. HARRISON, R. H. LEE, J. WITHERSPOON, W. HOOPER.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Paris, January 4th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I arrived here about two weeks since, where I found Mr Deane. Mr Lee has since joined us from London. We have had an audience of the Minister, Count de Vergennes, and were respectfully received. We left for his consideration a sketch of the proposed treaty.[2] We are to wait upon him tomorrow with a strong memorial, requesting the aids mentioned in our instructions. By his advice, we have had an interview with the Spanish Ambassador, Count d'Aranda, who seems well disposed towards us, and will forward copies of our memorials to his Court, which will act, he says, in perfect concert with this.
Their fleets are said to be in fine order, manned and fit for sea. The cry of this nation is for us, but the Court, it is thought, views an approaching war with reluctance. The press continues in England. As soon as we can receive a positive answer from these Courts, we shall despatch an express with it.
I am, Gentlemen, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, January 20th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
The bearer, Captain Balm, is strongly recommended to me as a very able officer of horse, and capable of being extremely useful to us, in forming a body of men for that service. As he has otherwise an excellent character, I take the liberty of recommending him to my friends as a stranger of merit, worthy of their civilities, and to the Congress as an officer, who if employed may greatly serve a cause, which he has sincerely at heart.
With great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO THE COUNT D'ARANDA, SPANISH AMBASSADOR TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.
Passy,[3] April 7th, 1777.
Sir,
I left in your Excellency's hands, to be communicated, if you please, to your Court, a duplicate of the commission from Congress, appointing me to go to Spain as their Minister Plenipotentiary. But, as I understand, that the receiving such a Minister is not at present thought convenient, and I am sure the Congress would have nothing done that might incommode in the least a Court they so much respect, I shall therefore postpone that journey till circumstances may make it more suitable. In the mean time, I beg leave to lay before his Catholic Majesty, through the hands of your Excellency, the propositions contained in a resolution of Congress, dated December 30th, 1776, viz.
"That if His Catholic Majesty will join with the United States in a war against Great Britain, they will assist in reducing to the possession of Spain the town and harbor of Pensacola; provided the inhabitants of the United States shall have the free navigation of the Mississippi, and the use of the harbor of Pensacola; and will, (provided it shall be true, that his Portuguese Majesty has insultingly expelled the vessels of these States from his ports, or has confiscated any such vessels,) declare war against the said King, if that measure shall be agreeable to, and supported by, the Courts of France and Spain."
It is understood, that the strictest union subsists between those two Courts; and in case Spain and France should think fit to attempt the conquest of the English sugar islands, Congress have further proposed to furnish provisions to the amount of two millions of dollars, and to join the fleet employed on the occasion, with six frigates of not less than twentyfour guns each, manned and fitted for service; and to render any other assistance which may be in their power, as becomes good allies; without desiring for themselves the possession of any of the said islands.
These propositions are subject to discussion, and to receive such modification as may be found proper.
With great respect, I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Paris, June 13th, 1777.
Sir,
The bearer, M. le Comte Kotkouski, a Polish officer, is recommended to me by several persons of worth here, as a man of experience in military affairs, and of tried bravery. He has lost his family and estate in Poland, by fighting there in the cause of liberty, and wishes, by engaging in the same cause, to find a new country and new friends in America. Count Pulaski, who was a General of the confederates in Poland, and who is gone to join you, is esteemed one of the greatest officers in Europe. He can give you the character of this M. Kotkouski, who served under him as Lieutenant Colonel.
It is with regret that I give letters of introduction to foreign officers, fearing that you may be troubled with more than you can provide for, or employ to their and your own satisfaction. When particular cases seem to have a claim to such letters, I hope you will excuse my taking the liberty. I give no expectations to those who apply for them; I promise nothing, I acquaint them that their being placed when they arrive is a great uncertainty, and that the voyage being long, expensive, and hazardous, I counsel them not to undertake it. This honest gentleman's zeal is not to be discouraged by such means; he determines to go and serve as a volunteer, if he cannot be employed immediately as an officer; but I wish and hope that your Excellency may find a better situation for him, and that he will be a useful officer. He has the advantage of understanding English, and will soon speak it intelligibly. He also speaks German, and some other European languages, and the Latin.
With the truest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Paris, June 13th, 1777.
Sir,
The person, who will have the honor of delivering this to your Excellency, is Monsieur le Baron de Frey, who is well recommended to me as an officer of experience and merit, with a request that I would give him a letter of introduction. I have acquainted him, that you are rather overstocked with officers, and that his obtaining employment in your army is an uncertainty; but his zeal for the American cause is too great for any discouragements I can lay before him, and he goes over at his own expense, to take his chance, which is a mark of attachment that merits our regard. He will show your Excellency the commissions and proofs of his military service hitherto, and I beg leave to recommend him to your notice.
