Part 2 — APPENDICES

APPENDIX I WYCLYF

Of the discord raised in St. Paule hys churche in London betwene the Cleargie & the Duke, Syr Henry Percye & the Duke, by John Wiclyffe.

“Thys sonne, therefor, of perdition, John Wiclyffe, was to appeare before the bishopps the Thursday before the feast of St. Peter his chaire (23 of February) there to be converted for marvellous wordes that he had spoken, Sathan, the adversarye of the whoole churche, as ye beleaved, teachynge hym: whoe after the nynth houre, the duke & Syr Henry Percye & divyers other assystynge hym, whoe by there powre were able to trouble the weake people, and also beynge as a meane betwene them, what yf any thynge sholde fall from the table of the ritche bishopps, that ys to say plate, although it were soyled in the fall, they wolde gather yt upp and wolde chew yt by there backbytynge, beholde the abominable hoste, John aforenamed, was brought furthe with greate pomp, nether yet was sufficient yt for hym to have onely the common sergeants, unlesse Syr Henrye Percye the chiefe Marshall of Englande did goe before hym; in the waye he was animated by his companions not to feare the congregation of the bishopps, whoe in respect of hym were unlearned, nether yet the concourse of the people, seynge that he was walled in on every syde with so many knightes. His body was now broughte into St. Paul’s churche with an incredible pryde, where such a multitude of people was gathered togeather to heare hym, that yt was harde for the noble men and knyghtes (the people lettynge them) to pass through, and even by & by with this occasion they were persuaded craftely to pull backe with there handes there scholer, that he myght escape deathe entended him by manye bishopps. The devill found a way, that fyrste a dissension beynge mayde betwene the noble men & bishopp, hys answer myght be differed. Truly when the people beynge gathered togeather, stayed to geave place unto the noble men, Syr Henry Percye abusynge hys authorytye miserably pricked forwardes the people in the churche, whiche the Bishop of London seyng, prohibited him to exercyse such authoritye in the churche, saynge that yf he had knowne he wolde have used hym selffe so there, he sholde not have come into the churche yf he coulde have letted hym, whiche the duke hearynge was offended, and protested that he wolde exercyse suche authorytye whether he wolde or not. When they were come ito our Ladyes chappell, the duke & barons, with the archbishopp and bishopps, syttynge downe, the foresayed John also was sent in by Syr Henrye Percye to sytt downe, for because, sayed he, he haythe much to answeare he haith neade of a better seate. On the other syde the byshopp of London denyed the sayme, affyrmynge ye to be agaynst reason that he sholde sytt there, & also contrary to the law for hym to sytt, whoe there was cited to answere before hys ordinarye: and therfor the tyme of hys answearynge or so longe as any thynge sholde be deposed agaynste hym, or hys cause sholde be handled, he ought to stande. Hereupon very contumelyous wordes did ryse betwene Syr Henrye Percye and the bishopp, & the whoole multitude began to be troubled. And then the duke began to reprehende the bishopp & and the bishopp to turne then on the duke agayne. The duke was ashamed that he colde not in this stryfe prevaile, and then began with frowarde threatenynges to deale with the bishopp, swearyng that he wolde pull down both the pryde of hym & of all the bishopps in Englande, & added, thou trustest (sayed he) in thy parents, whoe can profytt the nothynge, for they shall have enough to doo to defend themselves, for hys parents, that ys to say hys father & hys mother, were of nobylitye, the Erle & the Countes of Devonshire. The bishopp on the other syde sayed, in defendynge the trueth I truste not in my parents, nor in the lyfe of any man, but in God in whom I ought to trust. Then the duke whysperynge in his eare, sayed he had rather draw hym furth of the churche by the heare then suffer such thynges. The Londoners hearynge these words, angerlye with a lowd voyce cried out, swearynge they wolde not suffer ther Bishopp to be injured & that they wold soner loose ther lyfe then there bishopp sholde be dishonoured in the churche, or pulled out with such vyolence. There fury was the more encreased, for that the same day before none in the parlyament at Westminster, the duke being president &c. it was requested in the kyng’s name, that from that day forward there should be no more Mayre of London accordynge to the auncyent custome, but a captayne, and that the Marshall of England, as well in the cytye as in other places myght arrest such as offended, with many other thynges, which were manyfestly agaynst the lybertyes of the cytye, and portended daungers and hurt to the same, which being once hard, John Philpott, a cytezyn of specyall name, arose, and affyrmed that such thynges were never sene, and that the mayor and comons wold suffer no such arrest and so before none the counsell brake up. The duke and the byshops revylyng one another, the people wondefully enraged and trobled, the enemy of mankynde, as I sayd before, procyryng this counsell, and by these occasyons that false varlet & mynster of the devill persuaded, lest he should be confounded in his inventions, for he saw that in all thynges he wold be profytable unto hym & therefore was careful lest such a defender of his part should perysh ether secretly or so lightly.”—Archæologia, xxii. 256.

