Volume 3 — CONTENTS (continued 4)

Until Mr Laurens shall arrive, Mr Adams is commissioned and empowered to undertake that business, and, in case of his disability, Mr Dana is in like manner commissioned and empowered.

We are, Sir, your humble servants,

JAMES LOVELL, W. C. HOUSTON.

THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.

Sir,

We are to communicate to you, that Congress entertain a favorable sense of the attention and services of Mons. de Chezaulx, His Most Christian Majesty's Consul at the port of Bergen in Norway, in the late affair of the prizes sent in there by the squadron commanded by Captain Jones, and we beg you will present, through the proper channel, the acknowledgment to be made for the polite respect shown to the interests of the citizens of these States.

We are, Sir, your very humble servants,

JAMES LOVELL, W. C. HOUSTON.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO H. DOHRMAN, MERCHANT, LISBON.

Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780.

Sir,

Mr George Anderson, of Virginia, having informed us of the humane and benevolent attention uniformly given by you to the citizens of these States, who have been so unfortunate as to be captivated at sea and carried into the ports of Portugal, we represented the same to Congress, to whom it gave much pleasure to know, that those men had found a patron and friend disposed to alleviate their distresses.

The enclosed Resolve constitutes you an Agent of Congress, and you will, from time to time, receive powers and instructions from that body through this Committee. At present we need only say in general, that the affairs of the citizens of America, applying for relief in captivity, are committed to your discretion, and your countenance and advice in matters of business are solicited for others.

We wish to learn from you in what manner you would be repaid, trusting that though the war in which this republic is engaged oppresses it with expense, and calls now for all its resources, you will by no means fail in the end of compensation.

You must be governed in your advances on account of these United States more by that economy, which their circumstances make essential, than by the liberality of your own habits, which American subjects in distress will probably but too often stimulate. You ought to know that Doctor Franklin and others, who have advanced monies to Americans under the misfortune of captivity, have transmitted receipts regularly, so that due charges may be made against those who are in public service, and repayment may be had of those who are in condition to make it while in private employ.

You will correspond with our Ministers and Agents in France, Spain, and Holland, whenever you may thereby promote the interests of these United States, for which you have manifested already so much regard.

We are, Sir, your most humble servants,

JAMES LOVELL, WILLIAM C. HOUSTON.

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

London, July 17th, 1780.

My Dear Friend,

Enclosed I send you a copy of a conciliatory bill,[22] which was proposed in the House of Commons on the 27th of last month. It was rejected. You and I have had so much intercourse upon the subject of restoring peace between Great Britain and America, that I think there is nothing further left to be said upon the subject. You will perceive by the general tenor of the bill, that it proposes a general power to treat. It chalks out a line of negotiation in very general terms. I remain in the sentiments which I ever have, and which I believe I ever shall entertain, viz. those of seeking peace upon honorable terms. I shall always be ready, and most desirous to join in any measures which may facilitate peace.

I am ever your most affectionate,

D. HARTLEY.

TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, July 26th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I wrote to Messrs de Neufville by the last post, in answer to theirs of the 14th. I hope they received my letter. It signified, that I could accept the bills drawn on Mr Laurens. I find by a vote of Congress on the 4th of March, that they then stopped drawing, and I am informed no more bills have been issued since. I could not relish those gentlemen's proposal of mortgaging all our estates, for the little money Holland is likely to lend us. But I am obliged to them for their zeal in our cause.

I received, and thank you for the protest relating to the election of the coadjutor. You seem to be too much affected with the taking of Charleston. It is so far a damage to us, as it will enable the enemy to exchange a great part of the prisoners we had in our hands, otherwise their affairs will not be much advanced by it. They have successively been in possession of the capitals of five provinces, viz. Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New York, and Georgia; but were not therefore in possession of the provinces themselves. New York and Georgia still continue their operations as free States; and so I suppose will South Carolina. The cannon will be recovered with the place; if not, our furnaces are constantly at work in making more. The destroying of our ships by the English, is only like shaving our beards, which will grow again. Their loss of provinces is like the loss of a limb, which can never again be united to their body. I was sorry to hear of your indisposition. Take care of yourself. Honey is a good thing for obstructions in the reins. I hope your health is by this time re-established.

I am less committed than you imagine in the affair between Jones and Landais. The latter was not dispossessed by me of his command, but quitted it. He afterwards took it into his head to resume it, which the former's too long stay at Paris gave him an opportunity of effecting. Captain Jones is going in the Ariel frigate to America, where they may settle their affairs as they can.

The captain commandant of Dunkirk, who occasioned the loss of our despatches, is himself taken by the English. I have no doubt of the truth of what Mr White told you about the facility with which the tax was collected.

The same Baron de Wulffen has not pleased me, having left little debts behind him unpaid, though I furnished him with twenty guineas. As he had been with his brother at Venloo, before he saw you, where he might get money, I wonder at his borrowing of you.

This will be delivered to you by his Excellency John Adams, whom I earnestly recommend to your best civilities. He has never been in Holland, and your counsels will be of use to him.

My best wishes attend you, being ever, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, August 9th, 1780.

Sir,

With this your Excellency will receive a copy of my last, dated May 31st, the original of which, with copies of preceding letters, went by the Alliance, Captain Landais, who sailed the beginning of last month, and who I wish may arrive safe in America, being apprehensive that by her long delay in port, from the mutiny of the people, who after she was ready to sail refused to weigh anchor till their wages were paid, she may fall in the way of the English fleet now out, or that her crew, who have ever been infected with disorder and mutiny, may carry her into England. She had, on her first coming out, a conspiracy for that purpose, besides which, her officers and Captain quarrelled with each other, the Captain with Commodore Jones, and there have been so many broils among them, that it was impossible to get the business forward while she staid, and she is at length gone, without taking the quantity of stores she was capable of taking, and was ordered to take.

I suppose the conduct of that Captain will be inquired into by a Court Martial. Captain Jones goes home in the Ariel, a ship we have borrowed of government here, and carries one hundred and fortysix chests of arms, and four hundred barrels of powder. To take the rest of the stores, I have been obliged to freight a ship, which being well armed and well manned will, I hope, get in safe. The clothes for ten thousand men are, I think, all made up; there are also arms for fifteen thousand, new and good, with two thousand barrels of powder. Besides this, there is a great quantity of cloth I have bought, of which you will have the invoices sent by Mr Williams; another large quantity purchased by Mr Ross; all going in the same ship.

The little authority we have here to govern our armed ships, and the inconvenience of distance from the ports, occasion abundance of irregularities in the conduct of both men and officers. I hope, therefore, that no more of those vessels will be sent hither, till our code of laws is perfected respecting ships abroad, and proper persons appointed to manage such affairs in the sea ports. They give me infinite trouble; and though I endeavor to act for the best, it is without satisfaction to myself, being unacquainted with that kind of business. I have often mentioned the appointment of a consul or consuls. The Congress have, perhaps, not yet had time to consider that matter.

Having already sent you, by different conveyances, copies of my proceedings with the Court of Denmark, relative to the three prizes delivered up to the English, and requested the instructions of Congress, I hope soon to receive them. I mentioned a letter from the Congress to that Court, as what I thought might have a good effect. I have since had more reasons to be of that opinion.

The unexpected delay of Mr Deane's arrival has retarded the settlement of the joint accounts of the commission, he having had the chief management of the commercial part, and being therefore best able to explain difficulties. I have just now the pleasure to hear that the Fier Rodrique, with the convoy from Virginia, arrived at Bordeaux all safe except one tobacco ship, that foundered at sea, the men saved, and I have a letter from Mr Deane that he is at Rochelle, proposes to stop a few days at Nantes, and then proceed to Paris, when I shall endeavor to see that business completed with all possible expedition.

Mr Adams has given offence to the Court here, by some sentiments and expressions contained in several of his letters written to the Count de Vergennes. I mention this with reluctance, though perhaps it would have been my duty to acquaint you with such a circumstance, even were it not required of me by the Minister himself. He has sent me copies of the correspondence, desiring I would communicate them to Congress; and I send them herewith.[23] Mr Adams did not show me his letters before he sent them. I have, in a former letter to Mr Lovell, mentioned some of the inconveniences that attend the having more than one Minister at the same Court, one of which inconveniences is, that they do not always hold the same language, and that the impressions made by one, and intended for the service of his constituents, may be effaced by the discourse of the other. It is true, that Mr Adams's proper business is elsewhere, but the time not being come for that business, and having nothing else here wherewith to employ himself, he seems to have endeavored supplying what he may suppose my negotiations defective in. He thinks, as he tells me himself, that America has been too free in expressions of gratitude to France; for that she is more obliged to us than we to her; and that we should show spirit in our applications. I apprehend that he mistakes his ground, and that this Court is to be treated with decency and delicacy. The King, a young and virtuous Prince, has, I am persuaded, a pleasure in reflecting on the generous benevolence of the action in assisting an oppressed people, and proposes it as a part of the glory of his reign. I think it right to increase this pleasure by our thankful acknowledgments, and that such an expression of gratitude is not only our duty, but our interest. A different conduct seems to me what is not only improper and unbecoming, but what may be hurtful to us. Mr Adams, on the other hand, who, at the same time means our welfare and interest as much as I, or any man can do, seems to think a little apparent stoutness, and a greater air of independence and boldness in our demands, will procure us more ample assistance. It is for the Congress to judge and regulate their affairs accordingly.