With the sincerest esteem and respect,
B. FRANKLIN.
M. DUBOURG TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Paris, September 8th, 1777
My dear Sir,
I should be much obliged to you, if you would be so good as to give a letter of recommendation to some one of the chiefs of your army, in favor of a young man full of courage, and also of distinguished talents, who is at Bordeaux, ready to embark for America, where he proposes to settle himself in Pennsylvania, after having served in quality of volunteer, or otherwise, during the war. His name is Gerard. He carries with him a little adventure, sufficient for supporting him some years, and afterwards, if it is there customary, his father will make over to him his portion. I interest myself particularly in his favor, because he is the brother in law of one of our honestest commissaries.
I have the honor to wish you a good day, and to reiterate the assurances of my inviolable attachment.
DUBOURG.
TO RICHARD PETERS.
Passy, September 12th, 1777.
Sir,
The bearer Monsieur Gerard is recommended to me by M. Dubourg, a gentleman of distinction here, and a hearty friend to our cause. I enclose his letter, that you may see the favorable manner in which he speaks of M. Gerard. I thereupon take the liberty of recommending the young gentleman, to your civilities and advice, as he will be quite a stranger there, and to request that you would put him in the way of serving as a volunteer in our armies.
I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
REMARKS ON A LOAN FOR THE UNITED STATES.[4]
In borrowing money, a man's credit depends on some, or all, of the following particulars.
First, His known conduct respecting former loans, and his punctuality in discharging them.
Secondly, His industry.
Thirdly, His frugality.
Fourthly, The amount and the certainty of his income, and the freedom of his estate from the incumbrances of prior debts.
Fifthly, His well founded prospects of greater future ability, by the improvement of his estate in value, and by aids from others.
Sixthly, His known prudence in managing his general affairs, and the advantage they will probably receive from the loan which he desires.
Seventhly, His known probity and honest character, manifested by his voluntary discharge of debts, which he could not have been legally compelled to pay. The circumstances, which give credit to an individual, ought to have, and will have, their weight upon the lenders of money to public bodies or nations. If then we consider and compare Britain and America in these several particulars, upon the question, "To which is it safest to lend money?" We shall find,
1. Respecting former loans, that America, who borrowed ten millions during the last war, for the maintenance of her army of 25,000 men and other charges, had faithfully discharged and paid that debt, and all her other debts, in 1772. Whereas Britain, during those ten years of peace and profitable commerce, had made little or no reduction of her debt; but on the contrary, from time to time, diminished the hopes of her creditors, by a wanton diversion and misapplication of the sinking fund destined for discharging it.
2. Respecting industry; every man in America is employed; the greater part in cultivating their own lands, the rest in handicrafts, navigation, and commerce. An idle man there is a rarity; idleness and inutility are disgraceful. In England the number of that character is immense, fashion has spread it far and wide; hence the embarrassments of private fortunes, and the daily bankruptcies arising from a universal fondness for appearance and expensive pleasures, and hence, in some degree, the mismanagement of public business; for habits of business, and ability in it, are acquired only by practice; and where universal dissipation, and the perpetual pursuit of amusement are the mode, the youth educated in it can rarely afterwards acquire that patient attention and close application to affairs, which are so necessary to a statesman charged with the care of national welfare. Hence their frequent errors in policy, and hence the weariness at public councils, and backwardness in going to them, the constant unwillingness to engage in any measure that requires thought and consideration, and the readiness for postponing every new proposition; which postponing is therefore the only part of business they come to be expert in, an expertness produced necessarily by so much daily practice. Whereas in America, men bred to close employment in their private affairs attend with ease to those of the public when engaged in them, and nothing fails through negligence.
