ROMANE QVESTIONS. (continued 2)

Is it not, for that these Patres Patrati, for reverent feare of their fathers of one side, and for modest shames to scandalize or offend their children on the other side, are enforced to be wise and discreet?

Or may it not be, in regard of that cause which their verie denomination doth minister and declare: for this word Patratus signifieth as much as compleat, entire and accomplished, as if he were one more perfect and absolute every way than the rest, as being so happie, as to have his owne father living, and be a father also himselfe.

Or is it not, for that the man who hath the superintendence of treaties of peace, and of othes, ought to see as Homer saith, ἅμα πρόσω και ἐπίσω, that is to say, before and behind. And in all reason such an one is he like to be, who hath a child for whom, and a father with whom he may consult.

63.

What is the reason, that the officer at Rome called Rex sacrorum, that is to say, the king of sacrifices, is debarred both from exercising any magistracie, and also to make a speech unto the people in publike place?

Is it for that in old time, the kings themselves in person performed the most part of sacred rites, and those that were greater, yea and together with the priests offered sacrifices; but by reason that they grew insolent, proud, and arrogant, so as they became intollerable, most of the Greeke nations, deprived them of this authoritie, and left unto them the preheminence onely to offer publike sacrifice unto the gods: but the Romans having cleane chased and expelled their kings, established in their stead another under officer whom they called King, unto whom they granted the oversight and charge of sacrifices onely, but permitted him not to exercise or execute any office of State, nor to intermedle in publick affaires; to the end it should be knowen to the whole world, that they would not suffer any person to raigne at Rome, but onely over the ceremonies of sacrifices, nor endure the verie name of Roialtie, but in respect of the gods. And to this purpose upon the verie common place neere unto Comitium; they use to have a solemn sacrifice for the good estate of the citie; which so soone as ever this king hath performed, he taketh his legs and runnes out of the place, as fast as ever he can.

64.

Why suffer not they the table to be taken cleane away, and voided quite, but will have somewhat alwaies remaining upon it?

Give they not heereby covertly to understand, that wee ought of that which is present to reserve evermore something for the time to come, and on this day to remember the morrow.

Or thought they it not a point of civill honesty and elegance, to represse and keepe downe their appetite when they have before them enough still to content and satisfie it to the full; for lesse will they desire that which they have not, when they accustome themselves to absteine from that which they have.

Or is not this a custome of courtesie and humanitie to their domesticall servants, who are not so well pleased to take their victuals simply, as to partake the same, supposing that by this meanes in some sort they doe participate with their masters at the table.

Or rather is it not, because we ought to suffer no sacred thing to be emptie; and the boord you wot well is held sacred.

65.

What is the reason that the Bridegrome commeth the first time to lie with his new wedded bride, not with any light but in the darke?

Is it because he is yet abashed, as taking her to be a stranger and not his owne, before he hath companied carnally with her?

Or for that he would then acquaint himselfe, to come even unto his owne espoused wife with shamefacednesse and modestie?

Or rather, like as Solon in his Statutes ordeined, that the new married wife should eat of a quince before she enter into the bride bed-chamber, to the end that this first encounter and embracing, should not be odious or unpleasant to her husband? even so the Romane law-giver would hide in the obscuritie of darkenesse, the deformities and imperfections in the person of the bride, if there were any.

Or haply this was instituted to shew how sinfull and damnable all unlawfull companie of man and woman together is, seeing that which is lawfull and allowed, is not without some blemish and note of shame.

66.

Why is one of the races where horses use to runne, called the Cirque or Flaminius.

Is it for that in old time an ancient Romane named Flaminius gave unto the citie, a certeine piece of ground, they emploied the rent and revenues thereof in runnings of horses, and chariots: and for that there was a surplussage remaining of the said lands, they bestowed the same in paving that high way or causey, called Via Flaminia, that is to say, Flaminia street?

67.

Why are the Sergeants or officers who carie the knitches of rods before the magistrates of Rome, called Lictores.

Is it because these were they who bound malefactors, and who followed after Romulus, as his guard, with cords and leather thongs about them in their bosomes? And verily the common people of Rome when they would say to binde or tie fast, use the word Alligare, and such as speake more pure and proper Latin, Ligare.

Or is it, for that now the letter C is interjected within this word, which before time was Litores, as one would say Λειτοῦργοι, that is to say, officers of publike charge; for no man there is in a maner, ignorant, that even at this day in many cities of Greece, the common-wealth or publicke state is written in their lawes by the name of Λῆτον:

68.

Wherefore doe the Luperci at Rome sacrifice a Dogge? Now these Luperci are certeine persons who upon a festivall day called Lupercalia, runne through the citie all naked, save that they have aprons onely before their privy parts, carying leather whippes in their hands, wherewith they flappe and scourge whomsoever they meet in the streets.

Is all this ceremoniall action of theirs a purification of the citie? whereupon they call the moneth wherein this is done Februarius, yea, and the very day it selfe Febraten, like as the maner of squitching with a leather scourge Februare, which verbe signifieth as much as to purge or purifie?

And verily the Greeks, in maner all, were wont in times past, and so they continue even at this day, in all their expiations, to kill a dogge for sacrifice. Unto Hecate also they bring foorth among other expiatorie oblations, certeine little dogges or whelpes: such also as have neede of clensing and purifying, they wipe and scoure all over with whelpes skinnes, which maner of purification they tearme Periscylacismos.

Or rather is it for that Lupus signifieth a woolfe, & Lupercalia, or Lycæa, is the feast of wolves: now a dogge naturally, being an enemie to woolves, therefore at such feasts they sacrificed a dogge.

Or peradventure, because dogges barke and bay at these Luperci, troubling and disquieting them as they runne up and downe the city in maner aforesaid.

Or else last of all, for that this feast and sacrifice is solemnized in the honor of god Pan; who as you wot well is pleased well enough with a dogge, in regard of his flocks of goates.

69.

What is the cause that in auncient time, at the feast called Septimontium, they observed precisely not to use any coaches drawen with steeds, no more than those doe at this day, who are observant of old institutions and doe not despise them. Now this Septimontium is a festivall solemnity, celabrated in memoriall of a seventh mountaine, that was adjoined and taken into the pourprise of Rome citie, which by this meanes came to have seven hilles enclosed within the precinct thereof?

Whether was it as some Romans doe imagine, for that the city was not as yet conjunct and composed of all her parts? Or if this may seeme an impertinent conjecture, and nothing to the purpose: may it not be in this respect, that they thought they had atchieved, a great piece of worke, when they had thus amplified and enlarged the compasse of the citie, thinking that now it needed not to proceed any further in greatnesse and capacitie: in consideration whereof, they reposed themselves, and caused likewise their labouring beasts of draught and cariage to rest, whose helpe they had used in finishing of the said enclosure, willing that they also should enjoy in common with them, the benefit of that solemne feast.

Or else we may suppose by this, how desirous they were that their citizens should solemnize and honour with their personall presence all feasts of the citie, but especially that which was ordeined and instituted for the peopling and augmenting thereof: for which cause they were not permitted upon the day of the dedication, and festival memorial of it, to put any horses in geeres or harnesse for to draw; for that they were not at such a time to ride forth of the citie.

70.

Why call they those who are deprehended or taken in theft, pilferie or such like servile trespasses, Furciferos, as one would say, Fork bearers.

Is not this also an evident argument of the great diligence and carefull regard that was in their ancients? For when the maister of the family had surprised one of his servants or slaves, committing a lewd and wicked pranck, he commaunded him to take up and carrie upon his necke betweene his shoulders a forked piece of wood, such as they use to put under the spire of a chariot or waine, and so to go withall in the open view of the world throughout the street, yea and the parish where he dwelt, to the end that every man from thence forth should take heed of him. This piece of wood we in Greeke call στήριγμα, and the Romanes in the Latin tongue Furca, that is to say, a forked prop or supporter: and therefore he that is forced to carie such an one, is by reproch termed Furcifer.

71.

Wherefore use the Romans to tie a wisp of hey unto the hornes of kine, and other beefes, that are woont to boak and be curst with their heads, that by the meanes thereof folke might take heed of them, and looke better to themselves when they come in their way?

Is it not for that beefes, horses, asses, yea and men become fierce, insolent, and dangerous, if they be highly kept and pampered to the full? according as Sophocles said:

And thereupon the Romans gave out, that Marcus Crassus caried hey on his horne: for howsoever they would seeme to let flie and carpe at others, who dealt in the affaires of State, and government, yet beware they would how they commersed with him as being a daungerous man, and one who caried a revenging mind to as many as medled with him. Howbeit it was said afterwards againe on the other side, that Cæsar had plucked the hey from Crassus his horne: for he was the first man that opposed himselfe, and made head against him in the management of the State, and in one word set not a straw by him.

72.

What was the cause that they thought those priests who observed bird-flight, such as in old time they called Aruspices, and now a daies Augures, ought to have their lanterns and lamps alwaies open, and not to put any lid or cover over them?