APPENDIX II TRADES OF LONDON

Advocate

Alewyfe

Amailler

Apothecary

Arbalester

Armourer

Attorney

Aunseremaker

Auribatour

Bailiff

Baker (White)

Baker (Brown)

Bakster

Ballere

Barber

Barber Surgeon

Batour

Bedemaker

Belyeter

Bell founder

Blacksmith

Blader

Bladesmith

Bokbyndere

Bokesmith

Bokseller

Boucher

Bottle maker

Bowstring maker

Bowyer

Bracerer

Bracegirdler

Braeler

Brasier

Bredemaker

Bredemongstere

Brewer

Brewster

Brewyfe

Bricklayer

Brochere

Brochure

Broderef

Broker

Buckeler

Bokelsmith

Bucklemaker

Bugirdler

Burler

Bureller

Burser

Byrser

Buscher

Butcher

Calender

Callere

Camiser

Candlemaker

Capletmonger

Cap maker

Capper

Cardmaker

Carman

Carpenter or Charpenter

Carter

Ceiler

Ceynturer or Ceinturer

Chalicer

Chaloner

Chandler or Chaundeler

Chapeler

Chaplain

Chapletmaker

Chaucer

Cheesemonger

Chevaler

Cheverelmonger

Cirger

Clerk

Clockmaker

Clothpacker

Clothworker

Coal meter

Cobbler

Coffrer

Coller

Combmaker

Cook

Cooper

Coppersmith

Corder

Cordwayner

Corndealer

Cornmeter

Cornmonger

Cossoun

Cossour

Cotiler

Counter

Coupere

Coureour

Coureter

Courser (horsedealer)

Courthandwriter

Courtman

Cower

Craneman

Currier

Cutler

Cuver

Dauber

Diegher (Dyer)

Dinanter

Disshere

Distiller

Draper

Drawer

Embroiderer

Essoiner

Essorner

Factor

Falconer

Fannere

Farrier

Fauconer

Felmonger

Felt maker

Ferrour

Fethermonger

Feyner

Filehewer

Filemaker

Fisherman

(Fresh or Stock)

Pessoner

Flaoner

Flauner

Flaxwyf

Fletcher

Flourman

Forcer

Founder

Forbour

Frameknitter

Fripperer or Philiper

Frobour

Fruter or Fruiterer

Fuller

Furbisher

Furmager

Furrier

Fuster

Fuyster

Fyner

Gardener

Garlickmonger

Gaunter

Gelder

Gilder

Gildstrer

Giltstere

Girdler

Glassmaker

Glasswryghte

Glazier

Glover or Gaunter

Goldbeater

Orbatur

Goldsmyth

Goldwin

Gorguarius or Gorgiarius(?)

Groceresman

Grocer

Grossarius

Gunsmith

Haberdasher

Hackneyman

Hakenay man

Hagemaker

Halterere

Hanaper maker

Hatband maker

Hatter

Haymonger

Heaumur

Healmer

Herberger

Horner

Horsmonger

Horsedealer

Hosier

Hosteler

Hunter

Hurer

Imagour

Inholder

Ironmonger

Jeweller

Joiner

Kachepol

Kalendrer

Kempster

Keysmith

Kissere

Knyfsmyth

Lacer

Lainer

Latoner

Latter

Lathere

Lavender

Leatherseller

Leathermonger

Le Lenter

Limner

Locksmith

Lockyer

Loder

Lorimer

Loriner

Lynwever

Maceler

Macerer

Maderman (seller of madder)

Makmaker

Male maker

Manciple

Marbiler

Marbrer

Mariner

Marshall

Mason

Mastertawyer

Matritawyer

Mazeliner

Maceler

Mazerer

Meriner or Mazelyner

Meguser

Melker

Melmaker

Melmonger

Melter

Menager

Meneter, Minter, or Moneyer

Mercer

Merchant

Middesman

Miller

Milliner

Minstrel

Minter

Miroover

Mirorer

Moneyer or Minter

Mustarder

Nailer

Nayler

Needlemaker

Netmaker

Notary

Oilmonger

Orbatur or Orbatter

Otemonger

Oyler

Oynter

Oystermonger

Painter

Paneter

Panyere

Parcheminer

Parish clerk

Parmenter

Pastimaker

Paternostrer

Patten maker

Paumer

Paviour or Pavour

Pedlar

Peintour

Pilliper or Peliper

Pelterer

Pepperer

Perler

Pesour

Pessoner (see Fishmonger)