3. Respecting frugality; the manner of living in America is more simple and less expensive than in England, plain tables, plain clothing, and plain furniture in houses prevail, with few carriages of pleasure, there an expensive appearance hurts credit and is avoided, in England it is often assumed to gain credit, and continued to ruin. Respecting public affairs, the difference is still greater. In England the salaries of officers and emoluments of office are enormous. The king has a million sterling per annum, and yet cannot maintain his family free of debt, secretaries of state, lords of treasury, admiralty, &c. have vast appointments, an auditor of the exchequer has sixpence in the pound, or a fortieth part of all the public money expended by the nation; so that when a war costs forty millions, one million is paid to him; an inspector of the mint, in the last new coinage, received as his fee £65,000 sterling per annum; to all which rewards no service these gentlemen can render the public is by any means equivalent. All this is paid by the people, who are oppressed by taxes so occasioned, and thereby rendered less able to contribute to the payment of necessary national debts. In America, salaries, where indispensable, are extremely low; but much of the public business is done gratis. The honor of serving the public ably and faithfully is deemed sufficient. Public spirit really exists there, and has great effects. In England it is universally deemed a nonentity, and whoever pretends to it is laughed at as a fool, or suspected as a knave. The committees of Congress which form the board of war, the board of treasury, the board of foreign affairs, the naval board, that for accounts, &c. all attend the business of their respective functions without any salary or emolument whatever, though they spend in it much more of their time, than any lord of the treasury or admiralty in England can spare from his amusements. A British Minister lately computed, that the whole expense of the Americans in their civil government, over three millions of people, amounted to but £70,000 sterling, and drew from thence a conclusion, that they ought to be taxed, until their expense was equal in proportion to that which it costs Great Britain to govern eight millions. He had no idea of a contrary conclusion, that if three millions may be well governed for £70,000, eight millions may be as well governed for three times that sum, and that therefore the expense of his own government should be diminished. In that corrupted nation, no man is ashamed of being concerned in lucrative government jobs, in which the public money is egregiously misapplied and squandered, the treasury pillaged, and more numerous and heavy taxes accumulated, to the great oppression of the people. But the prospect of a greater number of such jobs by a war is an inducement with many to cry out for war upon all occasions, and to oppose every proposition of peace. Hence the constant increase of the national debt, and the absolute improbability of its ever being discharged.
4. Respecting the amount and certainty of income, and solidity of security, the whole thirteen States of America are engaged for the payment of every debt contracted by the Congress, and the debt to be contracted by the present war is the only debt they will have to pay; all, or nearly all, the former debts of particular Colonies being already discharged. Whereas England will have to pay not only the enormous debt this war must occasion, but all their vast preceding debt, or the interest of it,—and while America is enriching itself by prizes made upon the British commerce, more than ever it did by any commerce of its own under the restraints of a British monopoly and the diminution of its revenues and of course, less able to discharge the present indiscreet increase of its expenses.
5. Respecting prospect of greater future ability, Britain has none such. Her islands are circumscribed by the ocean, and excepting a few parks or forests, she has no new land to cultivate, and cannot therefore extend her improvements. Her numbers, too, instead of increasing from increased subsistence, are continually diminishing from growing luxury, and the increasing difficulties of maintaining families, which of course discourage early marriages. Thus she will have fewer people to assist in paying her debts, and that diminishing number will be poorer. America, on the contrary, has, besides her lands already cultivated, a vast territory yet to be cultivated; which, being cultivated, continually increases in value with the increase of people; and the people, who double themselves by a natural propagation every twentyfive years, will double yet faster by the accession of strangers, as long as lands are to be had for new families; so that every twenty years there will be a double number of inhabitants obliged to discharge the public debts; and those inhabitants being more opulent may pay their shares with greater ease.
6. Respecting prudence in general affairs, and the advantages to be expected from the loan desired; the Americans are cultivators of land; those engaged in fishery and commerce are few, compared with the others. They have ever conducted their several governments with wisdom, avoiding wars and vain expensive projects, delighting only in their peaceable occupations, which must, considering the extent of their uncultivated territory, find them employment still for ages. Whereas England, ever unquiet, ambitious, avaricious, imprudent, and quarrelsome, is half of the time engaged in war, always at an expense infinitely greater than the advantages to be obtained by it, if successful. Thus they made war against Spain in 1739, for a claim of about £95,000, (scarce a groat for each individual of the nation) and spent forty millions sterling in the war, and the lives of fifty thousand men; and finally made peace without obtaining satisfaction for the sum claimed. Indeed, there is scarce a nation in Europe, against which she has not made war on some frivolous pretext or other, and thereby imprudently accumulated a debt, that has brought her on the verge of bankruptcy. But the most indiscreet of all her wars is the present against America, with whom she might for ages have preserved her profitable connexion only by a just and equitable conduct. She is now acting like a mad shop keeper, who, by beating those that pass his doors, attempts to make them come in and be his customers. America cannot submit to such treatment, without being first ruined, and, being ruined, her custom will be worth nothing. England, to effect this, is increasing her debt, and irretrievably ruining herself. America, on the other hand, aims only to establish her liberty, and that freedom of commerce which will be advantageous to all Europe; and by abolishing that monopoly which she labored under, she will profit infinitely more than enough to repay any debt, which she may contract to accomplish it.