May it not be, that like as the old Pythagorean Philosophers by small matters signified and implied things of great consequence, as namely, when they forbad their disciples to sit upon the measure Chænix; and to stirre fire, or rake the hearth with a sword; euen so the ancient Romans used many ænigmes, that is to say, outward signes and figures betokening some hidden and secret mysteries; especially with their priests in holy and sacred things, like as this is of the lampe or lanterne, which symbolizeth in some sort the bodie that containeth our soule. For the soule within resembleth the light, and it behooveth that the intelligent and reasonable part thereof should be alwaies open, evermore intentive and seeing, and at no time enclosed and shut up, nor blowen upon by wind. For looke when the winds be aloft, fowles in their flight keepe no certaintie, neither can they yeeld assured presages, by reason of their variable and wandering instabilitie: and therefore by this ceremoniall custome they teach those who do divine and fortell by the flight of birds, not to go forth for to take their auspices and observations when the wind is up, but when the aire is still, and so calme, that a man may carie a lanterne open and uncovered.

73.

Why were these Southsaiers or Augures forbidden to go abroad, for to observe the flight of birds, in case they had any sore or ulcer upon their bodies?

Was not this also a significant token to put them in minde, that they ought not to deale in the divine service of the gods, nor meddle with holy and sacred things if there were any secret matter that gnawed their minds, or so long as any private ulcer or passion setled in their hearts: but to be void of sadnesse and griefe, to be sound and sincere, and not distracted by any trouble whatsoever?

Or, because it standeth to good reason; that if it be not lawfull nor allowable for them to offer unto the gods for an oast or sacrifice any beast that is scabbed, or hath a sore upon it, nor to take presage by the flight of such birds as are maungie, they ought more strictly and precisely to looke into their owne persons in this behalfe, and not to presume for to observe celestiall prognostications and signes from the gods, unlesse they be themselves pure and holy, undefiled, and not defective in their owne selves: for surely an ulcer seemeth to be in maner of a mutilation and pollution of the bodie.

74.

Why did king Servius Tullus found and build a temple of little Fortune which they called in Latine Brevis fortunæ, that is to say, of Short fortune?

Was it not thinke you in respect of his owne selfe, who being at the first of a small and base condition, as being borne of a captive woman, by the favour of Fortune grew to so great an estate that he was king of Rome?

Or for that this change in him sheweth rather the might and greatnesse, than the debilitie and smallnesse of Fortune. We are to say, that this king Servius deified Fortune, & attributed unto her more divine power than any other, as having entituled and imposed her name almost upon every action: for not onely he erected temples unto Fortune, by the name of Puissant, of Diverting ill lucke, of Sweet, Favourable to the first borne and masculine; but also there is one temple besides, of private or proper Fortune; another of Fortune returned; a third of confident Fortune and hoping well; and a fourth of Fortune the virgine. And what should a man reckon up other surnames of hers, seeing there is a temple dedicated (forsooth) to glewing Fortune, whom they called Viscata; as if we were given thereby to understand, that we are caught by her afarre off, and even tied (as it were) with bird-lime to businesse and affaires.

But consider this moreover, that he having knowen by experience what great power she hath in humane things, how little soever she seeme to be, and how often a small matter in hapning or not hapning hath given occasion to some, either to misse of great exploits, or to atcheive as great enterprises, whether in this respect, he built not a temple to little Fortune, teaching men thereby to be alwaies studious, carefull and diligent, and not to despise any occurrences how small soever they be.

75.

What is the cause that they never put foorth the light of a lampe, but suffered it to goe out of the owne accord?

Was it not (thinke you) uppon a certeine reverent devotion that they bare unto that fire, as being either cousen germaine, or brother unto that inextinguible and immortall fire.

Or rather, was it not for some other secret advertisment, to teach us not to violate or kill any thing whatsoever that hath life, if it hurt not us first; as if fire were a living creature: for need it hath of nourishment and moveth of it selfe: and if a man doe squench it, surely it uttereth a kinde of voice and scricke, as if a man killed it.

Or certeinly this fashion and custome received so usually, sheweth us that we ought not to marre or spoile, either fire or water or any other thing necessarie, after we our selves have done with it, and have had sufficient use thereof, but to suffer it to serve other mens turnes who have need, after that we ourselves have no imploiment for it.

76.

How commeth it to passe that those who are defended of the most noble and auncient houses of Rome, caried little moones upon their shoes.

Is this (as Castor saith) a signe of the habitation which is reported to be within the bodie of the moone?

Or for that after death, our spirits and ghosts shall have the moone under them?

Or rather, because this was a marke or badge proper unto those who were reputed most ancient, as were the Arcadians descended from Evander, who upon this occasion were called Proseleni, as one would say, borne before the moone?

Or, because this custome as many others, admonisheth those who are lifted up too high, and take so great pride in themselves, of the incertitude and instabilitie of this life, and of humane affaires, even by the example of the moone,

Or was not this an holsome lesson and instruction of obedience, to teach and advise men to obey their superiors, & not to thinke much for to be under others: but like as the moone is willing to give eare (as it were) and apply her selfe to her better, content to be ranged in a second place, and as Parmenides saith,

even so they ought to rest in a second degree, to follow after, and be under the conduct and direction of another, who sitteth in the first place, and of his power, authority and honor, in some measure to enjoy a part.

77.

Why think they the yeeres dedicated to Jupiter, and the moneths to Juno?

May it not be for that of Gods invisible and who are no other wise seene but by the eies of our understanding: those that reigne as princes be Jupiter and Juno; but of the visible, the Sun and Moone? Now the Sun is he who causeth the yeere, and the Moone maketh the moneth. Neither are we to thinke, that these be onely and simply the figures and images of them: but beleeve we must, that the materiall Sun which we behold, is Jupiter, and this materiall Moone, Juno. And the reason why they call her Juno, (which word is as much to say as yoong or new) is in regarde of the course of the Moone: and otherwhiles they surname her also Juno-Lucina, that is to say; light or shining: being of opinion that she helpeth women in travell of child-birth, like as the Moone doth, according to these verses:

For it seemeth that women at the full of the moone be most easily delivered of childbirth.

78.

What is the cause that in observing bird-flight, that which is presented on the ^[144]left hand is reputed lucky and prosperous?

Is not this altogether untrue, and are not many men in an errour by ignorance of the equivocation of the word Sinistrum, & their maner of Dialect; for that which we in Greeke call ἀριστερον, that is to say, on the auke or left hand, they say in Latin, Sinistrum; and that which signifieth to permit, or let be, they expresse by the verbe Sinere, and when they will a man to let a thing alone, they say unto him, Sine; whereupon it may seeme that this word Sinistrum is derived. That presaging bird then, which permitteth and suffreth an action to be done, being as it were Sinisterion; the vulgar sort suppose (though not aright) to be Sinistrum, that is to say, on the left hand, and so they tearme it.

Or may it not be rather as Dionysius saith, for that when Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas wanne a field against Mezentius as the two armies stood arranged one affronting the other in battel ray, it thundred on his left hand; and because thereupon he obteined the victory, they deemed even then, that this thunder was a token presaging good, and for that cause observed it, ever after so to fall out. Others thinke that this presage and foretoken of good lucke hapned unto Aeneas: and verily at the battell of Leuctres, the Thebanes began to breake the ranks of their enemies, and to discomfit them with the left wing of their battel, and thereby in the end atchieved a brave victorie; whereupon ever after in all their conflicts, they gave preference and the honour of leading and giving the first charge, to the left wing.

Or rather, is it not as Juba writeth, because that when we looke toward the sunne rising, the North side is on our left hand, and some will say, that the North is the right side and upper part of the whole world.

But consider I pray you, whether the left hand being the weaker of the twaine, the presages comming on that side, doe not fortifie and support the defect of puissance which it hath, and so make it as it were even and equall to the other?

Or rather considering that earthly and mortall things they supposing to be opposite unto those that be heavenly and immortall, did not imagine consequently, that whatsoever was on the left in regard of us, the gods sent from their right side.

79

Wherefore was it lawfull at Rome, when a noble personage who sometime had entred triumphant into the city, was dead, and his corps burnt (as the maner was) in a funerall fire, to take up the reliques of his bones, to carie the same into the city, and there to strew them, according as Pyrrho the Lyparean hath left in writing.

Was not this to honour the memorie of the dead? for the like honourable priviledge they had graunted unto other valiant warriors and brave captaines; namely, that not onely themselves, but also their posteritie descending lineally from them, might be enterred in their common market place of the city, as for example unto Valerius and Fabricius: and it is said, that for to continue this prerogative in force, when any of their posteritie afterwards were departed this life, and their bodies brought into the market place accordingly, the maner was, to put a burning torch under them, and doe no more but presently to take it away againe; by which ceremonie, they reteined still the due honour without envie, and confirmed it onely to be lawfull if they would take the benefit thereof.

80.

What is the cause that when they feasted at the common charges, any generall captaine who made his entrie into the citie with triumph, they never admitted the Consuls to the feast; but that which more is, sent unto them before-hand messengers of purpose, requesting them not to come unto the supper?

Was it for that they thought it meet and convenient to yeeld unto the triumpher, both the highest place to sit in, and the most costly cup to drinke out of, as also the honour to be attended upon with a traine home to his house after supper? which prerogatives no other might enjoy but the Consuls onely, if they had beene present in the place.

81.

Why is it that the Tribune of the commons onely, weareth no embrodered purple robe, considering that all other magistrates besides doe weare the same.