M. de Vergennes, who appears much offended, told me yesterday that he would enter into no further discussions with Mr Adams, nor answer any more of his letters. He is gone to Holland to try, as he told me, whether something might not be done to render us less dependent on France. He says the ideas of this Court and those of the people in America are so totally different, that it is impossible for any Minister to please both. He ought to know America better than I do, having been there lately, and he may choose to do what he thinks will best please the people of America. But when I consider the expressions of Congress in many of their public acts, and particularly in their letter to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, of the 24th of May last, I cannot but imagine that he mistakes the sentiments of a few for a general opinion. It is my intention, while I stay here, to procure what advantages I can for our country, by endeavoring to please this Court; and I wish I could prevent anything being said by any of our countrymen here, that may have a contrary effect, and increase an opinion lately showing itself in Paris, that we seek a difference, and with a view of reconciling ourselves to England. Some of them have of late been very indiscreet in their conversations.

I have received, eight months after their date, the instructions of Congress relating to a new article for guarantying the fisheries. The expected negotiations for a peace appearing of late more remote, and being too much occupied with other affairs, I have not hitherto proposed that article. But I purpose doing it next week. It appears so reasonable and equitable, that I do not foresee any difficulty. In my next I shall give you an account of what passes on the occasion.

The silver medal ordered for the Chevalier de Fleury, has been delivered to his order here, he being gone to America. The others for Brigadier General Wayne, and Colonel Stewart, I shall send by the next good opportunity.

The two thousand pounds I furnished to Messrs Adams and Jay, agreeable to an order of Congress, for themselves and Secretaries, being nearly expended, and no supplies to them arriving, I have thought it my duty to furnish them with further sums, hoping the supplies promised will soon arrive to reimburse me, and enable me to pay the bills drawn on Mr Laurens in Holland, which I have engaged for, to save the public credit, the holders of those bills threatening otherways to protest them. Messrs de Neufvilles of Amsterdam had accepted some of them. I have promised those gentlemen to provide for the payment before they become due, and to accept such others as shall be presented to me. I hear, and hope it is true, that the drawing of such bills is stopped, and that their number and value is not very great.

The bills drawn in favor of M. de Beaumarchais for the interest of his debt are paid.

The German Prince, who gave me a proposal some months since for furnishing troops to the Congress, has lately desired an answer. I gave no expectation that it was likely you would agree to such a proposal, but being pressed to send it to you, it went with some of my former letters.

M. Fouquet, who was employed by Congress to instruct people in making gunpowder, is arrived here, after a long passage; he has requested me to transmit a memorial to Congress, which I do enclosed.

The great public event in Europe of this year, is the proposal by Russia of an armed neutrality for protecting the liberty of commerce. The proposition is accepted now by most of the maritime powers. As it is likely to become the law of nations, that free ships should make free goods, I wish the Congress to consider, whether it may not be proper to give orders to their cruisers not to molest foreign ships, but conform to the spirit of that treaty of neutrality.

The English have been much elated with their success at Charleston. The late news of the junction of the French and Spanish fleets, has a little abated their spirits; and I hope that junction, and the arrival of the French troops and ships in North America, will soon produce news, that may afford us also in our turn some satisfaction.

Application has been made to me here, requesting that I would solicit Congress to permit the exchange of William John Mawhood, a Lieutenant in the 17th regiment, taken prisoner at Stony Point, July 15th, 1779, and confined near Philadelphia, or if the exchange cannot conveniently be made, that he may be permitted to return to England on his parole. By doing this at my request, the Congress will enable me to oblige several friends of ours, who are persons of merit and distinction in this country.

Be pleased, Sir, to present my duty to Congress, and believe me to be, with great respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. A similar application has been made to me in favor of Richard Croft, Lieutenant in the 20th regiment, a prisoner at Charlottesville. I shall be much obliged by any kindness shown to that young gentleman, and so will some friends of ours in England, who respect his father.

B. F.

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Passy, August 10th, 1780.

Sir,

I received on the 12th of June, 1780, copies of your several favors of April the 29th, 1779, June the 13th, 1779, July the 9th and 16th, August and September the 16th, 1779. You will see by this what delays our correspondence sometimes meets with. I have lately received two of fresher date, viz. February the 24th, and May the 4th. I thank you much for the newspapers and journals you have from time to time sent me; I endeavor to make full returns in the same way. I could furnish a multitude of despatches with confidential informations taken out of the papers I send you, if I chose to deal in that kind of manufacture; I know the whole art of it, for I have had several volunteer correspondents in England, who have in their letters for years together communicated to me secrets of state, extracted from the newspapers, which sometimes came to hand in those papers by the same post, and sometimes by the post before. You and I send the papers themselves. Our letters may appear the leaner, but what fat they have is their own.

I wrote to you the 17th of October, and the 16th of March, and have sent duplicates, some of which I hope got to hand. You mention receiving one of September the 30th, and one of December the 30th, but not that of October the 17th. The cypher you have communicated, either from some defect in your explanation, or in my comprehension, is not yet of use to me; for I cannot understand by it the little specimen you have written in it. If you have that of M. Dumas, which I left with Mr Morris, we may correspond by it when a few sentences are required only to be written in cypher, but it is too tedious for a whole letter.

I send herewith copies of the instruments annulling the 11th and 12th articles of the treaty.[24] The treaty printed here by the Court omitted them, and numbered the subsequent articles accordingly.

I write fully to the President. The frequent hinderances the Committee of Correspondence meet with in writing as a committee, which appear from the excuses in your particular letters, and the many parts of my letters, that have long been unanswered, incline me to think, that your foreign correspondence would be best managed by one secretary, who could write when he had an opportunity, without waiting for the concurrence or opinions of his brethren, who cannot always be got conveniently together. My chief letters will, therefore, for the future be addressed to the President, till further orders.

I send you enclosed some more of Mr Hartley's letters. He continues passionately to desire peace with America, but wishes we could be separated from France.

With great esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, August 15th, 1780.

Sir,

Though I cannot procure the signatures of the Committee of Foreign Affairs at this moment, nor the resolve of Congress respecting bills to be drawn on you for one hundred thousand dollars, passed two or three days ago, the bills payable at ninety days sight, yet I should be blameable if I did not thus far notify you. The breach upon our taxes at the southward by the possession, which the enemy have there, made this disagreeable step necessary for the express purpose of supporting General Gates in that department.

Notwithstanding the mention made in our journals long ago of giving you a Secretary, no vote has lately been taken for the purpose.

Mr Laurens will be able, on any questions from you in corresponding, to give you whatever the gazettes do not convey. I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

P. S. August 27th, 1780. I now add the resolves.

JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.

September 7th, 1780.

Sir,

With triplicate and duplicate of former dates I have to enclose to you some further proceedings of Congress, respecting bills of exchange drawn upon you, and to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of May the 31st. I think I can venture now to assure you, that not a single draft more will be made upon you, let the occasion be ever so pressing; but you must be entreated to work with all energy as to the past. You cannot conceive of the whole train of necessities, which led to such decisions, after what you had written. Congress have lately called for three millions more than formerly, estimating in silver, to be paid by the last of December. Nothing but the weight of taxes will put an end to the levity with which our currency is treated.

New York has empowered its delegates to cede part of her western claims, and it is recommended to others to relinquish also a portion, and Maryland is anew invited to close the ratification of the confederating articles. We must as a whole show more vigor than of late.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, October 2d, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I received duly your several letters of the 12th, 15th, 17th, 19th, and 21st of September. I am much pleased with the intelligence you sent me, and with the papers you have had printed.