7. Respecting character in the honest payment of debts; the punctuality with which America has discharged her public debts was shown under the first head. And the general good disposition of the people to such punctuality has been manifested in their faithful payment of private debts to England, since the commencement of this war. There were not wanting some politicians (in America) who proposed stopping that payment, until peace should be restored, alleging, that in the usual course of commerce, and of the credit given, there was always a debt existing equal to the trade of eighteen months; that the trade amounting to five millions sterling per annum, the debt must be seven millions and a half; that this sum paid to the British merchants would operate to prevent that distress, intended to be brought upon Britain, by our stoppage of commerce with her; for the merchants receiving this money, and no orders with it for further supplies, would either lay it out in public funds, or in employing manufactures to accumulate goods for a future hungry market in America upon an expected accommodation, by which means the funds would be kept up and the manufacturers prevented from murmuring. But against this it was alleged, that injuries from ministers should not be revenged on merchants; that the credit was in consequence of private contracts made in confidence of good faith; that these ought to be held sacred and faithfully complied with; for that, whatever public utility might be supposed to arise from a breach of private faith, it was unjust, and would in the end be found unwise, honesty being in truth the best policy. On this principle the proposition was universally rejected; and though the English prosecuted the war with unexampled barbarity, burning our defenceless towns in the midst of winter, and arming savages against us; the debt was punctually paid, and the merchants of London have testified to the Parliament, and will testify to all the world, that from their experience in dealing with us they had, before the war, no apprehension of our unfairness, and that since the war they have been convinced that their good opinion of us was well founded. England, on the contrary, an old, corrupt government, extravagant and profligate nation, sees herself deep in debt, which she is in no condition to pay, and yet is madly and dishonestly running deeper, without any possibility of discharging her debt but by a public bankruptcy.
It appears, therefore, from the general industry, frugality, ability, prudence, and virtue of America, that she is a much safer debtor than Britain; to say nothing of the satisfaction generous minds must have in reflecting, that by loans to America they are opposing tyranny, and aiding the cause of liberty, which is the cause of all mankind.
TO DAVID HARTLEY, MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT.
Passy, October 14th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
I received duly your letter of May 2d, 1777, including a copy of one you had sent me the year before, which never came to hand, and which it seems has been the case with some I wrote to you from America. Filled, though our letters have always been, with sentiments of good will to both countries, and earnest desires of preventing their ruin and promoting their mutual felicity, I have been apprehensive that if it were known that a correspondence subsisted between us, it might be attended with inconvenience to you. I have therefore been backward in writing, not caring to trust the post, and not well knowing who else to trust with my letters. But being now assured of a safe conveyance, I venture to write to you, especially as I think the subject such a one as you may receive a letter upon without censure.
Happy should I have been, if the honest warnings I gave, of the fatal separation of interests as well as of affections, that must attend the measures commenced while I was in England, had been attended to, and the horrid mischief of this abominable war been thereby prevented. I should still be happy in any successful endeavors for restoring peace, consistent with the liberties, the safety, and the honor of America. As to our submitting to the government of Great Britain, it is vain to think of it. She has given us, by her numberless barbarities, (by her malice in bribing slaves to murder their masters, and savages to massacre the families of farmers, with her baseness in rewarding the unfaithfulness of servants, and debauching the virtue of honest seamen, intrusted with our property) in the prosecution of the war, and in the treatment of the prisoners, so deep an impression of her depravity, that we never again can trust her in the management of our affairs and interests. It is now impossible to persuade our people, as I long endeavored, that the war was merely ministerial, and that the nation bore still a good will to us. The infinite number of addresses printed in your gazettes, all approving the conduct of your government towards us, and encouraging our destruction by every possible means, the great majority in Parliament constantly manifesting the same sentiments, and the popular public rejoicings on occasion of any news of the slaughter of an innocent and virtuous people, fighting only in defence of their just rights; these, together with the recommendations of the same measures by even your celebrated moralists and divines, in their writings and sermons, that are still approved and applauded in your great national assemblies, all join in convincing us, that you are no longer the magnanimous enlightened nation we once esteemed you, and that you are unfit and unworthy to govern us, as not being able to govern your own passions.
But, as I have said, I should be nevertheless happy in seeing peace restored. For though if my friends and the friends of liberty and virtue, who still remain in England, could be drawn out of it, a continuance of this war to the ruin of the rest would give me less concern. I cannot, as that removal is impossible, but wish for peace for their sakes, as well as for the sake of humanity, and preventing further carnage.