Is it not, for that they (to speak properly) are no magistrates? for in truth they have no ushers or vergers to carie before them the knitches of rods, which are the ensignes of magistracie; neither sit they in the chaire of estate called Sella curulis, to determine causes judicially, or give audience unto the people; nor enter into the administration of their office at the beginning of the yeere, as all other magistrates doe: neither are they put downe and deposed after the election of a Dictatour: but whereas the full power and authoritie of all other magistrates of State, he transferred from them upon himselfe: the Tribunes onely of the people continue still, and surcease not to execute their function, as having another place and degree by themselves in the common-weale: and like as some oratours and lawiers doe hold, that exception in law is no action, considering it doth cleane contrary to action; for that action intendeth, commenseth, and beginneth a processe or sute; but exception or inhibition, dissolveth, undooeth, and abolisheth the same: semblably, they thinke also, that the Tribunate was an empeachment, inhibition, and restraint of a magistracie, rather than a magistracie it selfe: for all the authority and power of the Tribune, lay in opposing himselfe, and eroding the jurisdiction of other magistrates, and in diminishing or repressing their excessive and licentious power.

Or haply all these reasons and such like, are but words, and devised imaginations to mainteine discourse: but to say a trueth, this Tribuneship having taken originally the first beginning from the common people, is great and mighty in regard that it is popular; and that the Tribunes themselves are not proud nor highly conceited of themselves above others, but equall in apparell, in port, fare, and maner of life, to any other citizens of the common sort: for the dignity of pompe and outward shew, apperteineth to a Consull or a Prætour: as for the Tribune of the people, he ought to be humble and lowly, and as M. Curio was woont to say; ready to put his hand under every mans foot; not to carie a loftie, grave, and stately countenance, nor to bee hard of accesse, nor strange to be spoken with, or dealt withall by the multitude; but howsoever he behave himselfe to others, he ought to the simple and common people, above the rest, for to be affable, gentle, and tractable: and heereupon the maner is, that the dore of his house should never be kept shut, but stand open both day and night, as a safe harbour, sure haven, and place of refuge, for all those who are distressed and in need: and verilie the more submisse that he is in outward appeerance, the more groweth hee and encreaseth in puissance; for they repute him as a strong hold for common recourse and retrait, unto al comers, no lesse than an altar or priviledged sanctuary. Moreover, as touching the honour that he holdeth by his place, they count him holy, sacred, and inviolable, insomuch as if he doe but goe foorth of his house abroad into the citie, and walke in the street,^[145] the maner was of all, to clense and sanctifie the body, as if it were steined and polluted.

82.

What is the reason that before the Prætors, generall Captaines and head Magisrates, there be caried bundels of roddes, together with hatchets or axes fastned unto them?

Is it to signifie, that the anger of the magistrate ought not to be prompt to execution, nor loose and at libertie?

Or, because that to undoe and unbinde the said bundels, yeeldeth some time and space for choler to coole, and ire to asswage, which is the cause otherwhiles that they change their mindes, and doe not proceed to punishment?

Now forasmuch as among the faults that men commit, some are curable, others remedilesse: the roddes are to reforme those who may be amended; but the hatchets to cut them off who are incorrigible.

83.

What is the cause that the Romanes having intelligence given vnto them, that the Bletonesians, a barbarous nation, had sacrificed unto their gods, a man; sent for the magistrates peremptorily, as intending to punish them: but after they once understood, that they had so done according to an ancient law of their countrey, they let them go againe without any hurt done unto them; charging them onely, that from thence foorth they should not obey such a law; and yet they themselves, not many yeeres before, had caused for to be buried quicke in the place, called the Beast Market, two men and two women, that is to say, two Greekes, and two Gallo-Greekes or Galatians? For this seemeth to be verie absurd, that they themselves should do those things, which they reprooved in others as damnable.

May it not be that they judged it an execrable superstition, to sacrifice a man or woman unto the gods, marie unto divels they held it necessarie?

Or was it not for that they thought those people, who did it by a law or custome, offended highly: but they themselves were directed thereto by expresse commaundement out of the bookes of Sibylla. For reported it is, that one of their votaries or Vestall nunnes named Helbia, riding on horse-backe, was smitten by a thunderbolt or blast of lightning; and that the horse was found lying along all bare bellied, and her selfe likewise naked, with her smocke and petticote turned up above her privie parts, as if she had done it of purpose: her shooes, her rings, her coife and head attire cast here and there apart from other things, and withall lilling the toong out of her head. This strange occurrent, the soothsayers out of their learning interpreted to signifie, that some great shame did betide the sacred virgins, that should be divulged and notoriously knowen; yea, and that the same infamie should reach also as far, as unto some of the degree of gentlemen or knights of Rome. Upon this there was a servant belonging unto a certeine Barbarian horseman, who detected three Vestal virgins to have at one time forfeited their honor, & been naught of their bodies, to wit, Aemilia, Licinia, & Martia; and that they had companied too familiarly with men a long time; and one of their names was Eutetius, a Barbarian knight, and master to the said enformer. So these vestall Votaries were punished after they had beene convicted by order of law, and found guiltie: but after that this seemed a fearfull and horrible accident: ordeined it was by the Senate, that the priests should peruse over the bookes of Sibyllaes prophesies, wherein were found (by report) those very oracles which denounced and foretold this strange occurrent, and that it portended some great losse and calamitie unto the common-wealth: for the avoiding and diverting whereof, they gave commaundement to abandon unto (I wot not what) maligne and divelish strange spirits, two Greekes, and two Galatians likewise; and so by burying them quicke in that verie place, to procure propitiation at Gods hands.

84.

Why began they their day at midnight?

Was it not, for that all policie at the first had the beginning of militarie discipline? and in war, and all expeditions the most part of woorthy exploits are enterprised ordinarily in the night before the day appeare?

Or because the execution of desseignes, howsoever it begin at the sunne rising; yet the preparation thereto is made before day-light: for there had need to be some preparatives, before a worke be taken in hand; and not at the verie time of execution, according as Myson (by report) answered unto Chilo, one of the seven sages, when as in the winter time he was making of a van.

Or haply, for that like as we see, that many men at noone make an end of their businesse of great importance, and of State affaires; even so, they supposed that they were to begin the same at mid-night. For better proofe whereof a man may frame an argument hereupon, that the Roman chiefe ruler never made league, nor concluded any capitulations and covenants of peace after mid-day.

Or rather this may be, because it is not possible to set downe determinately, the beginning and end of the day, by the rising and setting of the sunne: for if we do as the vulgar sort, who distinguish day and night by the sight and view of eie, taking the day then to begin when the sunne ariseth; and the night likewise to begin when the sunne is gone downe, and hidden under our horizon, we shall never have the just Aequinox, that is to say, the day and night equall: for even that verie night which we shall esteeme most equall to the day, will proove shorter than the day, by as much as the body or biggenesse of the sunne containeth. Againe, if we doe as the Mathematicians, who to remedie this absurditie and inconvenience, set downe the confines and limits of day and night, at the verie instant point when the sunne seemeth to touch the circle of the horizon with his center; this were to overthrow all evidence: for fall out it will, that while there is a great part of the sunnes light yet under the earth (although the sunne do shine upon us) we will not confesse that it is day, but say, that it is night still. Seeing then it is so hard a matter to make the beginning of day and night, at the rising or going downe of the sunne, for the absurdities abovesaid, it remaineth that of necessitie we take the beginning of the day to be, when the sunne is in the mids of the heaven above head, or under our feet, that is to say, either noon-tide or mid-night. But of twaine, better it is to begin when he is in the middle point under us, which is just midnight, for that he returneth then toward us into the East; whereas contrariwise after mid-day he goeth from us Westward.

85.

What was the cause that in times past they would not suffer their wives, either to grinde corne, or to lay their hands to dresse meat in the kitchin?

Was it in memoriall of that accord and league which they made with the Sabines? for after that they had ravished & carried away their daughters, there arose sharpe warres betweene them: but peace ensued thereupon in the end; in the capitulations whereof, this one article was expresly set downe, that the Roman husband might not force his wife, either to turne the querne for to grinde corne, nor to exercise any point of cookerie.

86.

Why did not the Romans marie in the moneth of May?

Is it for that it commeth betweene Aprill and June? whereof the one is consecrated unto Venus, and the other to Juno, who are both of them the goddesses which have the care and charge of wedding and marriages, and therefore thinke it good either to go somewhat before, or else to stay a while after.

Or it may be that in this moneth they celebrate the greatest expiatorie sacrifice of all others in the yeere? for even at this day they fling from off the bridge into the river, the images and pourtraitures of men, whereas in old time they threw downe men themselves alive? And this is the reason of the custome now a daies, that the priestresse of Juno named Flamina, should be alwaies sad and heavie, as it were a mourner, and never wash nor dresse and trim her selfe.

Or what and if we say, it is because many of the Latine nations offered oblations unto the dead in this moneth: and peradventure they do so, because in this verie moneth they worship Mercurie: and in truth it beareth the name of Maja, Mercuries mother.

But may it not be rather, for that as some do say, this moneth taketh that name of Majores, that is to say, ancients: like as June is termed so of Juniores, that is to say yonkers. Now this is certaine that youth is much meeter for to contract marriage than old age: like as Euripides saith verie well:

The Romans therefore maried not in May, but staied for June which immediatly followeth after May.

87.

What is the reason that they divide and part the haire of the new brides head, with the point of a javelin?

Is not this a verie signe, that the first wives whom the Romans espoused, were compelled to mariage, and conquered by force and armes.