Mr Searle is a military officer in the Pennsylvania troops, and a member of Congress. He has some commission to execute for that province, but none that I know of from Congress. He has an open letter for you from Mr Lovell, which he has shown me. It is full of expressions of his esteem; and I understand from Mr Searle, that you stand exceedingly well with the Committee and with the Congress in general. I am sorry to see any marks of uneasiness and apprehension in your letters. M. Chaumont tells me, that you want some assurance of being continued. The Congress itself is changeable at the pleasure of their electors, and none of their servants have, or can have, any such assurance. If, therefore, anything better for you, and more substantial should offer, nobody can blame you for accepting it, however satisfied they may be with your services. But as to the continuance of what you may enjoy, or of something as valuable in the service of the Congress, I think you may make yourself easy, for your appointment seems more likely to be increased than diminished, though it does not belong to me to promise anything.

Mr Laurens was to sail three days after Mr Searle, who begins to fear he must be lost, as it was a small vessel he intended to embark in. He was bound directly to Holland.

I enclose some extracts of letters from two French officers of distinction in the army of M. de Rochambeau, which are pleasing, as they mark the good intelligence that subsists between the troops, contrary to the reports circulated by the English.

They will do perhaps for your Leyden Gazette.

With great esteem and affection, I am ever, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, October 9th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I received yours of the 29th of September and 3d of October. It is a very good addition you have made to your Memoir for the Ministers of Russia and Sweden. I am glad to find you are again on such good terms with the Ambassador, as to be invited to his comedy. I doubt not of your continuing to cultivate that good understanding. I like much your insertions in the gazettes. Such things have good effects.

Your information relative to the transactions at Petersburgh and in Denmark are very interesting, and afforded me a good deal of satisfaction, particularly the former. Mr Searle will have the pleasure of seeing you. I recommend him warmly to your civilities. He is much your friend, and will advise Mr Laurens to make you his secretary, which I hope you will accept. I have given it as my opinion, that Mr L. can nowhere find one better qualified, or more deserving. The choice is left to that Minister, and he is empowered to give a salary of £500 sterling a year. I am in pain on account of his not being yet arrived, but I hope you will see him soon. I request you would find means to introduce Mr Searle to the Portuguese Ambassador. Pray consider the enclosed papers, and after advising with your friend, give me your opinion as to the manner of the application to the States-General, whether I should make it through their Ambassador, or directly with a letter to the Grand Pensionary, or in what other manner. You know we wrote to him formerly, and received no answer.

With great esteem, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. You say nothing of Mr Adams? How do you stand with him? What is he doing?

JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, October 28th, 1780.

Sir,

A Committee was appointed on the 6th to draft "a letter to our Ministers at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, to enforce the instructions given by Congress to Mr Jay, by their resolutions of the 4th instant, and so to explain the reasons and principles on which the same are founded, that they may respectively be enabled to satisfy those Courts of the justice and equity of the intentions of Congress."

That Committee reported a draft of a letter to Mr Jay, "and that a copy of it be communicated to Doctor Franklin, together with the resolution directing the draft."

There is no member of the Committee for Foreign Affairs attending Congress but myself, nor have the Committee had a secretary or a clerk since T. Paine's resignation. I must entreat you, therefore, Sir, to excuse the economy of my request, that you would transmit to Mr Jay all the papers which happen to reach you directed for him, taking copies of such as are left open, for your information. I persuade myself you will readily communicate to Mr Adams what appears so much connected with his commission, though it has not been specially ordered by the report of the Committee on the draft.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

TO SIR GREY COOPER, BARONET, SECRETARY TO THE TREASURY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Passy, November 7th, 1780.

Sir,

I understand that Mr Laurens, an American gentleman, for whom I have a great esteem, is a prisoner in the Tower, and that his health suffers by the closeness and rigor of his confinement. As I do not think that your affairs receive any advantage from the harshness of this proceeding, I take the freedom of requesting your kind interposition, to obtain for him such a degree of air and liberty, on his parole or otherwise, as may be necessary for his health and comfort. The fortune of war, which is daily changing, may possibly put it in my power to do the like good office for some friend of yours, which I shall perform with much pleasure, not only for the sake of humanity, but in respect to the ashes of our former friendship.

With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

CHARLES VERNON, LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR OF THE TOWER OF LONDON, TO SIR GREY COOPER.

Hampstead, November 27th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I am much ashamed to think that I shall appear so dilatory in answering the favor of your letter, but the truth is, I was not in town when the messenger left it in Cork Street, and by the neglect of my servants I received it only on Sunday last. I went immediately to the Tower, to know from Mr Laurens himself if he had any cause of complaint, and if he had availed himself of the indulgence allowed him by the Secretary of State, of walking within the Tower whenever it was agreeable to himself. His answer to me was full and frank to the questions, that he had received every reasonable indulgence since his confinement, and that by the liberty allowed him of walking, he found his health much mended. He said, at the same time, that he had always thought himself highly honored by the distinguished place of his confinement, and regretted much it was not in his power to make known to all the world, the acknowledgments he had more than once made to me upon this subject.

I beg you will do me the favor to communicate these particulars to Lord George Germain as soon as convenient.

I have the honor to be, dear Sir, &c.

CHARLES VERNON.

SIR GREY COOPER TO B. FRANKLIN.

London, November 29th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the honor of your letter, in which you acquainted me, that you understood that the health of Mr Laurens suffered by the closeness and rigor of his confinement in the Tower, and after complaining of the harshness of the proceeding, you request me to endeavor to obtain for Mr Laurens such a degree of air and liberty, as may be necessary for his health and comfort. The enclosed letter, which I received from the Lieutenant Governor of the Tower, will show that I have not been inattentive to your request, and at the same time prove, that the intelligence you receive of what passes in this country, is not always to be depended on for its accuracy and correctness.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GREY COOPER.

INSTRUCTIONS FROM CONGRESS TO B. FRANKLIN.

In Congress, November 29th, 1780.

Sir,

The letters to His Most Christian Majesty, which accompany these instructions, you will deliver without loss of time; you will on all occasions, and in the strongest terms, represent the unalterable resolutions of these United States to maintain their liberties and independence, and invariably to adhere to the alliance at every hazard, and in every event. That the misfortunes of the last campaign, instead of repressing, have redoubled their ardor. That Congress are resolved to employ every resource in their power to expel the enemy from every part of the United States, by the most vigorous and decisive co-operation with the marine and troops of their illustrious ally; that they have called for a powerful army and ample supplies of provisions, and that the States are disposed effectually to a compliance with their requisitions. That if, in aid of our own exertions, the Court of Spain can be prevailed on to assume a naval superiority in the American seas, to furnish the arms, ammunition, and clothing specified in the estimate herewith transmitted, and to assist us with the loan mentioned in the letter, we flatter ourselves, that under the divine blessing the war must be speedily terminated, with glory and advantage to both nations. To procure these necessary aids you will employ unremitted attention and your utmost abilities; your own knowledge of our circumstances, and the fact suggested in the letter, will supply you with abundant argument to enforce our requisitions.

You will give Colonel Palfrey, late Paymaster General for our armies, and now our Consul in France, all the support which is necessary for the exercise of his Consular functions, as well as for the effectual execution of the special authority and instructions, which he will communicate. The sufferings of our army for the want of the clothing and arms, which the grant of His Most Christian Majesty, and your own despatch gave us reason to expect, and the absolute and increasing necessity of their being immediately forwarded to give efficacy to our future operations, will especially impress upon you the dangerous consequences of a further disappointment.

With respect to the loan, we foresee, that the sum we ask will be greatly inadequate to our wants. We wish, however, to depend as much as possible on our internal exertions. In this negotiation the state of our finances requires, that you should endeavor to procure as long a respite after the war for payment of the principal as may be in your power. You may agree for an interest not exceeding the terms allowed or given on national security, in endeavoring to suspend the discharge of the interest for two or three years if possible.

The loan must prove ineffectual, unless the specie is actually remitted. Experience has shown, that the negotiations of bills is attended with insuperable loss and disadvantage. His Most Christian Majesty, we are persuaded, will see in the strongest light the necessity of despatching an effective naval armament to the American seas. This is a measure of such vast moment, that your utmost address will be employed to give it success. By such a conveyance the specie may be remitted by different ships of war with a prospect of safety.

You are instructed to procure a correspondence with Monsieur Stephen d'Andibert Caille, Consul for unrepresented nations at the Court of the Emperor of Morocco. Assure him in the name of Congress, and in the most respectful terms, that we entertain a sincere disposition to cultivate the most perfect friendship with the Emperor of Morocco, and are desirous of entering into a treaty of commerce with him, and that we shall embrace a favorable opportunity to announce our wishes in form. You are to take upon yourself, as far as may be consistent with your present functions, the office of adjusting preliminaries for a treaty with that Prince, according to the articles herewith forwarded; provided, that you shall conceive it for the honor and interest of the United States to make such overtures, and it shall be agreeable to the Court at which you reside.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Passy, December 2d, 1780.