This wish of mine, ineffective as it may be, induces me to mention to you, that between nations long exasperated against each other in war, some act of generosity and kindness towards prisoners on one side has softened resentment, and abated animosity on the other, so as to bring on an accommodation. You in England, if you wish for peace, have at present the opportunity of trying this means with regard to the prisoners now in your gaols. They complain of very severe treatment. They are far from their friends and families, and winter is coming on, in which they must suffer extremely, if continued in their present situation; fed scantily on bad provisions, without warm lodging, clothes, or fire, and not suffered to invite or receive visits from their friends, or even from the humane and charitable of their enemies.
I can assure you, from my own certain knowledge, that your people, prisoners in America, have been treated with great kindness; they have been served with the same rations of wholesome provisions with our own troops, comfortable lodgings have been provided for them, and they have been allowed large bounds of villages in the healthy air, to walk and amuse themselves with on their parole. Where you have thought fit to employ contractors to supply your people, these contractors have been protected and aided in their operations. Some considerable act of kindness towards our people would take off the reproach of inhumanity in that respect from the nation, and leave it where it ought with more certainty to lay on the conductors of your war in America. This I hint to you, out of some remaining good will to a nation I once loved sincerely. But as things are, and in my present temper of mind, not being over fond of receiving obligations, I shall content myself with proposing, that your government would allow us to send or employ a commissary to take some care of those unfortunate people. Perhaps on your representations this might speedily be obtained in England, though it was refused most inhumanly at New York.
If you could have leisure to visit the gaols in which they are confined, and should be desirous of knowing the truth relative to the treatment they receive, I wish you would take the trouble of distributing among the most necessitous according to their wants, five or six hundred pounds, for which your drafts on me here shall be punctually honored. You could then be able to speak with some certainty to the point in Parliament, and this might be attended with good effects.
If you cannot obtain for us permission to send a commissary, possibly you may find a trusty, humane, discreet person at Plymouth, and another at Portsmouth, who would undertake to communicate what relief we may be able to afford those unfortunate men, martyrs to the cause of liberty. Your king will not reward you for taking this trouble, but God will. I shall not mention the gratitude of America; you will have what is better, the applause of your own good conscience. Our captains have set at liberty above two hundred of your people, made prisoners by our armed vessels and brought into France, besides a great number dismissed at sea on your coasts, to whom vessels were given to carry them in. But you have not returned us a man in exchange. If we had sold your people to the Moors at Sallee, as you have many of ours to the African and East India Companies, could you have complained?
In revising what I have written, I found too much warmth in it, and was about to strike out some parts. Yet I let them go, as they will afford you this one reflection; "If a man naturally cool, and rendered still cooler by old age, is so warmed by our treatment of his country, how much must those people in general be exasperated against us? And why are we making inveterate enemies by our barbarity, not only of the present inhabitants of a great country, but of their infinitely more numerous posterity; who will in future ages detest the name of Englishman, as much as the children in Holland now do those of Alva and Spaniard." This will certainly happen, unless your conduct is speedily changed, and the national resentment falls, where it ought to fall heavily, on your ministry, or perhaps rather on the king, whose will they only execute.
With the greatest esteem and affection, and best wishes for your prosperity, I have the honor to be, dear sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Paris, December 21st, 1777.
Sir,
I see in a vote of Congress, shown me by Captain Franval, that Mr Deane is disowned in some of his agreements with officers. I, who am upon the spot, and know the infinite difficulty of resisting the powerful solicitations of great men, who if disobliged might have it in their power to obstruct the supplies he was then obtaining, do not wonder, that being then a stranger to the people, and unacquainted with the language, he was at first prevailed on to make some such agreements, when all were recommended, as they always are, as officiers expérimentés, braves comme leurs epeés, pleins de courage, des talents, et de zèle, pour notre cause, &c. &c. in short mere Cesars, each of whom would have been an invaluable acquisition to America. You can have no conception how we are still besieged, and worried on this head, our time cut to pieces by personal applications, besides those contained in dozens of letters by every post, which are so generally refused, that scarce one in a hundred obtains from us a simple recommendation to civilities.
I hope, therefore, that favorable allowance will be made to my worthy colleague, on account of his situation at the time, as he has long since corrected that mistake, and daily approves himself to my certain knowledge an able, faithful, active, and extremely useful servant of the public, a testimony I think it my duty to take this occasion of giving to his merit, unasked, as, considering my great age, I may probably not live to give it personally in Congress, and I perceive he has enemies.
You will see the general news in the papers in particular, I can only say at present, that our affairs go well here, and that
I am, with much respect, Sir, &c
B. FRANKLIN[5]
TO JAMES HUTTON.[6]
Passy, February 1st, 1778.