Or are not their wives hereby given to understand, that they are espoused to husbands, martiall men and soldiers; and therefore they should lay away all delicate, wanton, and costly imbelishment of the bodie, and acquaint themselves with simple and plaine attire; like as Lycurgus for the same reason would that the dores, windowes, and roofes of houses should be framed with the saw and the axe onely, without use of any other toole or instrument, intending thereby to chase out of the common-weale all curiositie and wastfull superfluitie.

Or doth not this parting of the haires, give covertly to understand, a division and separation, as if mariage & the bond of wedlock, were not to be broken but by the sword and warlike force?

Or may not this signifie thus much, that they referred the most part of ceremonies concerning mariage unto Juno: now it is plaine that the javelin is consecrated unto Juno, insomuch as most part of her images and statues are portraied resting and leaning upon a launce or or javelin. And for this cause the goddesse is surnamed Quiritis, for they called in old time a speare Quiris, upon which occasion Mars also (as they say) is named Quiris.

88.

What is the reason that the monie emploied upon plates and publike shewes is called among them, Lucar?

May it not well be that there were many groves about the citie consecrated unto the gods, which they named Lucos: the revenues whereof they bestowed upon the setting forth of such solemnities?

89.

Why call they Quirinalia, the Feast of fooles?

Whether it is because (as Juba writeth) they attribute this day unto those who knew not their owne linage and tribe? or unto such as have not sacrificed, as others have done according to their tribes, at the feast called Fornacalia. Were it that they were hindred by other affaires, or had occasion to be forth of the citie, or were altogether ignorant, and therefore this day was assigned for them, to performe the said feast.

90.

What is the cause, that when they sacrifice unto Hercules, they name no other God but him, nor suffer a dog to be seene, within the purprise and precinct of the place where the sacrifice is celebrated, according as Varro hath left in writing?

Is not this the reason of naming no god in their sacrifice, for that they esteeme him but a demigod; and some there be who hold, that whiles he lived heere upon the earth, Evander erected an altar unto him, and offered sacrifice thereupon. Now of all other beasts he could worst abide a dog, and hated him most: for this creature put him to more trouble all his life time, than any other: witnesse hereof, the three headed dog Cerberus, and above all others, when Oeonus the sonne of Licymnius was slaine ^[146]by a dog, he was enforced by the Hippocoontides to give the battell, in which he lost many of his friends, and among the rest his owne brother Iphicles.

91.

Wherefore was it not lawfull for the Patricians or nobles of Rome to dwell upon the mount Capitoll?

Might it not be in regard of M. Manlius, who dwelling there attempted and plotted to be king of Rome, and to usurpe tyrannie; in hatred and detestation of whom, it is said, that ever after those of the house of Manlij, might not have Marcus for their fore-name?

Or rather was not this an old feare that the Romans had (time out of mind)? For albeit Valerius Poplicola was a personage verie popular and well affected unto the common people; yet never ceased the great and mightie men of the citie to suspect and traduce him, nor the meane commoners and multitude to feare him, untill such time as himselfe caused his owne house to be demolished and pulled down, because it seemed to overlooke and commaund the common market place of the citie.

92.

What is the reason, that he who saved the life of a citizen in the warres, was rewarded with a coronet made of oake braunches?

Was it not for that in everie place and readily, they might meet with an oake, as they marched in their warlike expeditions.

Or rather, because this maner of garland is dedicated unto Jupiter and Juno, who are reputed protectors of cities?

Or might not this be an ancient custome proceeding from the Arcadians, who have a kind of consanguinitie with oakes, for that they report of themselves, that they were the first men that issued out of the earth, like as the oake of all other trees.

93.

Why observe they the Vultures or Geirs, most of any other fowles, in taking of presages by bird-flight?

Is it not because at the foundation of Rome, there appeared twelve of them unto Romulus? Or because, this is no ordinarie bird nor familiar; for it is not so easie a matter to meete with an airie of Vultures; but all on a sudden they come out of some strange countrey, and therefore the fight of them doth prognosticke and presage much.

Or else haply the Romains learned this of Hercules, if that be true which Herodotus reporteth: namely, that Hercules tooke great contentment, when in the enterprise of any exploit of his, there appeared Vultures unto him: for that he was of opinion, that the Vulture of all birds of prey was the justest: for first and formost never toucheth he ought that hath life, neither killeth hee any living creature, like as eagles, falcons, hauks, and other fowles do, that prey by night, but feedeth upon dead carrions: over and besides, he forbeareth to set upon his owne kind: for never was there man yet who saw a Vulture eat the flesh of any fowle, like as eagles and other birds of prey do, which chase, pursue and plucke in pieces those especially of the same kind, to wit, other fowle. And verily as Aeschylus the poet writeth:

And as for men, it is the most innocent bird, and doth least hurt unto them of all other: for it destroieth no fruit nor plant whatsoever, neither doth it harme to any tame creature. And if the tale be true that the Aegyptians doe tell, that all the kinde of these birds be females; that they conceive and be with yoong, by receiving the East-wind blowing upon them, like as some trees by the Western wind, it is verie profitable that the signes and prognosticks drawen from them, be more sure and certaine, than from any others, considering that of all, besides their violence in treading and breeding time; their eagernesse in flight when they pursue their prey; their flying away from some, and chasing of others, must needs cause much trouble and uncertaintie in their prognostications.

94.

Why stands the temple of Aesculapius without the citie of Rome?

Is it because they thought the abode without the citie more holesome, than that within? For in this regard the Greekes ordinarily built the temples of Aesculapius upon high ground, wherein the aire is more pure and cleere.

Or in this respect, that this god Aesculapius was sent for out of the citie Epidaurus. And true it is that the Epidaurians founded his temple; not within the walles of their city, but a good way from it.

Or lastly, for that the serpent when it was landed out of the galley in the Isle, and then vanished out of sight, seemed thereby to tell them where he would that they should build the place of his abode.

95.

Why doth the law forbid them that are to live chaste, the eating of pulse?

As touching beanes, is it not in respect of those very reasons for which it is said: That the Pythagoreans counted them abominable? And as for the richling and rich pease, whereof the one in Greeke is called λάθυρος and the other ἐρεβινθος which words seeme to be derived of Erebus, that signifieth the darknesse of hell, and of Lethe, which is as much as oblivion, and one besides of the rivers infernall, it carieth some reason that they should be abhorred therfore.

Or it may be, for that the solemne suppers and bankets at funerals for the dead, were usually served with pulse above all other viands.

Or rather, for that those who are desirous to be chaste, and to live an holy life, ought to keepe their bodies pure and slender; but so it is that pulse be flateous and windy, breeding superfluous excrements in the body, which had need of great purging and evacuation.

Or lastly, because they pricke and provoke the fleshly lust, for that they be full of ventosities.

96.

What is the reason that the Romans punish the holy Vestall Virgins (who have suffered their bodies to be abused and defiled) by no other meanes, than by interring them quicke under the ground?

Is this the cause, for that the maner is to burne the bodies of them that be dead: and to burie (by the meanes of fire) their bodies who have not devoutly and religiously kept or preserved the divine fire, seemed not just nor reasonable?

Or haply, because they thought it was not lawfull to kill any person who had bene consecrated with the most holy and religious ceremonies in the world; nor to lay violent hands upon a woman consecrated: and therefore they devised this invention of suffering them to die of their owne selves; namely, to let them downe into a little vaulted chamber under the earth, where they left with them a lampe burning, and some bread, with a little water and milke: and having so done, cast earth and covered them aloft. And yet for all this, can they not be exempt from a superstitious feare of them thus interred: for even to this day, the priests going over this place, performe (I wot not what) anniversary services and rites, for to appease and pacifie their ghosts.

97.

What is the cause that upon the thirteenth day of December, which in Latine they call the Ides of December, there is exhibited a game of chariots running for the prize, and the horse drawing on the right hand that winneth the victorie, is sacrificed and consecrated unto Mars, and at the time thereof, there comes one behinde, that cutteth off his taile, which he carrieth immediatly into the temple called Regia, and therewith imbrueth the altar with blood: and for the head of the said horse, one troupe there is comming out of the street called Via sacra, and another from that which they name Suburra, who encounter and trie out by fight who shall have it?

May not the reason be (as some doe alledge) that they have an opinion, how the citie of Troy was sometime woon by the meanes of a woodden horse; and therefore in the memoriall thereof, they thus punished a poore horse?

Or because an horse is a couragious, martiall and warlike beast; and ordinarily, men use to present unto the gods those Sacrifices which are most agreeable unto them, and sort best with them: and in that respect, they sacrifice that horse which wan the prize, unto Mars, because strength and victorie are well beseeming him.

Or rather because the worke of God is firme and stable: those also be victorious who keepe their ranke and vanquish them, who make not good their ground but fly away. This beast therefore is punished for running so swift, as if celeritie were the maintenance of cowardise: to give us thereby covertly to understand, that there is no hope of safetie for them who seeke to escape by flight.

98.

What is the reason that the first worke which the Censors go in hand with, when they be enstalled in the possession of their magistracie, is to take order upon a certaine price for the keeping and feeding of the sacred geese, and to cause the painted statues and images of the gods to be refreshed?

Whether is it because they would begin at the smallest things, and those which are of least dispense and difficultie?