Sir,

I duly received your several favors of August the 15th, and September the 7th, with the resolves of Congress for drawing on the bills extraordinary, to the amount of near three hundred thousand dollars. To keep up the credit of Congress I had already engaged for those drawn on Mr Laurens. You cannot conceive how much these things perplex and distress me; for the practice of this government being yearly to apportion the revenue to the several expected services, any after demands made, which the treasury is not furnished to supply, meet with great difficulty, and are very disagreeable to the Ministers. To enable me to look these drafts in the face, I have agreed to a proposal contained in the enclosed letter to the President of furnishing provisions to the King's forces in America, which proposal I hope will be approved and executed, and that the Congress will strictly comply with the assurance you have given me, not to draw on me any more without first knowing that they have funds in my hands.

I wrote to you more fully by Captain Jones. He sailed sometime since in the Ariel, but met with a severe storm, that entirely dismasted him, and obliged him to put back for France. He has been long refitting, but will sail again soon. Everything goes well here.

With great esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, December 2d, 1780.

Sir,

The many mutual advantages, that must arise from carrying into execution the proposition already communicated to Congress, of furnishing provisions to the King's forces in America, to be paid for here, have, I make no doubt, already induced them to begin that operation. But as the proposition has lately been renewed to me, on occasion of my requesting further aids of money, to answer the unexpected drafts drawn upon me ordered by the resolutions of May and August last, which drafts it is absolutely necessary I should find funds to pay; and as the Congress have long desired to have the means of forming funds in Europe, and an easier, cheaper, and safer method cannot possibly be contrived, and as I see by the journals of February, that the several States were to furnish provisions in quantities instead of supplies in money, whereby much will be in the disposition of Congress, I flatter myself that they will not disapprove of my engaging in their behalf with the Minister of the Finances here, that they will cause to be delivered for the King's land and sea forces in North America such provisions, as may be wanted from time to time, to the amount of four hundred thousand dollars, the said provisions to be furnished at the current prices, for which they might be bought with silver specie.

I have constantly done my utmost to support the credit of Congress, by procuring wherewith punctually to pay all their drafts, and I have no doubt of their care to support mine in this instance by fulfilling honorably my engagement; in which case, receipts in due form should be taken of the person to whom the provisions are delivered in the several States, and those receipts sent to me here.

With great respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

P. S. This value, 400,000 dollars, is to be considered as exclusive of any provisions already furnished, but the receipts for those should also be sent me, if not paid for there.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, December 3d, 1780.

Sir,

I duly received the letter your Excellency did me the honor of writing to me on the 12th of July past, by Mr Searle, and have paid the bills drawn on me by order of Congress in favor of the President and Council of Pennsylvania, for one thousand pounds sterling, which were presented by him. He is at present in Holland.

The news of Mr Laurens having been taken must have reached you long since; he is confined in the Tower, but of late has some more liberty for taking air and exercise than first was allowed him. Certain papers found with him relating to the drafts of a treaty proposed in Holland, have been sent over to the Stadtholder, who laid them before their High Mightinesses, who communicated them to the government of the city of Amsterdam, which justified the transaction. This has drawn from England a memorial, delivered by Sir Joseph Yorke, demanding that the Pensionary and Magistrates of that city should be punished, and declaring that the King will resent a refusal of the States to comply with this demand. What answer will be given to this insolent memorial we do not yet know. But I hear it has produced much displeasure in Holland, and it is thought to have occasioned a more prompt accession to the armed neutrality, which had before met with obstructions from the English party there.

We have met with a variety of unaccountable delays and difficulties in the affair of shipping the clothing and stores. The Alliance went away without taking her part. The Ariel sailed, but met a storm at sea that dismasted her, and obliged her to return to France. She is nearly again ready to sail. Mr Ross, with his cargo of clothes in the Duke of Leinster, sailed under convoy of the Ariel, but did not return with her, and I hope may get safe to America. The great ship we hired to come to L'Orient, and take in the rest of what we had to send, has been long unexpectedly detained at Bordeaux. I am afraid the army has suffered for want of the clothes; but it has been as impossible for me to avoid, as it was to foresee these delays.

The late Minister of the Marine here, M. de Sartine, is removed, and his place supplied by M. le Marquis de Castries. But this change does not effect the general system of the Court, which continues favorable to us.

I have received a copy of the resolutions of Congress of the 19th of May, and the 9th, 15th, 23d, and 30th of August, directing bills to be drawn on me for near 300,000 dollars. I shall accept the bills, hoping the Congress will approve of, and readily comply with the proposition, contained in a letter to your Excellency, accompanying this, dated the 2d instant. Probably an answer may arrive here before many of those bills shall become due, as few of them are yet arrived. If that answer ratifies the agreement I have made, I shall have no difficulty in finding means to pay the rest. If not, I shall scarce be able to bear the reproaches of merchants, that I have misled them to their loss by my acceptations, which gave a promise of payment, that not being fulfilled, has deranged their affairs, to say nothing of the power I am told the Consul's Court here has over the persons, even of Ministers, in the case of bills of exchange. Let me, therefore, beg your Excellency to use your endeavors with Congress, that this matter may be immediately attended to.

Mr Jay, no doubt, has acquainted you with his difficulties respecting the drafts upon him. I am sorry I cannot extricate him, but I hope he will still find means.

The Mars, an armed ship belonging to the State of Massachusetts, in her way to France, took and sent to New England a Portuguese ship bound to Cork, with salt, belonging to some merchants there. The Portuguese Captain, who is brought in here, complains heavily of ill usage and plunder, besides taking his vessel, and the Ambassador of that nation has communicated to me these complaints, together with all the papers proving the property of the vessel, &c. representing at the same time the good disposition of the Queen towards our States, and his wishes that nothing might lessen it, or tend to prevent or delay a complete good understanding between the two nations. I advised that the owners should send over their claim, and empower some person to prosecute it, in which case I did not doubt our courts would do them justice. I hope the Congress may think fit to take some notice of this affair, and not only forward a speedy decision, but give orders to our cruisers not to meddle with neutral ships for the future, it being a practice apt to produce ill blood, and contrary to the spirit of the new league, which is approved by all Europe; and the English property found in such vessels will hardly pay the damages brought on us by the irregular proceedings of our Captains, in endeavoring to get at such property.

With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, December 21st, 1780.

Sir,

The bearer, William Palfrey, our late Paymaster General, has been appointed Consul in France, with powers adequate to a general agency in our commercial concerns there. But, while I take up my pen to introduce him to your patronage, I ought to use it rather, perhaps, by way of apologising for myself, in the line of a member of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, from whom you will find no letter. There was a prospect of much business being committed to you by this opportunity, but it was altogether depending upon the President and Secretary to transmit it, which, it seems, they were prevented from doing, by an arrangement being but partly accomplished, which Congress has thought fit to connect with those affairs. This proceeding is of a nature not to admit of my enlarging upon it, because neither my head nor heart suggests anything of eulogium, and my conscience forbids me to pursue the usual style of minorities.

The Journals which I send you will show that we have had no letter from you since that of May last, except two short ones lately, respecting the private concerns of two officers, Baron d'Arendt, and another, whose name is not now in my memory. Colonel Palfrey will be able to give you information additional to the gazettes.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

ADDITIONAL INSTRUCTIONS FROM CONGRESS TO B. FRANKLIN.

In Congress, December 27th, 1780.

Sir,

Since your last instructions[25] Congress have thought it expedient to send Colonel John Laurens, with powers to negotiate specially the important affairs to which they more immediately relate. This gentleman, from the nature of his services and situation, has had opportunities of information, which peculiarly qualify him for giving to His Most Christian Majesty a more lively idea of our circumstances, of our indispensable wants, and of the great advantages which must result to the allies from his Majesty's complying with our request.

The negotiation is, besides, so critically important, that it was deemed highly requisite by the mission of this special Minister, to guard against the accident of your want of health, and the consequent delay in making the application.

Notwithstanding this appointment, should the duplicates of the despatches reach you before this Minister's arrival, you will consider it as the desire of Congress, that you take, with all possible expedition, every step in your power for effecting the business, or at least for disposing His Most Christian Majesty and his Ministers to take a favorable impression from the representation which Colonel Laurens, from his advantages of fuller information, may be better able to make.

It is intended, and it is well known to be his own disposition, to avail himself of your information and influence, and Congress doubt not that the success of this measure will be much promoted by the assistance he will derive from you; and they desire you to consider your attention to him as a matter, which will be very satisfactory to Congress and advantageous to your country.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, February 13th, 1781.