Pestour

Peverer

Pewterer

Physician

Pilliper

Pinner

Plainer

Plaisterer

Pleader

Plumber

Plumer or Plomer

Porter

Portrayer

Potter

Potyer

Pouchmaker

Poulterer

Purser

Pye baker

Pypere

Pytmaker, i.e. gravedigger

Quiltere

Quiltmaker

Raker

Reeve

Retunder

Roper

Saddler

Saker or Sakker

Salter

Sauner (salt dealer)

Sauser

Sautreour (player on the psaltery)

Sawyer

Scavenger

Scryvener

Seal maker

Seler, Seller

Selmaker

Serjeant or Sergeant

Setter

Shearman

Sheather

Shipwright

Shoemaker

Silkman

Silkwyfe

Silk thrower

Skinner

Skirmisor (fencing master)

Slatere

Smith

Soap maker

Soper

Spectacle maker

Spicer

Spirrier

Esperonner

Sporier

Spurrier

Spitmaker

Squyler

Stationer

Stock-fishmonger

Street sweeper

Stringer

Strumyler

Sumenour

Surgeon

Symphanur

Tabler

Tableter

Tabourer

Tailor, Taylor, Taillur

Talgh chandler (tallow)

Tanner

Tapicer

Taverner

Tawyer

Text letter writer

Teynturer

Thread woman

Tiller

Tiler

Timbermonger

Tinner

Tinplate worker

Tolysour

Torte baker

Trinkerman

Trompour

Trumper

Trussing coffrer

Turner

Tyghelere

Tuler

Tiler

Tyrtainer

Upholder

Upholsterer

Venus

Vintner

Violer

Walker

Waterlader

Waterman

Wayder

Wayte

Waxchandler

Weaver, Webbe

Webster

Wheelwright

Whetstone maker

Whitetawyer

Woodmonger

Woolman

Woolmonger

Woolpakkere

Wympler

Wyndere

Wyndrawere

Ymage maker

Ymaiour or Imaiour

Some of these trades are obscure. The following notes will perhaps be useful.

Ancermaker =maker of balances

Arbalester = “balesterius,” crossbowman

Batur = beater of cloth

Bleter =blader, i.e. cornmonger

Bokeler, Bukeler = maker of buckles

Braeler =maker of braels or braces

Brasur =Brewer

Brigirdler =bracegirdler

Brochere =spitmaker

Bureller =worker in burel, coarse cloth

Calenderer =one who “calenders” or presses cloth

Callere =maker of “calls” or coifs

Ceinturer =girdler

Chaloner =maker of chalons for coverlets and blankets

Chapeler =maker of caps

Chaucer =shoemaker

Cirger =wax chandler

Cossun =corsour, horsedealer

Coureter =probably = corretarius, correctarius, broker

Courier =currier

Dinanter =maker of brass vessels known as dinanterie, from Dinan

Flauner =maker of flauns—light cakes

Forbour =furbisher of armour

Fuster =maker of saddle-wood work

Hurer =maker of hures, shaggy fur caps

Kissire =cuissier, maker of cusher or armour for the hips

Orbatur =goldbeater

Pasteler =pastry-cook

Peleter =pelterer or skinner

Pesour =weigher

Pessoner =fishmonger

Peverer =pepperer

Pheleper =fripperer

Poleter =poulterer

Retunder =shearman or shearer of cloth

Sakker =sackmaker

Seller =saddler

Seltere =arrowmaker, O.F. sete = an arrow

Sporier =maker of spurs

Tableter =maker of tablets, or carver of marble tables

Tabourer =maker of tabours or small drums

Tuler =tiler

Violer =player on the viol.

APPENDIX III FOREIGN MERCHANTS

“For many centuries the enterprising foreigner who ventured to visit this country for the purposes of traffic had to struggle against numerous discouragements and grievous restrictions, originating partly in the avarice of the English sovereigns and the insolence and rapacity of their officers, and, to a still greater extent, in the jealousy entertained towards them by the English population, the freemen of the cities and towns more specially. So early, however, as the time of Ethelred II. (about A.D. 1000) some brief regulations were framed, if not for their encouragement at least for their protection.