Or in commemoration of an ancient benefit received by the meanes of these creatures, in the time of the Gaules warre: for that the geese were they who in the night season descried the Barbarians as the skaled and mounted the wall that environed the Capitol fort (where as the dogs slept) and with their gagling raised the watch?

Or because, the Censors being guardians of the greatest affaires, and having that charge and office which enjoyneth to be vigilant and carefull to preserve religion; to keepe temples and publicke edifices; to looke into the manners and behaviour of men in their order of life; they set in the first place the consideration and regard of the most watchfull creature that is: and in shewing what care they take of these geese, they incite and provoke by that example their citizens, not to be negligent and retchlesse of holy things. Moreover, for refreshing the colour of those images and statues, it is a necessarie piece of worke; for the lively red vermilion, wherewith they were woont in times past to colour the said images, soone fadeth and passeth away.

99.

What is the cause that among other priests, when one is condemned and banished, they degrade and deprive him of his priesthood, and choose another in his place: onely an Augur, though he be convicted and condemned for the greatest crimes in the world, yet they never deprive in that sort so long as he liveth? Now those priests they call Augurs, who observe the flights of birds, and foreshewed things thereby.

Is it as some do say, because they would not have one that is no priest, to know the secret mysteries of their religion and their sacred rites?

Or because the Augur being obliged and bound by great oaths, never to reveale the secrets pertaining to religion, they would not seeme to free and absolve him from his oath by degrading him, and making him a private person.

Or rather, for that this word Augur, is not so much a name of honor and magistracie, as of arte and knowledge. And all one it were, as if they should seeme to disable a musician for being any more a musician; or a physician, that he should bee a physician no longer; or prohibit a prophet or soothsayer, to be a prophet or soothsayer: for even so they, not able to deprive him of his sufficiency, nor to take away his skill, although they bereave him of his name and title, do not subordaine another in his place: and by good reason, because they would keepe the just number of the ancient institution.

100.

What is the reason that upon the thirteenth day of August, which now is called the Ides of August, and before time the Ides of Sextilis, all servants as well maids, as men make holy-day and women that are wives love then especially to wash and cleanse their heads?

Might not this be a cause, for that king Servius upon such a day was borne of a captive woman, and therefore slaves and bond-servants on that day have libertie to play and disport themselves? And as for washing the head; haply at the first the wenches began so to do in regard of that festivall day, and so the custome passed also unto their mistresses and other women free borne?

101.

Why do the Romanes adorne their children with jewels pendant at their necks, which they call Bullæ?

Peradventure to honor the memorie of those first wives of theirs, whom they ravished: in favour of whom they ordained many other prerogatives for the children which they had by them, and namely this among the rest?

Or it may be, for to grace the prowesse of Tarquinius? For reported it is that being but a verie child, in a great battell which was fought against the Latines and Tuskanes together, hee rode into the verie throng of his enemies, and engaged himselfe so farre, that being dismounted and unhorsed; yet notwithstanding he manfully withstood those who hotly charged upon him, and encouraged the Romanes to stand to it, in such sort as the enemies by them were put to plaine flight, with the losse of 16000. men whom they left dead in the place: and for a reward of this vertue and valour, received such a jewell to hang about his necke, which was given unto him by the king his father.

Or else, because in old time it was not reputed a shamfull and villanous thing, to love yoong boyes wantonly, for their beauty in the flowre of their age, if they were slaves borne, as the Comedies even at this day do testifie: but they forbare most precisely, to touch any of them who were free-borne or of gentle blood descended. To the end therefore man might not pretend ignorance in such a case, as if they knew not of what condition any boyes were, if they mette with them naked, they caused them to weare this badge and marke of nobilitie about their neckes.

Or peradventure, this might be also as a preservative unto them of their honor, continence and chastitie, as one would say, a bridle to restraine wantonnesse and incontinencie, as being put in mind thereby to be abashed to play mens parts, before they had laid off the marks and signes of childhood. For there is no apparance or probabilitie, of that which Varro alledgeth, saying: That because the Aeolians in their Dialect do call Βουλη, that is to say, Counsell, Βολλα, therefore such children for a signe and presage of wisdome and good counsell, carried this jewell, which they named Bulla.

But see whether it might not be in regard of the moone that they weare this device? for the figure of the moone when shee is at the full, is not round as a bal or boule, but rather flat in maner of a lentill or resembling a dish or plate; not onely on that side which appeareth unto us, but also (as Empedocles saith) on that part which is under it.

102.

Wherefore gave they fore-names to little infants, if they were boies upon the ninth day after their birth, but if they were girls, when they were eight daies olde?

May there not be a naturall reason rendred hereof, that they should impose the names sooner upon daughters than sonnes: for that females grow apace, are quickly ripe, and come betimes unto their perfection in comparison of males; but as touching those precise daies, they take them that immediatly follow the seventh: for that the seventh day after children be borne is very dangerous, as well for other occasions, as in regard of the navill-string: for that in many it will unknit and be loose againe upon the seventh day, and so long as it continueth so resolved and open, an infant resembleth a plant rather than any animall creature?

Or like as the Pythagoreans were of opinion, that of numbers the even was female and the odde, male; for that it is generative, and is more strong than the even number, because it is compound: and if a man divide these numbers into unities, the even number sheweth a void place betweene, whereas the odde, hath the middle alwaies fulfilled with one part thereof: even so in this respect they are of opinion, that the even number eight, resembleth rather the female and the even number nine, the male.

Or rather it is because of all numbers, nine is the first square comming of three, which is an odde and perfect number: and eight the first cubick, to wit foure-square on every side like a die proceeding from two, an even number: now a man ought to be quadrat odde (as we say) and singular, yea and perfect: and a woman (no lesse than a die) sure and stedfast, a keeper of home, and not easily removed. Heereunto we must adjoyne thus much more also, that eight is a number cubick, arising from two as the base and foot: and nine is a square quadrangle having three for the base: and therefore it seemeth, that where women have two names, men have three.

103.

What is the reason, that those children who have no certeine father, they were woont to tearme Spurios?

For we may not thinke as the Greeks holde, and as oratours give out in their pleas, that this word Spurius, is derived of Spora, that is to say, naturall seed, for that such children are begotten by the seed of many men mingled and confounded together.

But surely this Spurius, is one of the ordinary fore-names that the Romans take, such as Sextus, Decimus, and Caius. Now these fore-names they never use to write out at full with all their letters, but marke them sometime with one letter alone, as for example, Titus, Lucius, and Marcius, with T, L, M; or with twaine, as Spurius and Cneus, with Sp. and Cn. or at most with three as Sextus & Servius, with Sex. and Ser. Spurius then is one of their fore-names which is noted with two letters S. and P. which signifieth asmuch, as Sine Patre, that is to say, without a father; for S. standeth for Sine, that is to say, without; and P. for patre, that is to say a father. And heereupon grew the error, for that Sine patre, and Spurius be written both with the same letters short, Sp. And yet I will not sticke to give you another reason, though it be somewhat fabulous, and carieth a greater absurdity with it: forsooth they say that the Sabines in olde time named in their language the nature or privities of a woman, Sporios, and thereupon afterwards as it were by way of reproch, they called him Spurius, who had to his mother a woman unmaried and not lawfully espoused.

104.

Why is Bacchus called with them, Liber Pater?

Is it for that he is the authour and father of all liberty unto them who have taken their wine well; for most men become audacious and are full of bolde and franke broad speech, when they be drunke or cup-shotten?

Or because he it is that ministred libations first, that is to say, those effusions and offrings of wine that are given to the gods?

Or rather (as Alexander said) because the Greeks called Bacchus, Dionysos Eleuthereus, that is to say, Bacchus the Deliverer: and they might call him so, of a city in Bœotia, named Eleutheræ.

105.

Wherefore was it not the custome among the Romans, that maidens should be wedded upon any dates of their publicke feasts; but widdowes might be remarried upon those daies?

Was it for that (as Varro saith) virgins be ^[147]ill-apaid and heavie when they be first wedded; but such as were wives before, ^[148]be glad and joyfull when they marrie againe? And upon a festivall holiday there should be nothing done with an ill will or upon constraint.

Or rather, because it is for the credit and honour of young damosels, to be maried in the view of the whole world; but for widowes it is a dishonour and shame unto them, to be seene of many for to be wedded a second time: for the first marriage is lovely and desireable; the second, odious and abominable: for women, if they proceed to marrie with other men whiles their former husbands be living, are ashamed thereof; and if they be dead, they are in mourning state of widowhood: and therefore they chuse rather to be married closely and secretly in all silence, than to be accompanied with a long traine and solemnity, and to have much adoe and great stirring at their marriage. Now it is well knowen that festivall holidaies divert and distract the multitude divers waies, some to this game and pastime, others to that; so as they have no leisure to go and see weddings.

Or last of all, because it was a day of publicke solemnitie, when they first ravished the Sabines daughters: an attempt that drew upon them, bloudy warre, and therefore they thought it ominous and presaging evill, to suffer their virgins to wed upon such holidaies.

106.

Why doe the Romans honour and worship Fortune, by the name of Primigenia, which a man may interpret First begotten or first borne?

Is it for that (as some say) Servius being by chance borne of a maid-servant and a captive, had Fortune so favourable unto him, that he reigned nobly and gloriously, king at Rome? For most Romans are of this opinion.