Sir,

I have just received from Congress their letter for the King, which I have the honor of putting herewith into the hands of your Excellency. I am charged at the same time, to "represent in the strongest terms, the unalterable resolution of the United States to maintain their liberties and independence; and inviolably to adhere to the alliance at every hazard, and in every event; and that the misfortunes of the last campaign, instead of repressing, have redoubled their ardor; that Congress are resolved to employ every resource in their power to expel the enemy from every part of the United States, by the most vigorous and decisive co-operation with marine and other forces of their illustrious ally; that they have accordingly called on the several States for a powerful army and ample supplies of provisions; and that the States are disposed effectually to comply with their requisitions. That, if in aid of their own exertions, the Court of France can be prevailed on to assume a naval superiority in the American seas, to furnish the arms, ammunition, and clothing, specified in the estimate heretofore transmitted, and to assist with the loan mentioned in the letter, they flatter themselves, that under the divine blessing, the war must speedily be terminated, with glory and advantage to both nations."

By several letters to me from intelligent persons, it appears, that the great and expensive exertions of the last year, by which a force was assembled capable of facing the enemy, and which accordingly drew towards New York, and lay long near that city, was rendered ineffectual by the superiority of the enemy at sea, and that their successes in Carolina had been chiefly owing to that superiority, and to the want of the necessary means for furnishing, marching, and paying the expense of troops sufficient to defend that province. The Marquis de Lafayette writes to me, that it is impossible to conceive, without seeing it, the distress which the troops have suffered for want of clothing, and the following is a paragraph of a letter from General Washington, which I ought not to keep back from your Excellency, viz. "I doubt not that you are so fully informed by Congress of our political and military State, that it would be superfluous to trouble you with anything relative to either. If I were to speak on topics of the kind, it would be to show that our present situation makes one of two things essential to us; a peace, or the most vigorous aid of our allies, particularly in the article of money. Of their disposition to serve us, we cannot doubt; their generosity will do everything which their means will permit." They had in America great expectations, I know not on what foundation, that a considerable supply of money would be obtained from Spain; but that expectation has failed, and the force of that nation in those seas has been employed to reduce small forts in Florida, without rendering any direct assistance to the United States; and indeed the long delay of that Court, in acceding to the treaty of commerce, begins to have the appearance of its not inclining to have any connexion with us; so that for effectual friendship, and for the aid so necessary in the present conjuncture, we can rely on France alone, and in the continuance of the King's goodness towards us.

I am grown old. I feel myself much enfeebled by my late long illness, and it is probable I shall not long have any more concern in these affairs. I therefore take this occasion to express my opinion to your Excellency, that the present conjuncture is critical, that there is some danger lest the Congress should lose its influence over the people, if it is found unable to procure the aids that are wanted; and that the whole system of the new government in America may thereby be shaken. That if the English are suffered once to recover that country, such an opportunity of effectual separation as the present may not occur again in the course of ages; and that the possession of those fertile and extensive regions, and that vast sea-coast, will afford them so broad a basis for future greatness, by the rapid growth of their commerce, and breed of seamen and soldiers, as will enable them to become the terror of Europe, and to exercise with impunity that insolence, which is so natural to their nation, and which will increase enormously with the increase of their power.

I am, with great respect, your Excellency's, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, March 6th, 1781.

Sir,

By perusing the enclosed instructions to Colonel Laurens and myself, your Excellency will see the necessity I am under of being importunate for an answer to the application lately made for aids of stores and money. As vessels are about to depart for America, it is of the utmost importance that the Congress should receive advice by some of them, of what may or may not be expected. I therefore earnestly entreat your Excellency to communicate me, as soon as possible, the necessary information.

With sincere esteem, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.

March 9th, 1781.

Sir,

I forward gazettes, journals, and some particular Resolves of Congress, via Amsterdam.

The arrival of the Ariel has given us despatches from you, long expected, of June 1st, August 9th, December 23d. Congress had, before the receipt of your letters of February 19th, written to Mr Adams, January 10th, and signified their concurrence in opinion with Count de Vergennes, as to the time and circumstances of announcing his (Mr Adams's) powers to Great Britain. They had also on December 12th expressed their sentiments upon his letters of June 24th, enclosing to them his correspondence relative to the act of March 18th, calling in the old paper money.

I send you extracts from the Journals for your fuller information on these points, and I shall forward yet for a time all acts of Congress intended for your guidance whenever they are finished; but I most earnestly look for the appointment of a Secretary for Foreign Affairs, agreeably to their determinations of January 10th. Such an officer may authoritatively communicate his opinions, and in many ways make your station more easy and reputable to you, than it can have been under great want of information of our circumstances.

Your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

TO M. DE RAYNEVAL, SECRETARY TO THE COUNCIL OF STATE.

Passy, March 11th, 1781.

Sir,

I have examined the list of supplies wanted in America, which I received yesterday from you, in order to mark as desired what may be most necessary to forward thither. As that list is of old date, and I do not know what part of it may have been already procured by other channels, and I understand by my letter that a new list has been made out, which is given to Colonel Laurens, and though mentioned to be sent to me also is not yet come to my hands, I have thought it may be well for the present to order the making of a quantity of soldiers' and officers' clothing, equal to one third part of what has been demanded from page 31 to page 42 inclusive; and to collect and get ready also one third of the other articles mentioned in the said pages, which I have marked with a red line in the margin, the whole to be sent by the first good opportunity. I think it would be well also to send five thousand more good fusils, with fifty tons of lead, and two hundred thousand flints for fusils. If these could go with the fleet, it would be of great service. More powder is not necessary to be sent at present, as there goes in the Marquis de Lafayette the remainder of the two thousand barrels granted last year, and also two hundred tons of saltpetre, which they will make into powder. For the other articles that may be wanted, as Colonel Laurens will come fully instructed, as well by the list given to him as from his own observation and experience in the army, and from the information he will receive from General Washington, with whom and the Marquis de Lafayette he was to consult before his departure, I conceive it will be best to wait a little for his arrival.

I return the lists, and having by some unaccountable accident mislaid and lost the paper you gave me, containing what Count de Vergennes said to me yesterday, I must beg the favor of you to repeat it, and send it by the bearer. I am ashamed to give you this trouble, but I wish to be exact in what I am writing of it to Congress.

With the greatest esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, March 12th, 1781.

Sir,

I had the honor of receiving on the 13th of last month your Excellency's letter of the 1st of January, together with the instructions of November 28th, and December 27th, a copy of those to Colonel Laurens, and the letter to the King. I immediately drew a memorial, enforcing as strongly as I could the requests that are contained in that letter, and directed by the instructions, and I delivered the same with the letter, which were both well received; but the Ministry being extremely occupied with other weighty affairs, and I obtaining for some time only general answers, that something would be done for us, &c. and Mr Laurens not arriving, I wrote again and pressed strongly for a decision on the subject, that I might be able to write explicitly by this opportunity, what aids the Congress were or were not to expect, the regulation of their operations for the campaign depending on the information I should be enabled to give.

Upon this I received a note, appointing Saturday last for a meeting with the Minister, which I attended punctually. He assured me of the King's good will to the United States, remarking, however, that being on the spot, I must be sensible of the great expense France was actually engaged in, and the difficulty of providing for it, which rendered the lending us twentyfive millions at present impracticable; but he informed me, that the letter from the Congress, and my memorials, had been under his Majesty's consideration, and observed, as to loans in general, that the sum we wanted to borrow in Europe was large, and that the depreciation of our paper had hurt our credit on this side of the water; adding also, that the King could not possibly favor a loan for us in his dominions, because it would interfere with and be a prejudice to those he was under the necessity of obtaining himself to support the war; but that, to give the States a signal proof of his friendship, his Majesty had resolved to grant them the sum of six millions, not as a loan, but as a free gift. This sum the Minister informed me was exclusive of the three millions, which he had before obtained for me to pay the Congress drafts for interest, &c. expected in the current year. He added, that as it was understood the clothing, &c. with which our army had been heretofore supplied from France, was often of bad quality and dear, the Ministers would themselves take care of the purchase of such articles as should be immediately wanted, and send them over; and it was desired of me to look over the great invoice, that had been sent hither last year, and mark out those articles; that as to the money remaining after such purchases, it was to be drawn for by General Washington, upon M. d'Harvelay, Garde du Tresor Royal, and the bills would be duly honored; but it was desired they might be drawn gradually as the money should be wanted, and as much time given for the payment after sight as conveniently could be, that the payment might be more easy.