My dear old Friend,
You desired, that if I had no proposition to make, I would at least give my advice.
I think it is Ariosto who says, that all things lost on earth, are to be found in the moon; on which somebody remarked, that there must be a great deal of good advice in the moon. If so there is a good deal of mine formerly given and lost in this business. I will, however, at your request give a little more, but without the least expectation, that it will be followed; for none but God can at the same time give good counsel, and wisdom to make use of it.
You have lost by this mad war, and the barbarity with which it has been carried on, not only the government and commerce of America, and the public revenues and private wealth arising from that commerce, but what is more, you have lost the esteem, respect, friendship, and affection of all that great and growing people, who consider you at present, and whose posterity will consider you, as the worst and wickedest nation upon earth. A peace you may undoubtedly obtain, by dropping all your pretensions to govern us; and by your superior skill in huckstering negotiation, you may possibly make such an apparently advantageous bargain, as shall be applauded in your Parliament; but if you cannot, with the peace, recover the affections of that people, it will not be a lasting nor a profitable one, nor will it afford you any part of that strength, which you once had by your union with them, and might (if you had been wise enough to take advice) have still retained.
To recover their respect and affection, you must tread back the steps you have taken.
Instead of honoring and rewarding the American advisers and promoters of this war, you should disgrace them; with all those who have inflamed the nation against America by their malicious writings; and all the ministers and generals who have prosecuted the war with such inhumanity. This would show a national change of disposition, and a disapprobation of what had passed.
In proposing terms, you should not only grant such as the necessity of your affairs may evidently oblige you to grant, but such additional ones as may show your generosity, and thereby demonstrate your good will. For instance, perhaps you might, by your treaty, retain all Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas. But if you would have a real friendly as well as able ally in America, and avoid all occasion of future discord, which will otherwise be continually arising on your American frontiers, you should throw in those countries. And you may call it, if you please, an indemnification for the burning of their towns, which indemnification will otherwise be some time or other demanded.
I know your people will not see the utility of such measures, and will never follow them, and even call it insolence and impudence in me to mention them. I have, however, complied with your desire, and am, as ever, your affectionate friend,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. February 12th, 1778. I wrote the above some time before I received yours, acquainting me with your speedy and safe return, which gave me pleasure. I doubted after I had written it, whether it would be well to send it; for as your proud nation despises us exceedingly, and demands and expects absolute and humble submission, all talk of treaty must appear imprudence, and tend to provoke rather than conciliate. As you still press me by your last to say something, I conclude to send what I had written, for I think the advice is good, though it must be useless; and I cannot, as some amongst you desire, make propositions, having none committed to me to make; but we can treat if any are made to us; which however we do not expect. I abominate with you all murder, and I may add, that the slaughter of men in an unjust cause is nothing less than murder; I therefore never think of your present ministers and their abettors, but with the image strongly painted in my view, of their hands, red, wet, and dropping with the blood of my countrymen, friends, and relations. No peace can be signed by those hands.
Peace and friendship will, nevertheless, subsist for ever between Mr Hutton and his affectionate friend,
B.F.
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, February 12th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
A thousand thanks for your so readily engaging in the means of relieving our poor captives, and the pains you have taken, and the advances you have made for that purpose. I received your kind letter of the 3d instant, and send you enclosed a bill of one hundred pounds. I much approve of Mr Wren's prudent, as well as benevolent conduct in the disposition of the money, and wish him to continue doing what shall appear to him and to you to be right, which I am persuaded will appear the same to me and my colleagues here. I beg you will present him, when you write, my respectful acknowledgments.
Your "earnest caution and request, that nothing may ever persuade America to throw themselves into the arms of France, for that times may mend, and that an American must always be a stranger in France, but that Great Britain may for ages to come be their home," marks the goodness of your heart, your regard for us, and love of your country. But when your nation is hiring all the cut-throats it can collect, of all countries and colors, to destroy us, it is hard to persuade us not to ask or accept aid from any power, that may be prevailed with to grant it; and this only from the hope, that though you now thirst for our blood, and pursue us with fire and sword, you may in some future time treat us kindly. This is too much patience to be expected of us; indeed I think it is not in human nature.