Or rather, because Fortune gave unto the city of Rome her first originall and beginning of so mightie an empire.

Or lieth not herein some deeper cause, which we are to fetch out of the secrets of Nature and Philosophie; namely, that Fortune is the principle of all things, insomuch, as Nature consisteth by Fortune; namely, when to some things concurring casually and by chance, there is some order and dispose adjoined.

107.

What is the reason that the Romans call those who act comedies and other theatricall plaies, Histriones?

Is it for that cause, which as Claudius Rufus hath left in writing? for he reporteth that many yeeres ago, and namely, in those daies when Cajus Sulpitius and Licinius Stolo were Consuls, there raigned a great pestilence at Rome, such a mortalitie as comsumed all the stage plaiers indifferently one with another. Whereupon at their instant praier and request, there repaired out of Tuscane to Rome, many excellent and singular actours in this kinde: among whom, he who was of greatest reputation, and had caried the name longest in all theaters, for his rare gift and dexteritie that way, was called Hister; of whose name all other afterwards were tearmed Histriones.

108.

Why espoused not the Romans in mariage those women who were neere of kin unto them?

Was it because they were desirous to amplifie and encrease their alliances, and acquire more kinsfolke, by giving their daughters in mariage to others, and by taking to wife others than their owne kinred?

Or for that they feared in such wedlock the jarres and quarrels of those who be of kin, which are able to extinguish and abolish even the verie lawes and rights of nature?

Or else, seeing as they did, how women by reason of their weaknesse and infirmitie stand in need of many helpers, they would not have men to contract mariage, nor dwell in one house with those who were neere in blood to them, to the end, that if the husband should offer wrong and injurie to his wife, her kinsfolke might succour and assist her.

109.

Why is it not lawfull for Jupiters priest, whom they name Flamen Dialis to handle or once touch meale or leaven.

For meale, is it not because it is an unperfect and raw kind of nourishment? for neither continueth it the same that it was, to wit, wheat, &c. nor is that yet which it should be, namely bread: but hath lost that nature which it had before of seed, and withall hath not gotten the use of food and nourishment. And hereupon it is, that the poet calleth meale (by a Metaphor or borrowed speech) Mylephaton, which is as much to say, as killed and marred by the mill in grinding: and as for leaven, both it selfe is engendered of a certaine corruption of meale, and also corrupteth (in a maner) the whole lumpe of dough, wherein it is mixed: for the said dough becommeth lesse firme and fast than it was before, it hangeth not together; and in one word the leaven of the paste seemeth to be a verie putrifaction and rottennesse thereof. And verely if there be too much of the leaven put to the dough, it maketh it so sharpe and soure that it cannot be eaten, and in verie truth spoileth the meale quite.

110.

Wherefore is the said priest likewise forbidden to touch raw flesh?

Is it by this custome to withdraw him farre from eating of raw things?

Or is it for the same cause that he abhorreth and detesteth meale? for neither is it any more a living animall, nor come yet to be meat: for by boiling and rosting it groweth to such an alteration, as changeth the verie forme thereof: whereas raw flesh and newly killed is neither pure and impolluted to the eie, but hideous to see to; and besides, it hath (I wot not what) resemblance to an ougly sore or filthie ulcer.

111.

What is the reason that the Romans have expresly commaunded the same priest or Flamen of Jupiter, not onely to touch a dogge or a goat, but not so much as to name either of them?

To speake of the Goat first, is it not for detestation of his excessive lust and lecherie; and besides for his ranke and filthie savour? or because they are afraid of him, as of a diseased creature and subject to maladies? for surely, there seemeth not to be a beast in the world so much given to the falling sicknesse, as it is; nor infecteth so soone those that either eat of the flesh or once touch it, when it is surprised with this evill. The cause whereof some say to be the streightnesse of those conduits and passages by which the spirits go and come, which oftentimes happen to be intercepted and stopped. And this they conjecture by the small and slender voice that this beast hath; & the better to continue the same, we do see ordinarily, that men likewise who be subject to this malady, grow in the end to have such a voice as in some sort resembleth the bleating of goats. Now, for the Dog, true it is haply that he is not so lecherous, nor smelleth altogether so strong and so ranke as doth the Goat; and yet some there be who say, that a Dog might not be permitted to come within the castle of Athens, nor to enter into the Isle of Delos, because forsooth he lineth bitches openly in the sight of everie man, as if bulls, boares, and stalions had their secret chambers, to do their kind with females, and did not leape and cover them in the broad field and open yard, without being abashed at the matter.

But ignorant they are of the true cause indeed: which is, for that a Dog is by nature fell, and quarelsome, given to arre and warre upon a verie small occasion: in which respect men banish them from sanctuaries, holy churches, and priviledged places, giving thereby unto poore afflicted suppliants, free accesse unto them for their safe and sure refuge. And even so verie probable it is, that this Flamen or priest of Jupiter whom they would have to be as an holy, sacred, and living image for to flie unto, should be accessible and easie to be approached unto by humble suters, and such as stand in need of him, without any thing in the way to empeach, to put backe, or to affright them: which was the cause that he had a little bed or pallet made for him, in the verie porch or entrie of his house; and that servant or slave, who could find meanes to come and fall downe at his feet, and lay hold on his knees was for that day freed from the whip, and past danger of all other punishment: say he were a prisoner with irons, and bolts at his feet that could make shift to approch neere unto this priest, he was let loose, and his gives and fetters were throwen out of the house, not at the doore, but flung over the verie roofe thereof.

But to what purpose served all this, and what good would this have done, that he should shew himselfe so gentle, so affable, and humane, if he had a curst dog about him to keepe his doore, and to affright, chase and scarre all those away who had recourse unto him for succour. And yet so it is, that our ancients reputed not a dog to be altogether a clean creature: for first and formost we doe not find that he is consecrated or dedicated unto any of the celestial gods; but being sent unto terrestrial & infernall Proserpina into the quarrefires and crosse high waies to make her a supper, he seemeth to serve for an expiatorie sacrifice to divert and turne away some calamitie, or to cleanse some filthie ordure, rather than otherwise: to say nothing, that in Lacedæmon, they cut and slit dogs down along the mids, and so sacrifice them to Mars the most bloody god of all others. And the Romanes themselves upon the feast Lupercalia, which they celebrate in the lustrall moneth of Purification, called February, offer up a dog for a sacrifice: and therefore it is no absurditie to thinke, that those who have taken upon them to serve the most soveraigne and purest god of all others, were not without good cause forbidden to have a dog with them in the house, nor to be acqainted and familiar with him.

112.

For what cause was not the same priest of Jupiter permitted, either to touch an ivie tree, or to passe thorow a way covered over head with a vine growing to a tree, and spreading her branches from it?

Is not this like unto these precepts of Phythagoras: Eat not your meat from a chaire: Sit not upon a measure called Chœnix: Neither step thou over a broome or ^[149]besoome. For surely none of the Pythagoreans feared any of these things, or made scruple to doe, as these words in outward shew, and in their litterall sense do pretend: but under such speeches they did covertly and figuratively forbid somewhat else: even so this precept: Go not under a vine, is to be referred unto wine, and implieth this much; that it is not lawfull for the said Priest to be drunke; for such as over drinke themselves, have the wine above their heads, and under it they are depressed and weighed downe, whereas men and priests especially ought to be evermore superiors and commanders of this pleasure, and in no wise to be subject unto it. And thus much of the vine.

As for the ivie, is it not for that it is a plant that beareth no fruit, nor any thing good for mans use: and moreover is so weake, as by reason of that feeblenesse it is not able to sustaine it selfe, but had need of other trees to support and beare it up: and besides, with the coole shadowe that it yeelds, and the greene leaves alwaies to be seene, it dazeleth, and as it were bewitcheth the eies of many that looke upon it: for which causes, men thought that they ought not to nourish or entertaine it about an house, because it bringeth no profit; nor suffer it to claspe about any thing, considering it is so hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe upon them, whiles it sticketh fast in the ground: and therefore banished it is from the temples and sacrifices of the celestiall gods, and their priests are debarred from using it: neither shall a man ever see in the sacrifices or divine worship of Juno at Athens, nor of Venus at Thebes, any wilde ivie brought out of the woods. Mary at the sacrifices and services of Bacchus, which are performed in the night and darknesse, it is used.

Or may not this be a covert and figurative prohibition, of such blind dances and fooleries in the night, as these be, which are practised by the priests of Bacchus? for those women which are transported with these furious motions of Bacchus, runne immediately upon the ivie, and catching it in their hands, plucke it in pieces, or else chew it betweene their teeth; in so much as they speake not altogether absurdly, who say, that this ivie hath in it a certaine spirit that stirreth and mooveth to madnesse; turneth mens mindes to furie; driveth them to extasies; troubleth and tormenteth them; and in one word maketh them drunke withoute wine, and doth great pleasure unto them, who are otherwise disposed and enclined of themselves to such fanaticall ravishments of their wit and understanding.

113.

What is the reason that these Priests and Flamins of Jupiter were not allowed, either to take upon them, or to sue for any government of State, but in regard that they be not capable of such dignities, for honour sake and in some sort to make some recompense for that defect, they have an usher or verger before them carrying a knitch of rods, yea and a curall chaire of estate to sit upon?