I assured the Minister, that the Congress would be very sensible of this token of his Majesty's continued goodness towards the United States; but remarked, that it was not the usage with us for the General to draw, and proposed that it might be our Treasurer, who should draw the bills for the remainder; but I was told that it was his Majesty's order. And I afterwards understood from the Secretary of the Council, that as the sum was intended for the supply of the army, and could not be so large as we had demanded for general occasions, it was thought best to put it into the General's hands, that it might not get into those of the different Boards or Committees, who might think themselves under a necessity of diverting it to other purposes. There was no room to dispute on this point, every donor having the right of qualifying his gifts with such terms as he thinks proper.

I took with me the invoice, and having examined it, I returned it immediately with a letter, of which a copy is enclosed, and I suppose its contents will be followed, unless Colonel Laurens on his arrival should make any changes. I hope he and Colonel Palfrey are safe, though, as yet, not heard of.

After the discourse relating to the aid was ended, the Minister proceeded to inform me, that the Courts of Petersburgh and Vienna had offered their mediation; that the King had answered, that it would to him personally be agreeable, but that he could not yet accept it, because he had allies whose concurrence was necessary. And that his Majesty desired I would acquaint the Congress with this offer and answer, and urge their sending such instructions as they may think proper to their Plenipotentiary, it being not doubted that they would readily accept the proposed mediation, from their own sense of its being both useful and necessary. I mentioned that I supposed Mr Adams was already furnished with instructions, relating to any treaty of peace that might be proposed.

I must now beg leave to say something relating to myself, a subject with which I have not often troubled the Congress. I have passed my seventyfifth year, and I find that the long and severe fit of the gout, which I had the last winter, has shaken me exceedingly, and I am yet far from having recovered the bodily strength I before enjoyed. I do not know that my mental faculties are impaired; perhaps I shall be the last to discover that; but I am sensible of great diminution in my activity, a quality I think particularly necessary in your Minister for this Court. I am afraid, therefore, that your affairs may some time or other suffer by my deficiency. I find also that the business is too heavy for me, and too confining. The constant attendance at home, which is necessary for receiving and accepting your Bills of Exchange, (a matter foreign to my ministerial functions) to answer letters, and perform other parts of my employment, prevents my taking the air and exercise, which my annual journeys formerly used to afford me, and which contributed much to the preservation of my health. There are many other little personal attentions, which the infirmities of age render necessary to an old man's comfort, even in some degree to the continuance of his existence, and with which business often interferes.

I have been engaged in public affairs, and enjoyed public confidence, in some shape or other, during the long term of fifty years, and honor sufficient to satisfy any reasonable ambition, and I have no other left but that of repose, which I hope the Congress will grant me, by sending some person to supply my place. At the same time, I beg they may be assured, that it is not any the least doubt of their success in the glorious cause, nor any disgust received in their service, that induces me to decline it, but purely and simply the reasons abovementioned. And as I cannot at present undergo the fatigues of a sea voyage, (the last having been almost too much for me) and would not again expose myself to the hazard of capture and imprisonment in this time of war, I purpose to remain here at least till the peace; perhaps it may be for the remainder of my life; and if any knowledge or experience I have acquired here may be thought of use to my successor, I shall freely communicate it, and assist him with any influence I may be supposed to have, or counsel that may be desired of me.

I have one request more to make, which, if I have served the Congress to their satisfaction, I hope they will not refuse me; it is, that they will be pleased to take under their protection my grandson, William Temple Franklin. I have educated him from his infancy, and I brought him over with an intention of placing him where he might be qualified for the profession of the law; but the constant occasion I had for his service as a private Secretary during the time of the Commissioners, and more extensively since their departure, has induced me to keep him always with me; and indeed being continually disappointed of the secretary Congress had at different times intended me, it would have been impossible for me, without this young gentleman's assistance, to have gone through the business incumbent on me. He has therefore lost so much of the time necessary for law studies, that I think it rather advisable for him to continue, if it may be, in the line of public foreign affairs, for which he seems qualified by a sagacity and judgment above his years, and great diligence and activity, exact probity, a genteel address, a facility in speaking well the French tongue, and all the knowledge of business to be obtained by a four years' constant employment in the Secretary's office, where he may be said to have served a kind of apprenticeship. After all the allowance I am capable of making for the partiality of a parent to his offspring, I cannot but think he may in time make a very able foreign Minister for Congress, in whose service his fidelity may be relied on. But I do not at present propose him as such, for though he is now of age, a few years more of experience will not be amiss. In the meantime, if they should think fit to employ him as a Secretary to their Minister at any European Court, I am persuaded they will have reason to be satisfied with his conduct, and I shall be thankful for his appointment as a favor to me.

My accounts have been long ready for the examination of some person to be appointed for that purpose. Mr Johnson having declined it, and Mr Dana residing at present at Paris, I requested him to undertake it, and to examine at the same time those of Mr Deane; but he also declines it, as being unacquainted with accounts. If no fresh appointment has been made by Congress, I think of desiring Mr Palfrey to perform that service when he arrives, which I hope will be approved, for I am uneasy at the delay.

With great respect, I have the honour to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO FRANCIS LEWIS AND THE BOARD OF ADMIRALTY.

Passy, March 17th, 1781.

Gentlemen,

I received the honor of yours, dated January the 2d, containing sundry questions relating to the ship Alliance, and the expedition under the command of John Paul Jones.

I apprehend, that the letters and papers sent by the Alliance, if they came to your hands, and those which went in the Ariel, taken together, would pretty well inform you on the most of the particulars you inquire about, and the deficiencies might be supplied by Captain Jones himself and others, who were engaged in the expedition. But as I learn from Colonel Laurens, that his arrival was not heard of at Boston the 11th of February, though he sailed the 18th of December, and possibly he may have miscarried, I shall endeavor to answer as well as I can your several queries, and will hereafter send you duplicates of the papers that may be lost.

But I would previously remark, as to the expedition in general, that this Court having, I suppose, some enterprise in view, which Captain Jones, who had signalised his bravery in taking the Drake, was thought a proper person to conduct, had soon after that action requested we would spare him to them, which was the more readily agreed to, as a difference subsisted between him and his Lieutenant, which laid us under a difficulty, that was by that means got over. Some time passed, however, before any steps were taken to employ him in a manner agreeable to him, and possibly the first project was laid aside, many difficulties attending any attempt of introducing a foreign officer into the French marine, as it disturbs the order of their promotions, &c. and he himself choosing to act rather under the commission of Congress. However, a project was at length formed of furnishing him with some of the King's ships, the officers of which were to have temporary American commissions, which being posterior in date to his commission, would put them naturally under his command for the time; and the final intention, after various changes, was to intercept the Baltic fleet.

The Alliance was at that time under orders to carry Mr Adams back to America, but the Minister of the Marine, by a written letter requesting I would lend her to strengthen the little squadron, and offering a passage for Mr Adams in one of the King's ships, I consented to the request, hoping, that besides obliging the Minister, I might obtain the disposition of some prisoners to exchange for our countrymen in England.

Question 1st. "Whether the ships with which the frigate Alliance was concerted in an expedition, of which Captain John Paul Jones had the command, were the property of private persons, and if so, who were the owners of those ships?"

Answer. The ships with which the Alliance was concerted, were 1st. The Bon Homme Richard, bought and fitted by the King, on purpose for Captain Jones. 2dly. The Pallas frigate. 3dly. The Vengeance, a corvette. 4thly. The Cerf, a cutter. All belonging to the King, and the property of no private person whatever, as far as I have ever heard or believe.

Two privateers, the Monsieur and the Granville, were indeed with the little squadron in going out; I suppose to take advantage of the convoy, but being on their own account, and at their own discretion, the Monsieur quitted company on the coast of Ireland, and the Granville returned about the same time to France. I have not heard, that the Monsieur ever claimed any part of the prizes. The Granville has made some claim, on account not only of what were taken, while she was with the squadron, but of the whole taken after her departure, on this pretence, that some prisoners being put on board of her, and losing company, she found herself obliged to go back with them, not having wherewith to maintain them, &c. but this claim is opposed by the other ships, being regarded as frivolous, as she was not concerted. The claim, however, is not yet decided, but hangs in the courts. These circumstances show, that these vessels were not considered as a part of the armament. But it appears more plainly by the Concordat of the Captains, whereof I send you a copy. Who the owners were of those privateers I have not heard. I suppose they may be inhabitants of Bordeaux and Granville.

Question 2d. "Whether any agreement was made by you, or any person in your behalf, with the owners of the ships concerted with the Alliance in that expedition, respecting the shares they were severally to draw of the prizes, which might be taken during said expedition?"