The Americans are received and treated here in France with a cordiality, a respect, and affection they never experienced in England when they most deserved it; and which is now (after all the pains taken to exasperate the English against them, and render them odious as well as contemptible) less to be expected there than ever. And I cannot see why we may not, upon an alliance, hope for a continuance of it, at least as much as the Swiss enjoy, with whom France have maintained a faithful friendship for two hundred years past, and whose people appear to live here in as much esteem as the natives. America has been forced and driven into the arms of France. She was a dutiful and virtuous daughter. A cruel mother in law turned her out of doors, defamed her, and sought her life. All the world knows her innocence, and takes her part; and her friends hope soon to see her honorably married. They can never persuade her return and submission to so barbarous an enemy. In her future prosperity, if she forgets and forgives, it is all that can be reasonably expected of her. I believe she will make as good and useful a wife as she did a daughter, that her husband will love and honor her, and that the family, from which she was so wickedly expelled, will long regret the loss of her.
I know not whether a peace with us is desired in England; I rather think it is not at present, unless on the old impossible terms of submission and receiving pardon. Whenever you shall be disposed to make peace upon equal and reasonable terms, you will find little difficulty, if you get first an honest Ministry. The present have all along acted so deceitfully and treacherously, as well as inhumanly, towards the Americans, that I imagine, that the absolute want of all confidence in them will make a treaty, at present, between them and the Congress impracticable.
The subscription for the prisoners will have excellent effects in favor of England and Englishmen. The Scotch subscriptions for raising troops to destroy us, though amounting to much greater sums, will not do their nation half so much good. If you have an opportunity, I wish you would express our respectful acknowledgments and thanks to your committee and contributors, whose benefactions will make our poor people as comfortable as their situation can permit. Adieu, my dear friend. Accept my thanks for the excellent papers you enclosed to me. Your endeavors for peace, though unsuccessful, will always be a comfort to you, and in time, when this mad war shall be universally execrated, will be a solid addition to your reputation.
I am ever, with the highest esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. An old friend of mine, Mr Hutton, a chief of the Moravians, who is often at the Queen's palace, and is sometimes spoken to by the King, was over here lately. He pretended to no commission, but urged me much to propose some terms of peace, which I avoided. He has written to me since his return, pressing the same thing, and expressing with some confidence his opinion, that we might have everything short of absolute independence, &c. Enclosed I send my answers open, that you may read them, and if you please copy, before you deliver or forward them. They will serve to show you more fully my sentiments, though they serve no other purpose.
B. F.
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, February 26th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received yours of the 18th and 20th of this month, with Lord North's proposed bills. The more I see of the ideas and projects of your Ministry, and their little arts and schemes of amusing and dividing us, the more I admire the prudent, manly, and magnanimous propositions contained in your intended motion for an address to the King. What reliance can we have on an act expressing itself to be only a declaration of the intention of Parliament, concerning the exercise of the right of imposing taxes in America, when in the bill itself, as well as in the title, a right is supposed and claimed, which never existed; and a present intention only is declared not to use it, which may be changed by another act next session, with a preamble, that this intention being found expedient, it is thought proper to repeal this act, and resume the exercise of the right in its full extent. If any solid permanent benefit was intended by this, why is it confined to the Colonies of North America, and not extended to the loyal ones in the sugar islands? But it is now endless to criticise, as all acts that suppose your future government of the Colonies can be no longer significant.
In the act for appointing Commissioners, instead of full powers to agree upon terms of peace and friendship, with a promise of ratifying such treaty as they shall make in pursuance of those powers, it is declared, that their agreements shall have no force nor effect, nor be carried into execution till approved of by Parliament; so that every thing of importance will be uncertain. But they are allowed to proclaim a cessation of arms, and revoke their proclamation, as soon as in consequence of it our militia have been allowed to go home; they may suspend the operation of acts, prohibiting trade, and take off that suspension when our merchants, in consequence of it, have been induced to send their ships to sea; in short, they may do everything that can have a tendency to divide and distract us, but nothing that can afford us security. Indeed, Sir, your Ministers do not know us. We may not be quite so cunning as they, but we have really more sense, as well as more courage, than they have ever been willing to give us credit for; and I am persuaded, these acts will rather obstruct peace than promote it, and that they will not answer in America the mischievous and malevolent ends for which they were intended. In England they may indeed amuse the public creditors, give hopes and expectations, that shall be of some present use, and continue the mismanagers a little longer in their places. Voila tout!
In return for your repeated advice to us, not to conclude any treaty with the House of Bourbon, permit me to give (through you) a little advice to the whigs in England. Let nothing induce them to join with the tories in supporting and continuing this wicked war against the whigs of America, whose assistance they may hereafter want to secure their own liberties; or whose country they may be glad to retire to for the enjoyment of them.
If peace, by a treaty with America upon equal terms, were really desired, your Commissioners need not go there for it; supposing, as by the bill they are empowered "to treat with such person or persons, as in their wisdom and discretion they shall think meet," they should happen to conceive, that the Commissioners of the Congress at Paris might be included in that description.