Is it for the same cause, that as in some cities of Greece, the sacerdotall dignitie was equivalent to the royall majestie of a king, so they would not chuse for their priests, meane persons and such as came next to hand.

Or rather, because Priests having their functions determinate and certaine, and the kings, undeterminate and uncertaine, it was not possible, that when the occasions and times of both concurred together at one instant, one and the same person should be sufficient for both: for it could not otherwise be, but many times when both charges pressed upon him and urged him at ones, he should pretermit the one or the other, and by that meanes one while offend and fault in religion toward God, and anotherwhile do hurt unto citizens and subjects.

Or else, considering, that in governments among men, they saw that there was otherwhiles no lesse necessitie than authority; and that he who is to rule a people (as Hippocrates said of a physician, who seeth many evill things, yea and handleth many also) from the harmes of other men, reapeth griefe and sorrow of his owne: they thought it not in policy good, that any one should sacrifice unto the gods, or have the charge and superintendence of sacred things; who had been either present or president at the judgements and condemnations to death of his owne citizens; yea and otherwhiles of his owne kinsfolke and allies, like as it befell sometime to Brutus.

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Notes

[1]

Livy, x. 47, 7, Ep. 11; Val. Max., I. viii. 2; Strabo, xii. p. 567; Ovid, F., i. 291; M., xv. 622; Oros, iii. 22; Lactant., Inst., II. vii. 13; Arnob., vii. 44; Augustin, C. D., iii. 17; Aurel. Vict., De V. Ill., 25; Dion., v. 13; Pliny, N. H., 29, 16.

[2]

Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, p. 162.

[3]

Religionsgeschichte, ii. 203.

[4]

Meyer, Indogermanische Mythen, ii. p. 612.

[5]

Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung², iii. p. 2.

[6]

Mommsen, History of Rome, i. 173.

[7]

Ibid.; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. Ianus.

[8]

Rochholz, Deutscher Glaube, ii. 136.

[9]

Wuttke, Deutscher Volksaberglaube², § 57.

[10]

Ibid., § 177, 388.

[11]

Ibid., § 395; cf. Pliny, N. H., 28, 86.

[12]

Marquardt, iii. 6.

[13]

De la Saussaye, ii. 203.

[14]

Marquardt, p. 7.

[15]

De la Saussaye, i. 53.

[16]

Marquardt, p. 6.

[17]

Folk-Lore, vol. ii. p. 235.

[18]

Marquardt, p. 25.

[19]

"Chez les Chinois Ti est bien et uniquement la terre ... qui n'a aucun personalité, aucun aspect anthropologique."—De Rialle, Mythologie Comparée, i. 235. As in Rome, so in China, though the sky advanced to the rank of a spirit, the earth remained a fetich.

[20]

Preller, R. M., i. 1 and 2, points out that Italian mythology is "quite different" from the Greek; that it is only in "a certain sense" that there can be said to be a Roman mythology; that it is a very different thing from Greek, Hindoo, Persian, Teutonic, and Scandinavian mythology; that the Romans had not advanced far in personifying and individualising their gods, and consequently could not develop much mythology. Finally, Italian religion was "far less widely removed" from the primitive Aryan belief than Greek religion and mythology were.

[21]

Livy, ii. 21; Dion., vi. i.

[22]

Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, i. 482 ff.

[23]

According to Schwegler, Röm. Gesch., i. 354-383, Εὔανδρος is simply Greek for Faunus = Favinus, "the benevolent" or "good" god. Cf. Fauna = Bona Dea.

[24]

"Rapi ... similatur virgo ex gremio matris ... cum ad virum trahitur, quod videlicet ea res feliciter Romulo cessit."—Festus, s.v. rapi.

[25]

E.g., among the Esthonians, Finns, Wotjaks, Mordwins, Vedic Hindoos, and Bohemians.

[26]

For the use of the sword, axe, or dagger to keep off evil spirits from a wedding, see Schroeder, Hochzeitsbräuche der Ester, 99-102.

[27]

For the sacredness of the head especially, see the Golden Bough, i. 187-193.

[28]

The myth, as given by Plutarch, is to be found also in Livy, i. 9; Serv. ad Æn., vi. 55; and in Varro, quoted by Festus, p. 351. The word occurs in Martial, i. 35. 6 and 7; iii. 93. 25; xii. 42. 4, 95. 5 (Friedländer says nothing), and Catullus, lxi. 134 (Robinson Ellis has nothing to say).

[29]

Hartley, Science of Fairy Tales, pp. 279-281, for examples. The tale of Servius is also told by Ovid, F., vi. 577.

[30]

It is interesting to note that two hundred years ago Boxhorn, in commenting on this passage of Plutarch, laid down a fundamental proposition of the science of folk-lore:—"Mortales cum inquirerent in caussas rerum, nec invenirent, pro libitu suo verisimiles sunt commenti. Sic ut fabulæ proponerentur tanquam caussæ rerum, cum res ipsæ essent causeæ fabularum." See his edition of the Roman Questions, printed in vol. v. of the Thesaurus of Grævius (Lugd., Batavor, 1696).

[31]

Ethnology in Folk-Lore, pp. 120 ff. Mr. Gomme, however, argues that the fear of dead kindred was borrowed by the Aryans from the non-Aryan inhabitants of Europe. But why may not the pro-ethnic Aryans, as well as other savages, have had, at one stage of their development, a fear of dead kindred?

[32]

My authorities for the customs quoted in the next few pages are (unless special references are given) Wuttke, Deutsche Volksaberglaube, §§ 725-756; Rochholz, Deutscher Glaube und Brauch, ii. pp. 170-173; and De Rialle, Mythologie Comparée, i. p. 125.

[33]

Weinhold, Altnord. Leben, 476.

[34]

The Lares are thus represented on a coin of the gens Cæsia. See Cohen, Méd. Cons., pl. viii, Cæsia.

[35]

Ovid, F., v. 129-147.

[36]

De la Saussaye, Religionsgeschichte, i. 281.

[37]

Wuttke, § 755.

[38]

Waldron's Isle of Man, p. 103.

[39]

Encyc. Britan., art. "Sacrifice."

[40]

Frazer, G. B., i. 239.

[41]

Daoine Shie or Sluagh Maith.

[42]

Frazer, i. 122.

[43]

De Rialle, i. 190.

[44]

See The Secret Commonwealth by Mr. Robert Kirk, Minister of Aberfoyle, 1691.

[45]

See Saupe's edition of the Indiculus, p. 9.

[46]

Servius on Georg., i. 302, and Prudent, c. Symm., ii. 444.

[47]

Frazer, ii. 332.

[48]

Preller, R. M.³, ii. 198.

[49]

Cic. de Div., i. 18, 36; Plut. Ti. Gracch., i. A similar story is related of D. Laelius, Jul. Op. seq. 58.

[50]

H. N., xxix. 72.

[51]

C. I. L., i. 603.

[52]

We have no direct evidence of this, but we may infer it from the analogous case of Dius Fidius:—"Qui per Dium Fidium iurare vult, prodire solet in compluvium."—Non. Marc., p. 494, quoting Varro. The temples of Dius Fidius had a hole specially made in the roof ("perforatum tectum," Varro, L. L. v. 66), under which one might swear. Probably the temples of Hercules were similarly provided; certainly those of Terminus were ("exiguum templi tecta foramen habent."—Ov. F. ii. 672).

[53]

Reifferscheid, in the Annali dell' Instituto for 1867, p. 352 ff., identifies Hercules with the genius Jovis. But, in the first place, this seems to me the wrong inference from his own facts, which all have exclusively to do with the genii virorum. Next, the genius Jovis is not known before B.C. 58. Schwegler, before Reifferscheid, noticed that in Gellius, xi. 6. 1, "der römische Hercules erscheint als identisch mit dem genius der Männer."—R. G., i. 367 n.

[54]

Roscher's arguments to show that Juno is the moon are not satisfactory. He assumes without proof that Juno was always Lucina (whereas Lucina was an independent spirit worshipped in woods, Lexikon, pp. 583 and 602), that Lucina was the moon (whereas she is the spirit that brings children to light, and is not = Luna), that the Italians connected the moon with child-birth (which, as Birt says, lacks proof), that the name Juno indicates a light-giving deity (whereas, though from the root *Div, it does not imply the giving of light any more than deus does, which is applied to the di manes, the di indigetes, dea bona, dea dia, &c.). The arguments drawn by Roscher from works of art are untrustworthy, because borrowing is specially probable in their case. Finally, the hypothesis of a Græco-Italian period, on which Roscher relies to prove that Juno = Hera = the moon, is now discredited.

[55]

In B.C. 361 an Aius Locutius was produced (Liv. v. 32. 6, 50. 6, 52. 11); in 211 a Rediculus Tutanus (Festus s.v.); in or after 269 a spirit of silver coin, Argentinus (August., C. D. iv. 21 and 28); but no spirit was forthcoming for gold coin, which was first struck in B.C. 217. See further Roscher's Lexikon, s.v. Indigitamenta.

[56]

So called "quod marem effuso semine liberat."—Augustin, C. D. vii. 2.

[57]

Finally, with regard to Matuta, the very remarkable fact recorded in Romane Questions, 17, that people prayed to her not for any blessings to their own children, but for their nephews only (brothers' or sisters' children), immediately suggests that we have here an indication that the Nair type of family was once known in Italy. But the indication, being isolated, has perhaps not much value.