The existing text of this document, which empowers the merchants of certain foreign countries to trade at the Hythe, even then known as ‘Billingesgate,’ is evidently in an imperfect and mutilated state; so much so, in fact, that, brief as it is, some portions of it are all but wholly unintelligible. In the list, however, of the traders thus favoured, we are enabled to discover the names of the men of France and Normandy, the people of Rouen, the merchants of Flanders, the inhabitants of Liège and of Lier (in Brabant), and the ‘Emperor’s men,’ at an early period known as the ‘Easterlings,’ and in the latter half of the thirteenth century, if not before, under the aggregate appellation of the ‘Merchants of the Hanse of Almaine.’

The curious document, called Regulations for the Lorraine Merchants, is probably based upon the code of Ethelred to some extent, to which indeed it bears a strong resemblance in one or two of its provisions; so far, that is to say, as the unsatisfactory state of the manuscripts containing Ethelred’s tariff allows of its provisions being understood. Though of less remote antiquity, the code of regulations given in the Liber Custumarum is of greatly superior interest to its predecessor: it belongs probably to the first half of the thirteenth century, if, indeed, not an earlier date, and no other copy of it, so far as the Editor has been enabled to ascertain, is known to exist. Under what peculiar circumstances these regulations were drawn up in favour of the Lorrainers, it is probably impossible to say; a people who, though subjects of, or in a state of vassalage under, the Emperors of Almaine, or Germany, do not appear at this period to have come under the more general appellation of ‘Emperor’s men.’

From this document we are enabled to gather that in the earlier days of the Plantagenets, if not at a still more remote period, a wine-fleet, its freight probably the produce of the banks of the Moselle, was in the habit of visiting this country each year. The moment this fleet of adventurous ‘hulks and keels’ had escaped the perils of the German Ocean, and had reached the New Wear, in the Thames, the eastern limit of the City’s jurisdiction, it was their duty, in conformity with fiscal and civic regulations, to arrange themselves in due order and raise their ensign; the crews being at liberty, if so inclined, to sing their kiriele, or song of praise and thanksgiving, ‘according to the old law,’ until London Bridge was reached. Arrived here, and the drawbridge duly raised, they were for a certain time to lie moored off the Wharf (Rive); which not improbably was Queen-Hythe, the most important, in these times, of all the hythes or landing-places, to the west of London Bridge. Here they were to remain at their moorings two ebb, and a flood; during which period the merchants were to sell no part of their cargo, it being the duty of one of the Sheriffs and the King’s Chamberlain to board each vessel in the meantime, and to select for the royal use such precious stones, massive plate of gold or silver (called ‘Work of Solomon’), tapestry of Constantinople, or other valuable articles, as they might think proper; the price thereof being duly assessed by lawful merchants of London, and credit given until a fortnight’s end.

The two ebbs and a flood expired, and the officials having duly made their purchases or declined to do so, the wine-ship was allowed to lie alongside the wharf, the tuns of wine being disposed of under certain regulations, apparently meant as a precaution against picking and choosing, to such merchants as might present themselves as customers, those of London having the priority, and those of Winchester coming next. The first night after his arrival in the City, no Lorrainer was allowed to go ‘to market or to fair’ for any purposes of traffic, beyond four specified points, which seem to have been Stratford-le-Bow, Stamford Hill, Knightsbridge, and Blackheath. The reason for this singular restriction may possibly have been a desire that the foreigner should have at least the opportunity forced upon him of spending his newly-earned money in the City or its vicinity; and it was in a like spirit, probably, that a premium was offered to such of the Lorrainers as forbore to land at all, or to pass the limits of the wharf, or Thames Street, at most, in the shape of a reduction of the duties on their wines.