Answer. I never made any such agreement, nor any person in my behalf. I lent the vessel to the King simply at the Minister's request, supposing it would be agreeable to Congress to oblige their ally, and that the division, if there should be anything to divide, would be according to the laws of France, or of America, as should be found most equitable. But the Captains before they sailed entered into an agreement, called the Concordat abovementioned, to divide according to the rules of America, as they acted under American commissions and colors.

Question 3d. "Whether the Serapis and Scarborough, and other captures made during said expedition, were divided among the captors, and the distribution made according to the resolutions of Congress, and if not, what mode was pursued in making the distribution?"

Answer. No division has yet been made of the Serapis and Scarborough. It is but lately that I have heard of the money being ready for division at L'Orient. I suppose the mode will be that agreed on by the captains.

Question 4th. "What were the net proceeds of the Serapis, Scarborough, and the other prizes taken during the said expedition?"

Answer. I have not yet heard what were the net proceeds of the prizes, nor have I seen any account. As soon as such shall come to my hands, I will transmit it to you, and will endeavor to obtain it speedily. No satisfaction has yet been obtained for the prizes carried into Norway, and delivered up by the King of Denmark.

Question 5th. "What benefit the United States of America have received from the prisoners made during said expedition?"

Answer. I did expect to have had all the prisoners taken by the squadron, to exchange for Americans, in consideration of my having lent the Alliance, and Captain Pearson engaged in behalf of the British government by a written instrument, that those set on shore in Holland should be considered as prisoners of war to the United States, and exchanged accordingly. But I was, nevertheless, disappointed in this expectation. For an exchange of all the prisoners being proposed to be made in Holland, it was found necessary at that time by the Dutch government, in order to avoid embroiling their State with England, that those prisoners should be considered as taken by France, and they were accordingly exchanged for Frenchmen, on the footing of the French cartel with England. This I agreed to on the request of the French Ambassador at the Hague, and also to avoid the risk of sending them by sea to France, (the English cruising with seven ships off the Texel to retake them) and as it would be more convenient and certain for us to have an equal number of English delivered to me by France at or near Morlaix, to be sent over in the cartel. But the English government afterwards refused very unjustly to give any Americans in exchange for English, that had not been taken by Americans. So we did not reap the benefit we hoped for.

Question 6th. "What orders were given to Captain Landais?"

Answer. That he should obey the orders of Captain Jones.

Question 7th. "What was the ground of dispute between Captain Jones and him?"

Answer. That when at sea together, he refused to obey Captain Jones's orders.

Question 8th. "What were the disbursements on the Alliance, from the time of her first arrival in France, until she left that kingdom?"

Answer. The disbursements on the Alliance from the time of her first arrival in France, till the commencement of the cruise under Captain Jones, as appears by the accounts of Mr Schweighauser, agent appointed by William Lee, amounted to —— which I paid. The disbursements on her refit in Holland were paid by the King, as were also those on her second refit after her return to L'Orient, as long as she was under the care of Captain Jones. But Captain Landais, when he resumed the command of her, thought fit to take what he wanted of Mr Schweighauser's agent, to the amount of 31,668 livres, 12s. 3d., for which, being contrary to my orders given to Mr Schweighauser, on his asking them upon the occasion, I refused to pay, (my correspondence with him will show you my reasons) and of those paid by the King I have no account.

Question 9th. "Why the Alliance lay so long at Port L'Orient, after her arrival there from the Texel, and in general every information in your power respecting the Alliance and the expedition referred to?"

Answer. Her laying so long at L'Orient was first occasioned by the mutinous disposition of the officers and men, who refused to raise the anchors till they should receive wages and prize money. I did not conceive they had a right to demand payment of wages in a foreign country, or anywhere but at the port they came from, no one here knowing on what terms they were engaged, what they had received, or what was due to them. The prize money I wished them to have, but as that could not soon be obtained, I thought it wrong in them to detain the vessel on that account, and as I was informed many of them were in want of necessaries, I advanced twentyfour thousand livres on account, and put it into Captain Jones's hands to relieve and pacify them, that they might go more willingly. But they were encouraged by some meddling passengers to persist. The King would have taken the prizes and paid for them, at the rate per gun, &c. as he pays for warlike vessels taken by his ships, but they raised a clamor at this, it being put into their heads, that it was a project for cheating them, and they demanded a sale by auction. The Minister, who usually gives more when ships are taken for the King than they will produce by auction, readily consented to this when I asked it of him, but then this method required time to have them inventoried, advertised in different ports, to create a fuller concurrence of buyers, &c. Captain Jones came up to Paris to hasten the proceedings. In his absence, Captain Landais, by the advice of Mr Lee and Commodore Gillon, took possession of the ship and kept her long, writing up to Paris, waiting answers, &c.

I have often mentioned to Congress the inconvenience of putting their vessels under the care of persons living perhaps one hundred leagues from the port they arrive at, which necessarily creates delays, and of course enormous expenses, and for a remedy I have as often recommended the appointment of consuls, being very sensible of my own insufficiency in maritime affairs, which have taken up a vast deal of my time, and given me abundance of trouble, to the hinderance, sometimes, of more important business. I hope these inconveniences will now be soon removed by the arrival of Mr Palfrey.

As the Ministry had reasons, if some of the first plans had been pursued, to wish the expedition might be understood as American, the instructions were to be given by me, and the outfit was committed to Monsieur de Chaumont, known to be one of our friends, and well acquainted with such affairs. Monsieur le Marquis de Lafayette, who was to have been concerned in the execution, can probably acquaint you with those reasons. If not, I shall do it hereafter. It afterwards continued in the hands of M. de Chaumont to the end. I never paid or received a farthing directly or indirectly on account of the expedition; and the captains having made him their trustee and agent, it is to him they are to apply for their proportions of the captures. There may be something, though I believe very little, coming to the United States from the Alliance's share of a small ransom made contrary to orders.

No account has been rendered to me of that ransom, therefore I cannot say how much, but I will inquire about it and inform you hereafter.

Most of the colliers taken were burnt or sunk. The ships of war taken, I understand belong wholly to the captors. If any particulars remain, on which you desire information, be pleased to mention them. I think it my duty to give you all the satisfaction in my power, and shall do it willingly.

Being with great regard, Gentlemen, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

AGREEMENT,

Between Captain John Paul Jones and the Officers of the Squadron.

Translation.

Agreement between Messieurs John Paul Jones, Captain of the Bon Homme Richard; Pierre Landais, Captain of the Alliance; Dennis Nicolas Cottineau, Captain of the Pallas; Joseph Varage, Captain of the Stag; and Philip Nicolas Ricot, Captain of the Vengeance; composing a squadron, that shall be commanded by the oldest officer of the highest grade, and so on in succession in case of death or retreat. None of the said commanders, whilst they are not separated from the said squadron, by order of the Minister, shall act but by virtue of the brevet, which they shall have obtained from the United States of America, and it is agreed that the flag of the United States shall be displayed.

The division of prizes to the superior officers and crews of the said squadron, shall be made agreeably to the American laws; but it is agreed, that the proportion of the whole, coming to each vessel in the squadron, shall be regulated by the Minister of the Marine Department of France, and the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America.

A copy of the American laws shall be annexed to the present agreement, after having been certified by the commander of the Bon Homme Richard; but as the said laws cannot foresee nor determine as to what may concern the vessels and subjects of other nations, it is expressly agreed, that whatever may be contrary to them shall be regulated by the Minister of the French Marine, and the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America.

It is likewise agreed, that the orders given by the Minister of the French Marine, and the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, shall be executed.

Considering the necessity there is of preserving the interests of each individual, the prizes that shall be taken shall be remitted to the orders of Monsieur le Ray de Chaumont, Honorary Intendant of the Royal Hotel of Invalids, who has furnished the expenses of the armament of the said squadron.

It has been agreed, that M. le Ray de Chaumont be requested not to give up the part of the prizes coming to all the crews, and to each individual of the said squadron, but to their order, and to be responsible for the same in his own proper name.

Whereas the said squadron has been formed for the purpose of injuring the common enemies of France and America, it has been agreed that such armed vessels, whether French or American, may be associated therewith, as by common consent shall be found suitable for the purpose, and that they shall have such proportion of the prizes, which shall be taken, as the laws of their respective countries allow them.

In case of the death of any one of the beforementioned commanders of vessels, he shall be replaced agreeably to the order of the tariff, with liberty, however, to choose whether he will remain on board his own vessel, and give up to the next in order the command of the vacant ship.

It has moreover been agreed, that the commander of the Stag shall be excepted from the last article of this present agreement, because in case of a disaster to M. de Varage, he shall be replaced by his second in command, and so on by the other officers of his cutter, the Stag.