I am ever, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Seriously, on further thoughts, I am of opinion, that if wise and honest men, such as Sir George Saville, the Bishop of St Asaph, and yourself, were to come over here immediately with powers to treat, you might not only obtain peace with America, but prevent a war with France.
TO JAMES HUTTON.
Passy, March 24th, 1778.
My dear old friend was in the right, not "to call in question the sincerity of my words, where I say, February the 12th, we can treat if any propositions are made to us." They were true then, and are so still, if Britain has not declared war with France; for in that case we shall undoubtedly think ourselves obliged to continue the war as long as she does. But methinks you should have taken us at our word, and have sent immediately your propositions in order to prevent such a war, if you did not choose it. Still I conceive it would be well to do it, if you have not already rashly begun the war. Assure yourself, nobody more sincerely wishes perpetual peace among men than I do; but there is a prior wish, that they would be equitable and just, otherwise such peace is not possible, and indeed wicked men have no right to expect it.
Adieu! I am ever yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
NOTE FROM WILLIAM PULTNEY TO B. FRANKLIN.[7]
March 29th, 1778.
Mr Williams returned this morning to Paris, and will be glad to see Dr Franklin, whenever it is convenient for the Doctor, at the Hotel Frasiliere, Rue Tournon. It is near the hotel where he lodged when the Doctor saw him a fortnight ago. He does not propose to go abroad, and therefore the Doctor will find him at any hour. He understands that Mr Alexander is not yet returned from Dijon, which he regrets.
TO WILLIAM PULTNEY.
Passy, March 30th, 1778.
Sir,
When I first had the honor of conversing with you on the subject of peace, I mentioned it as my opinion, that every proposition, which implied our voluntarily agreeing to return to a dependence on Britain, was now become impossible; that a peace on equal terms undoubtedly might be made; and that though we had no particular powers to treat of peace with England, we had general powers to make treaties of peace, amity, and commerce, with any State in Europe, by which I thought we might be authorised to treat with Britain; who, if sincerely disposed to peace, might save time and much bloodshed by treating with us directly.
I also gave it as my opinion, that in the treaty to be made, Britain should endeavor, by the fairness and generosity of the terms she offered, to recover the esteem, confidence, and affection of America, without which the peace could not be so beneficial, as it was not likely to be lasting; in this I had the pleasure to find you of my opinion.
But I see by the propositions you have communicated to me, that the Ministers cannot yet divest themselves of the idea, that the power of Parliament over us is constitutionally absolute and unlimited; and that the limitations they may be willing now to put to it by treaty are so many favors, or so many benefits, for which we are to make compensation.
As our opinions in America are totally different, a treaty on the terms proposed appears to me utterly impracticable, either here or there. Here we certainly cannot make it, having not the smallest authority to make even the declaration specified in the proposed letter, without which, if I understood you right, treating with us cannot be commenced.
I sincerely wish as much for peace as you do, and I have enough remaining of good will for England to wish it for her sake as well as for our own, and for the sake of humanity. In the present state of things, the proper means of obtaining it, in my opinion, are to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and then enter at once into a treaty with us for a suspension of arms, with the usual provisions relating to distances; and another for establishing peace, friendship, and commerce, such as France has made. This might prevent a war between you and that kingdom, which in the present circumstances and temper of the two nations an accident may bring on every day, though contrary to the interest and without the previous intention of either. Such a treaty we might probably now make, with the approbation of our friends; but if you go to war with them, on account of their friendship for us, we are bound by ties, stronger than can be formed by any treaty, to fight against you with them, as long as the war against them shall continue.
May God at last grant that wisdom to your national councils, which he seems long to have denied them, and which only sincere, just, and humane intentions can merit or expect.
With great personal esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO DR BANCROFT.
Passy, April 16th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I wish you would assure our friend, that Dr Franklin never gave any such expectations to Mr Pultney. On the contrary, he told him, that the commissioners could not succeed in their mission, whether they went to recover the dependence or to divide. His opinion is confirmed by the enclosed resolves, which perhaps it may not be amiss to publish in England. Please to send me the newspaper.
Yours affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, April 23d, 1778
Dear Sir,
I will take care of all your commissions. This moment a second packet of infinite value is received, which I shall cherish as a mark of affection from you. I opened the letter by mistake, which came with it, and soon saw it was not for me. I hope you will excuse it. I choose rather to throw myself upon your goodness for the excuse, than anything else. I shall not set out till between one and two; therefore, if you will be so good as to send me another copy, I will take care of it and deliver it safely.