If, however, on the other hand, the Lorrainer thought proper to carry his wares and luggage beyond those limits, and to ‘take hostel’ within the City, it was the duty of the Sheriff to visit him at his lodging and exact scavage on his goods; the merchant being bound to wait three days for the Sheriff’s attendance, and during that interval not allowed even to unpack his goods. Unless prevented by contrary winds, sickness, or debt, the Lorrainer, in common with most other foreigners in these times, was bound to leave London by the end of forty days; and during his stay there were certain articles, woolfels, lambskins, fresh leather, and unwrought wool, in the number, which he was absolutely forbidden to purchase, under pain of forfeiture to the Sheriff. Three live pigs was all he was allowed to buy for his own consumption, at sea, probably; and if he dared to violate so important a regulation, upon outcry being raised thereon, he was to be brought up for judgment in the Court of Hustings forthwith. By a regulation of probably the same date, the ‘men of the Emperor of Almaine’ were allowed the privilege of lodging within the walls of the City wherever they might please, an option that was left to few other foreign merchants in these days. The inhabitants, however, of Tiesle (Thiel in Gelderland) and Brune (or Bruune, probably Bruurren, in Gelderland) were excepted; what offence had given cause for their exclusion it is perhaps impossible now to say. The men of Antwerp, too, were not allowed to go beyond London Bridge, in case they should object to be ruled by London law; a piece of contumacy of which they had no doubt been guilty at a recent period, and which may possibly have been carried to a still more unpardonable extent by the traders from Tiesle and Brune. Retailing was in general wholly forbidden to foreign merchants, but the ‘Emperor’s men’ were privileged to sell so small a quantity as a quarter of cummin-seed, and a dozen, or even half-dozen, cloths of fustian.

The natives of Denmark seem, in these times, to have been peculiarly favoured, in consequence, probably, of their more intimate connection with this country at a still earlier period. They enjoyed the privilege of sojourning in London all the year through; in addition to which they had a right to all the benefits of ‘the law of the City of London’ —in other words, the right of resorting to fair or to market in any place throughout England. The Norwegians, on the other hand, were upon an equal footing with the Danes as to the right of sojourning in London all the year, but did not enjoy ‘the law of the City,’ being prohibited from leaving it for the purposes of traffic.

In the year 1237 a Convention, or compact, was entered into between the citizens of London and the merchants of Amiens, Corby, and Nesle, in Picardy; the privileges granted by which will go far towards showing the disabilities and inconveniences under which their less fortunate brethren in trade had to labour. They were from thenceforth to be at liberty to load and unload, and to warehouse, within the City, their cargoes of woad, garlic, and onions, and to sell the same within the City alike to citizens and to strangers of the realm; they were also to be at liberty to carry them out of the City, by land or by water, to such parts of the country as they might deem most advantageous. All their other wares, wine and corn excepted, they were also privileged to load and unload, and to warehouse, within the City, but only for sale to citizens, and not to strangers, if sold within the precincts of the City; though, at the same time, they were equally permitted to carry them to any other part of England, ‘saving the rightful and due customs of the City.’ In return for these concessions, the merchants were to pay yearly to the Sheriffs of London fifty marks sterling at three periods denoted by three of the great Fairs of England, those of Saint Ives (in Huntingdonshire), Winchester, and Saint Botolph’s Town, or Boston, in Lincolnshire.

In addition to these privileges, it was granted that if any ‘companion’ of such merchants should wish to keep hostel for the entertainment of his countrymen, he should be at liberty to do so, provided always that he did not stay in London beyond one whole year. In case, by reason of war, or of command given by the King of England to that effect, the merchants should be precluded from making stay in London, they were to be acquitted of payment of their annual ferm to a proportionate extent. Provisions and arms they were under no circumstances to carry out of the realm; and at the same time they were to make due payment to the Sheriffs of London ‘for all their wares and merchandises, of rightful and due custom, coming into the City, making stay in the City, going forth from the City into the parts of England, returning into the City from the parts of England, and departing from the City unto the parts beyond sea.’ By way of confirmation of this compact, the merchants of the three towns before mentioned very liberally paid down a sum of one hundred pounds sterling towards making the conduit, which was then building, for bringing water into the City from Tyburn spring.

At an early period the traffic of the City of Cologne with England appears to have been considerable. Richard I., in the fifth year of his reign (1194), by Charter, signed at Louvain, granted unto its citizens, upon payment of an annual sum of two shillings, their Guildhall in London, ‘and all other customs and demands’; and King John, it is said, conferred upon them several important privileges. In the fourth year of Henry III., we find them paying into the Exchequer thirty marks ‘for having seisin of their Guildhall in London.’ The same King, in the twentieth year of his reign, by Charter granted unto ‘his well-beloved, the citizens of Cologne,’ quitted claim not only of the aforesaid yearly rent of two shillings, but of ‘all other customs and demands which unto us pertain in London, and throughout all our territories in England.’ They also received permission thereby safely to go and safely to come throughout all his territories, and freely to resort to all Fairs throughout the same, and to sell and to buy, as well in ‘the vill of London’ as elsewhere, ‘saving the franchise of the City of London.’ This Charter was confirmed by Edward I. in the eighteenth year of his reign.