J. P. JONES, P. LANDAIS, DE COTTINEAU, VARAGE, P. RICOT, LE RAY DE CHAUMONT.

JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.

March 31st, 1781.

Sir,

I send you a few newspapers, and the last monthly journals which have come from the press. The enemy will tell their own story of the naval engagement on the 16th. They have ventured nearer to truth in Rivington's Royal Gazette than almost at any one time before, since the very commencement of hostilities. Our allies conducted most gallantly, and the enemy are so convinced of the activity of the French commander, that they have not ventured to remain in the Chesapeake Bay, to do all the damage which the event of the battle had put in their power.

I send you General Greene's account of an affair between him and Cornwallis on the 15th. It differs but little from the prints. I will endeavor to have it struck at the press. You shall have it, at least, with our good Secretary's attestation, which is in the best credit, even with the enemy.

The opportunity of sending is too precarious to admit of my enlarging.

Your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, May 9th, 1781.

Sir,

Mr Samuel Curson and Mr Isaac Gouverneur, Jun. of St Eustatia, after that place was taken, were sent to England in the Vengeance man of war, Commodore Hotham, stripped of everything but their wearing apparel; their books, papers, and slaves having been taken from them, and Mrs Gouverneur, with a young infant, turned out of doors. Special severity, it is supposed, has been shown to them in consequence of their acting as agents to Congress. Doctor John Witherspoon, Jun. also, who was surgeon of the De Graaff letter of marque, taken at St Eustatia, is sent to England in the Alimena man of war, and very hardly treated on account of his father being a member of Congress, as is supposed.

Your particular attention to the exchange of these persons will tend to give confidence to all, who being connected specially with Congress are exposed to captivity, and will also very particularly oblige the relations of these unfortunates, who have requested Congress to mention these circumstances to you.

Your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL, For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.

TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.

Passy, May 14th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

You are a very good correspondent, which I do not deserve, as I am a bad one. The truth is, I have too much business upon my hands, a great deal of it foreign to my function as a minister, which interferes with my writing regularly to my friends. But I am nevertheless extremely sensible of your kindness in sending me such frequent and full intelligence of the state of affairs on your side of the water, and in letting me see by your letters, that your health continues, as well as your zeal for our cause and country.

I hope, that by this time the ship, which has the honor of bearing your name, is safely arrived. She carries clothing for nearly twenty thousand men, with arms, ammunition, &c. which will supply some of your wants, and Colonel Laurens will bring a considerable addition, if Providence favors his passage. You will receive from him the particulars, which makes my writing more fully by him unnecessary.

Your friends have heard of your being gone against the traitor Arnold, and are anxious to hear of your success, and that you have brought him to punishment. Enclosed is a copy of a letter from his agent in England, captured by one of our cruisers, and by which the price or reward he received for his treachery may be guessed at. Judas sold only one man, Arnold three millions. Judas got for his one man thirty pieces of silver, Arnold not a halfpenny a head. A miserable bargain! especially when one considers the quantity of infamy he has acquired to himself, and entailed on his family.

The English are in a fair way of gaining still more enemies; they play a desperate game. Fortune may favor them as it sometimes does a drunken dicer; but by their tyranny in the East, they have at length roused the powers there against them, and I do not know that they have in the West a single friend. If they lose their India commerce, (which is one of their present great supports,) and one battle at sea, their credit is gone, and their power follows. Thus empires, by pride, folly, and extravagance, ruin themselves like individuals. M. de la Motte Piquet has snatched from between their teeth a good deal of their West India prey, having taken twentytwo sail of their homeward bound prizes. One of our American privateers has taken two more, and brought them into Brest, and two were burnt; there were thirtyfour in company, with two men of war of the line and two frigates, who saved themselves by flight, but we do not hear of their being yet got in.

I think it was a wise measure to send Colonel Laurens here, who could speak knowingly of the state of the army. It has been attended with all the success that perhaps could reasonably be expected, though not with all that was wished. He has fully justified your character of him, and returns thoroughly possessed of my esteem; but that cannot and ought not to please him so much, as a little more money would have done for his beloved army. This Court continues firm and steady in its friendship, and does everything it can for us. Can we not do a little more for ourselves? My successor (for I have desired the Congress to send me one) will find it in the best disposition towards us, and I hope he will take care to cultivate that disposition. You, who know the leading people of both countries, can perhaps judge better than any member of Congress of a person suitable for this station. I wish you may be in a way to give your advice, when the matter is agitated in that assembly. I have been long tired of the trade of minister, and wished for a little repose before I went to sleep for good and all. I thought I might have held out till the peace, but as that seems at a greater distance than the end of my days, I grow impatient. I would not, however, quit the service of the public, if I did not sincerely think that it would be easy for the Congress, with your counsel, to find a fitter man. God bless you, and crown all your labors with success.

With the highest regard and most sincere affection, I am, dear Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, May 14th, 1781.

Sir,

I did myself the honor of writing to your Excellency pretty fully on the 12th of March, to which I beg leave to refer. Colonel Laurens arriving soon after, we renewed the application for more money.

His indefatigable endeavors have brought the good dispositions of this Court to a more speedy determination of making an addition, than could well have been expected so soon after the former grant. As he will have an opportunity of acquainting you personally with all the particulars of importance, a circumstantial account of the transaction from me is unnecessary. I would only mention, that as it is the practice here to consider early in the year the probable expenses of the campaign, and appropriate the revenues to the several necessary services, all subsequent and unexpected demands are extremely inconvenient and disagreeable, as they cannot be answered without difficulty, occasion much embarrassment, and are sometimes impracticable. If, therefore, the Congress have not on this occasion obtained all they wished, they will impute it to the right cause, and not suppose a want of good will in our friends, who indeed are such, most firmly and sincerely.

The whole supply for the current year now amounts to twenty millions; but out of this are to be paid your usual drafts for interest money, those in favor of M. de Beaumarchais, and those heretofore drawn on Mr Jay and Mr Laurens, which I have already either paid or engaged for, with the support of your several Ministers, &c. &c. which I mention, that the Congress may avoid embarrassing my successor with drafts, which perhaps he may not have the means in his hands of honoring. Besides paying the second year's salaries of Messrs Adams and Dana, Jay and Carmichael, I have furnished Mr Dana with £1,500 sterling credit on Petersburgh, for which place I suppose he is now on his way.

You will receive from Holland advices of the late declaration of that Court, with regard to the English refusal of its mediation, and of the assistance requested by the States-General. I hope Mr Dana will find it well disposed towards us.

I have received no answer yet to my letters relating to the proposed mode of lodging funds here, by supplying the French fleet and army. Having as yet heard nothing of Colonel Palfrey, and it being now more than four months since he sailed, there is great reason to fear he may be lost. If that should unhappily be the case, the Congress cannot too soon appoint another consul, such an officer being really necessary here. Your Minister Plenipotentiary has hitherto had all that sort of business upon his hands, and as I do not now speak for myself, I may speak more freely, I think he should be freed from the burden of such affairs, from all concerns in making contracts for furnishing supplies, and from all your bill of exchange business, &c. &c. that he may be more at liberty to attend to the duties of his political function.

The prisoners in England are increasing by the late practice of sending our people from New York, and the refusal of the English Admiralty to exchange any Americans for Englishmen not taken by American armed vessels. I would mention it for the consideration of Congress, whether it may not be well to set apart five or six hundred English prisoners, and refuse them all exchange in America, but for our countrymen now confined in England.

Agreeably to the vote of Congress, and your Excellency's letter of the 4th of January, I have requested the assistance of this Court for obtaining the release of Mr President Laurens. It does not yet appear that the thing is practicable. What the present situation is of that unfortunate gentleman, may be gathered from the enclosed letters.[26]

I hope the Alliance, with the ship Marquis de Lafayette under her convoy, is by this time arrived, as they sailed the 27th of March. I flatter myself that the supplies of clothing, &c. which they carry, will be found good of the kind, and well bought. I have by several late opportunities sent copies of the government letters taken in the New York packet. Your Excellency will see, that they are written in the perfect persuasion of our submitting speedily, and that the Commissioners are cautioned not to promise too much, with regard to the future constitutions to be given us, as many changes of the old may be necessary, &c. One cannot read those letters from the American Secretary of State, and his Under-Secretary, Knox, without a variety of reflections on the state we should necessarily be in, if obliged to make the submission they so fondly hope for, but which I trust in God they will never see. Their affairs in the East Indies, by the late accounts, grow worse and worse; and twentytwo ships of the prey they made in the West are wrenched out of their jaws by the squadron of M. de la Motte Piquet.