[58]

She occurs in the following series:—Fluvionia, Mena, Vitumnus, Sentinus, Alemona, Nova, Decima, Partula, Carmenta, Lucina, for which see S. August., C. D. vii. 3; Tertull., De An. 37, and Ad Nat. ii. 11.

[59]

Liv. v. 47; Dion. Hal. i. 32; Serv. on Æn. viii. 337; W. Becker, Handb. d. röm. Altert., i. 137.

[60]

Derived probably from Varro, R. R. II. xi. 5.

[61]

Livy, i. 45. 3; Dionys., iv. 25; Aur. Vict., De Vir. Ill., vii. 9.

[62]

As Preller does, R. M.³, i. 313.

[63]

e.g., C. I. L. vi. 656, 658, &c.

[64]

C. I. L., vii. 451.

[65]

Grimm, D. M.⁴, iii. 104; cf. Gummere, Germanic Origins, 383. "Special influence over cattle is ascribed to wood-spirits" (Golden Bough, i. 105).

[66]

Gummere, p. 387; cf. Bugge, Studien, p. 393 ff.

[67]

Golden Bough, i. 187 ff.

[68]

Ibid., 188. The date of the rite was 13th August; cf. Auson., De Fer. Rom., 6; Martial, 12, 67, 2. The asylum for runaway slaves afforded by the temple finds a folk-lore explanation in a folk-etymology. "Ædem Dianæ dedicaverit in Aventino, cuius tutelæ sint cervi, a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent cervos" (Festus, p. 343^a, 7, s.v. Servorum dies). Birt (Roscher's Lexikon, i. 1008) seems to take this explanation seriously; but the temple on the Aventine was precisely the temple in which the goddess of cervi was not worshipped. Possibly the right of asylum was conferred on the temple as part of the political changes brought about by the formation of the Latin confederacy, for this temple was the religious centre of the Latin alliance, "Commune Latinorum Dianæ templum" (Varro, L. L. v. 43). Hence, then, the folk-story that Servius Tullius, "natus servus" (Festus, l.c.), built the temple and gave it the right of asylum.

[69]

For the full list see Marquardt, 328-331.

[70]

Golden Bough, i. 37 ff.

[71]

Ibid., i. 39.

[72]

Golden Bough, ch. ii.

[73]

Röm. Mythol.³, i. 201.

[74]

Kæmpfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Frazer, i. 110.

[75]

Kæmpfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Fraser, i. 110.

[76]

With Q. R., 111, cf. Golden Bough, i. 207; with Q. R., 112, cf. G. B., i. 183; and generally see i. 117.

[77]

G. B., i. 130.

[78]

For instances see Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales, pp. 272-274.

[79]

Momms., R. H., i. 25.

[80]

Ibid., i. 60.

[81]

G. B., i. 170. I may point out that in some parts of Europe these taboos still survive. For six weeks after delivery, the young mother is forbidden to enter a strange house, or go shopping, or draw water from a well, or walk over a sowed field (Grimm, D. M.⁴, iii. pp. 435, 464, Nos. 35, 844, 845). The Esthonians also regard a new-born child as tabooed, and indirect contact with it as dangerous (Ibid., p. 488, No. 28). For the death-dealing qualities of women, cf. Burchard von Worms, Samlung der Decrete, Coln, 1548, p. 201a (quoted by Grimm, iii. 410). Amongst the Eskimo, as amongst the Germans, the young mother is forbidden to leave the house for six weeks (Reclus, Primitive Folk, 36); she is also tabooed by the Badagas of the Neilgherrie Hills (Ibid., 192).

[82]

Hartland, S. of F. T., p. 93 ff. for instances.

[83]

"Make of it an image in his likeness (i.e., of Namtar, the plague); apply (the image) to the living flesh of his body (i.e., of the sick man). May the malevolent Namtar who possesses him pass into the image" (Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 51). The Buddhists of Ceylon cure disease in exactly the same way (J. Roberts, Oriental Illustrations of Scripture, p. 171).

[84]

Cf. C. F. Gordon Cumming, Two Happy Years in Ceylon, i. p. 278, "The astrologer is called in to preside at baby's 'rice feast,' when some grains of rice are first placed in its month. He selects for the little one a name which is compounded from the name of the ruling planet of that moment. This name he tells only to the father, who whispers it low in baby's ear—no one else must know it, and, like the Chinese 'infantile name,' this 'rice name' is never used lest sorcerers should hear it and be able to work malignant spells."

[85]

For instances see Folk Lore, iii. 137. The Romans themselves fettered the image of Saturnus (Macrob., i. 8. 5; Stat. Silv., i. 6. 4; Arnob., iv. 24; Minuc. Fel., c. 22. 5).

[86]

Chemnitzer Rockenphilosophie, 16 and 325 (Grimm, D. M.⁴, iii. 435 and 445).

[87]

The classical references are: Festus, p. 143 and 385; Dionys., i. 38; Ov., F., i. 56, iii. 791, v. 62 ff.; Varro, L. L., vii. 44; Paul. Diac., p. 15; Lact, I. i. 21. 6; Macrob., i. 5. 10, and 11. 47; Prudent. C. Symmach., ii. 295; Cicero pro Roscio Am., 35. 100; Catull., xvii. 8. 23; Non. Marc., p. 358b.; Liv. i. 21, iv. 12. The modern literature: first and foremost and final, Mannhardt, Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 265 ff., whose explanation is adopted in Roscher's Lexikon; further, Preller, Röm. M.³, ii. 135 ff.; Marquardt, 190 ff.; Grimm, D. M., 733, n. 4. The meaning of the word Argei has received no satisfactory explanation yet. The number of the images is accounted for by the fact that each of the twenty-four quarters of ancient Rome required rain for its crops.

[88]

See Rhein. Museum, 1867, p. 129.

[89]

Macrob., i. 10, 11 ff.; Gell., N. A., vii. (vi.) 7; Plut., Rom., 4. 5; Lactant., i. 20. 5.

[90]

"Exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante meretrices, quæ tunc (i.e., at the Floralia) mimarum funguntur officio" (Lact. l.c.). Cf. Val. Max., 2. 10. 8; Senec., Ep., 97. 7; Mart., 1 præf.; Ov., F., iv. 946, v. 183; Tertull., De Spect., 17; Min. Felix, 25. 8; Augustin, C. D., ii. 27.

[91]

The Arval Brothers wore a harvest-crown, vittis spiceis coronati, C. I. L., vi. 2104^a 16. They preserved a sheaf of corn (corn-baby, mother, &c.) from the previous year's harvest; this is the fruges aridas of C. I. L., l.c. 6. They consecrated the old corn, the green corn of the new year, and a loaf, fruges aridas et virides contigerunt et panes laureatos, l.c.; and they sacramentally "ate the god," fruges libatas.

[92]

Mommsen, Die echte und die falsche Acca Larentia, 3 A. 3.

[93]

Jordan, Krit. Beitr., 75, compares Italian atta, "mother" and Greek ἀκκώ?

[94]

"E nos Lases iuvate" = Age nos, Lares, iuvate.

[95]

The classical references on this subject of beans are: Diog. Laert., viii. 24 and 34 (quoting Aristotle, ἤτοι ὅτι αἰδοίοις εἰσὶν ὅμοιοι), Gellius, N. A., iv. 11; Cic., de Div., i. 30, ii. 58; Pliny N. H., xviii. 12; Didymus in Geopon., ii. 58; Sext. Emp., Pyrrh. Hyp., iii. 224; Iambl., Vit. Pyth., 109 and Protrept. extr. Symb., 37; Anon. (e. Photio), Vit. Pyth., 7; Pseudo-Orig., Philos. ii.; Apollon. Dysc., Mirab. Hist., c. 46; Eudocia, p. 368; Suidas, s. v. Συμβ. Πυθαγ..; Eustath., N., p. 948.

[96]

For its meaning as a symbol, see Westropp, Primitive Symbolism, p. 28.

[97]

R. Q., 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 29, 30, 31, 65, 86, 87, 105, 108.

[98]

The custom is also testified to by Serv. on Virg., Ecl., viii. 29; Isid., Orig., ix. 8; Plaut., Cas., IV. iv. 1; Catull., lxi. 159; Lucan, Phars., ii. 358.

[99]

Ueber die römische Ehe, p. 360.

[100]

Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, p. 57.

[101]

Ibid., 84.

[102]

Ibid., 251.

[103]

Weinhold, Die deutschen Frauen², i. 410.

[104]

Haas in Weber's Ind. Stud., v. 324, 359, 373.

[105]

V. Schroeder, Hochzeitsbräuche der Esten, pp. 88 ff.

[106]

Plutarch, R. Q., 31. Cf. Festus, "In pelle lanata nova nupta considere solet."

[107]

Serv. ad Æn., iv. 374.

[108]

Διὸς κῴδιον, Suidas, s.v.

[109]

De Witte, Descr. des Antiq. de l'Hôtel Lambert, p. 68, pl. 22 (reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict., s.v., and in Duruy, Hist. des Grecs, i. 786). The right interpretation of this scene was first given by Lenormant, Contemporary Review, 1880, p. 137.

[110]

The Roman, at this crisis of his personal history, placed himself under the protection of a series of Di Indigetes, e.g., Subigus, Prema, Pertunda (S. August., C. D., vi. 9).