Though, strictly speaking, coming under the denomination of ‘Emperor’s men,’ the Colognese, until near the close of the thirteenth century, continued to form a distinct society from that of ‘the Hanse of Almaine.’ Each of them at this period had its own Guildhall, situate at Dowgate in the City of London; but by the end, probably, of that century they had amalgamated, though the date and particulars of that event do not seem to have been ascertained. Hides and woolfels, apparently, were extensively imported by the traders of Cologne.

The Ordinances for the regulation of the woad-merchants would seem to bear date prior to the Convention made (A.D. 1237) with the merchants of Amiens, Corby, and Nesle; as they are evidently drawn up in a spirit quite incompatible with the provisions of that document, and it was the merchants of Picardy, jointly with those of Normandy, who were in those times the principal importers of woad. In the very perfection of the spirit of corporate jealousy in ancient times, it is authoritatively laid down that all foreign merchants, and more especially the woad-merchants, when they have once come within the limits known as La Newe Were, ‘may not, and ought not, according to the ancient customs and franchises of the City and the realm, to come to, or anchor at, any other place than London only.’ On their arrival there, the merchants are reminded that it is their duty to place their woad upon the quay, and that they may enclose it with hurdles and hatches, if they think proper, but upon no account are they to stow it in houses or in cellars. Here they were to sell it, or give it in exchange for other merchandise, ‘but only to men of the City, and to no one else, and that, by reasonable and ancient measure of the City.’ Nor ought they to, nor might they, buy anything of foreigners, but only of men of the City, for exportation beyond sea; nor might they leave the City for the purpose of visiting any fair, or for going to any other place for the purposes of traffic. If found to be on the road to such a place, and proceeding towards a fair, all their chattels were to be forfeited, ‘seeing that all their buying and selling ought to take place within the City, and that only with the men of the City.’

Even more than this. The said merchants ‘might not, nor ought they to, stay within the City more than forty days’; at the end of which, they were to return to their own country, or else ‘to some other place beyond sea, at as great a distance as the place from which they came.’ To fill up the measure of the woad-merchant’s difficulties, the ‘foreigner’ (foraneus) was also to take care that within such forty days he had sold or exchanged the whole of his wares, without holding back any part thereof, ‘seeing that when such term shall have expired, and it shall be his duty to depart, he may not hand over any part of his wares to his host, or to any other person, nor may he carry them away with him. But let him see that within the time limited he makes sale of the same, as well as he can; for if any part thereof shall be found after the time limited unto him, it shall be wholly lost.’ In the trade of dyeing cloth, on no account were these merchants to interfere.

On reading such astounding regulations as these, one might almost be inclined to believe that the civic authorities had conceived some inveterate hatred against all foreign dealers in woad, accompanied by a wish to put an end to the import of the commodity altogether. Be this as it may, we may safely conclude that the profits realised upon the import of this article were considerable; or assuredly, thanks to their short-sighted rulers, the Londoners would have had to go with their burels, russets, and halberjects undyed, so far at least as the broad acres of Picardy and Normandy were concerned.

At a later date (A.D. 1300) we read of several merchants getting into trouble with the authorities, some of the comparatively favoured Teutonics, or Hanse merchants, in the number, for presuming to keep hostels in the City, for bed and for board, a thing that ‘was allowed to the hostels of the freemen only.’ Time, however, with an unwonted degree of considerateness, was allowed them by the Mayor and Aldermen for getting rid of the obnoxious establishments, ‘under forfeiture of all their moveables.’ Others, again, we find appearing before the Mayor and Aldermen, and submissively making oath that they had prolonged their stay in the City through inadvertence, ‘for that of the custom as to staying in the City forty days only, they were wholly in ignorance.’ At a somewhat earlier date (A.D. 1293) certain merchants of Provence, upon being rigidly questioned by the Warden and Aldermen as to their claims to right of stay and exemption from custom, acknowledge that they have no privileges to assert, as granted them by the King of England, and that they claim no rights or franchises within the City, by land or by water, save only that, in addition to the freemen of the City, they may sell their wares in gross ‘to the great men of the land,’ but only for their own private use, taking due care to have no dealings with other ‘strangers.’ Their former patrons, Eleanor of Provence, Archbishop Boniface, and Peter of Savoy, were now in their graves, or we probably should not have found the worthy Provencals making admissions so alien to the spirit manifested in this country by their money-seeking grandsires of half a century before.

In the 33rd of Edward I. (A.D. 1305), the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs of London awarded and granted that the merchants of the Hanse of Almaine should be exempted from the customary payment of two shillings, ‘going and coming with their “goods,” at the Gate of Bishopsgate, seeing that they were already charged with the custody and repair of the said Gate.‘

In the twenty-seventh year of the same reign we find a somewhat serious charge brought against these ‘Merchants of Almaine’; to what extent it was justified, we have no means of forming a conclusion. The King had recently, by precept, commanded the Sheriffs of London that they should allow no good money, or silver in bullion, to be carried out of the realm, or any spurious coin to be brought into the City. In spite, however, of this prohibition, it had come to the royal ears that certain merchants of Almaine, resident in the City, and dwelling in houses by the water-side and elsewhere, had, ‘under colour of certain liberties and acquittances,’ unto them by the King and his progenitors granted, harboured certain strange merchants, with fardels and divers packages of goods, both in the night and, clandestinely, by day. Even more than this, the Teutonics had been in the habit (sæpius) of avowing such goods as their own, and, in virtue of their privileges, opening them out and selling them, without any scavage, or examination, on part of the Sheriffs; thereby not only defrauding the revenue of its customs, but affording an opportunity for the concealment and circulation of bad money. The merchants are therefore strictly enjoined in future to avow (or colour) no wares but their own; and on no account to receive any such into their possession, or to open out any such fardels without the Sheriffs duly having view and making scrutiny thereof.

The status of the foreign merchants in general was no doubt materially improved by the statute De Novâ Custumâ of the 31st Edward I. (A.D. 1303). From it we learn, among numerous other particulars of interest, that no trader was allowed to break off or abandon any contract when once the ‘God’s penny,’ or earnest money, had by the contracting principals been given and received. All bailiffs and officers of fairs, cities, boroughs, and market-towns were to do speedy justice to all merchant-strangers, and duly to hold Court from day to day, according to the provisions of Law-merchant, for that purpose. In every market-town and fair throughout the realm, the royal Beam, or Balance, was to be placed in some fixed spot; and, before weighing, the scale was to be viewed by vendor and purchaser alike, to see that it was empty; the arms, too, of the balance were to be exactly equal before the troner weighed, and, when weighing, he was to remove his hands the instant he found them on a level.”—Liber Custumarum, vol. ii. pt. i. pp. xxxiv.-xlvii.

APPENDIX IV NAMES OF STREETS

The following list of mediæval streets is compiled from Riley’s Memorials, Sharpe’s Calendar of Wills, Liber Custumarum, and the Ninth Report of the Commissioners. Other streets could be found in other documents, but this list certainly gives a very full index to the streets of Mediæval London. They are here produced alphabetically.

The abbreviations used are simply “A.” for Alley, “L.” for Lane, “R.” for Row, “S.” for Street:—

Abbechurch L.

Addle S.

Adlynge S.

Alden’s L. (Warwick L.)

Aldermanberie

Aldewyche (Extra Temple Bar)

Aldersgate, Aldrichgate, Aldredesgate

Aldersgate S.

Alfrichbury (Portpool Manor)

Aldgate

Almes L.

Alsies L. (over against St. Paul’s)

Amen Corner

Anchor A. (Thames St.)

Armenter’s Lane

Arnhill

Arounes L. or Kynge’s L. (St. Peter the Less)

Arundel L. (All Hallows the Great)

Ave Maria L.

Ayelyn S. (near Aldersgate)

Bailey, Old

Barbican

Bareman L.

Barmondsey S.

Bartholomew’s Hospital

Basing L.

Basinghall S., Bassishaw St.

Bathesteres L. (All Hallows the Gt.)

Battes L. or Heywharfe L.

Beare Court

Beche L., Beche S. (St. Giles, Cripplegate)

Bell A.

Bell Tower

Belleyeters L. (Billiter S.)

Berbynders L.

Bercheveres L., Berchever L., Berewardes L., Bergeres L.

Berwardes L. (Birchin L.)

Bevis Marks (Buries M.)

Billingsgate

Bishops’ Court

Bishopsgate S., Biscoppisgate S.

Black Friars

Black Raven A.

Boklersbury, Boclersbury

Boliot L. (Holy Trinity)

Bordhaw L., Barthawe L., Burdell L. (St. Mary Colech)

Botulph’s L.

Bow L.

Bowyer R. (St. Martin, Ludgate)

Brade S.

Brandrees L.

Brede S.

Bretaske L.

Bretton S., Little Britain

Bridge S., Brige S., Brigge S., Brugge S.

Brode L. (St. Martin’s in Vintry)

Broken Wharf

Budge Row (Bogerowe)

Bunting A. (St. Alphege P.)

Candlewick S., Candlewyke, Canwyke

Cannon R. (Channel R.)

Carme S.

Carteres L., Carteres S., Carter S.

Castle Baynard

Catte S., Cateaton S., Cate L.

Cattene S.

Cecilia’s L., La Tur

Cescile L.

Chauncelers L., Chancery L.

Checker A. (St. Botolph’s, Bishopsgate)

Chepe, Cheap, Cheapside

Chigene L., Chiken L., Chikene L.

Chimney Alley

Christopher L.

Church A.

Chysel S. (Without, Cripplegate)

Clements’ Lane

Clerkenwell

Cnihtebrigge

Cocker L., Cokker L., Cock L.

Colchirche L. (Colechurch L.)

Cole Abbey

Coleman S.

Conohop L., Conyhope L., Conynghop L. (Grocers’ Hall C.)

Convers L. (St. Dunstan’s In Vico Conversorum)

Conynes L.

Cordwainer S.

Cornhill

Cornecheppyng

Corveyserestrate (Corner S.)

Cosines L., Cosynes L.

Coubrugge S., Coubregge S., Cowbridge S. (Smithfield)

Counter A.

Cressyngham L.

Crew L.

Cripplegate

Croked L. (Crooked L.)

Cruched Friars, Crutched Friars

Curriers’ A.

Debillane

Derkes L., Dark L. (St. Michael Queenhithe)

Dibbles L.

Diceres L. (St. Nich. Shambles)

Distaff L.

Dolittle L., Dolytel L. (Carter L.)

Donston’s L. (St. Dunstan’s L.)

Dorkingges L.

Dowgate

Duckettes L.

Dyers L. (St. N. Flesh.)

Ealde Fish S. (Old Fish S.)

East Water Gate

Easchepe

Ebbegate

Edwardes welle S., Everardes Welle S. (St. Giles)

Elde bowe L.

Elde Chaunge

Eldedean L. (Old Dean’s L.), Eldedone’s L.

Elms at Smithfield

Eber L.

Exchequer, Court of

Faiteres L., Faitur L., Faytores L., Faytour L.

Fanchurch S. (Fench. S.)

Faster L. (Foster L., St. Vedast’s L.)

Fastes L. (St.)

Fastolf A.

Fattes L.

Felipes L., Philip’s L.

Fish S.

Fish S. New

Fish S. Old

Fish Wharf

Fleet Br.

Flete L., Fleet S.

Folkmares L.

Fore S.

Friday S.

Furnival’s Inn

Fynamoures L. (St. Nic. Olaf)

Fynesbiri, Finsbury

Fynghis L., Fynkes L., Finch L.

Garscherch S., Gerscherche S., Gracious S., Gracech St.

Gayspore L.

George Alley

Germayne’s L.

Gerwell S.

Goderes L., Goderone L., Godrene L., Goderane L., Godrun L., Gudrene L.

Godfaire L., Godfayr L., Govayr L. (St. Swithins)

Golden L.

Golding L.

Golding Welle S.

Gose L., Goose L.

Goswell S.

Gother L. (Gutter L.)

Gough A.

Goveres L.

Gray’s Inn L., Portpoole L.

Great Windmill S.

Grenewych L., Greenwich S.

Grobbe L., Grubbe S., Grobbe S.

Harpe A.

Hart S.

Hay L.

Hay Wharf

Hayward L. (All Hallows the Great)

Herbier L.

High Holborne

High Street (St. Mary Matfelon)

Hog L.

Hoggen L., Huggin L.

Holborn Bars

Holebourne Cross

Holeburne S.

Holy Rood Wharf

Hony L.

Horsehead Alley

Hosier L. (1) St. Sepulchre; (2) Cordwainer S., Hosier S., Bow S.

Houndsditch

Ingene L., Inggelene L., Engaine L. (Maiden L.)

Ironmonger L.

Iseldon

Ivy L.

Jewry

Jewry, Old

John S.

Katone S.

Kennington

King’s Bench

King’s Highway, Cripplegate to Bishopsgate

Knyghtrideres S.

Kyrone L. (St. James’ , Garlick Hythe)

Lad Lane

Lambeth

Langburne S.

Langbourne

Lavendon B.

Leadenhall Market

Le Barbican

Lederes L.

Le Kynyges L.

Leigh S.

Le Mir L., Leather L.

Le Newe A. (St. Michael’s, Cornhill)

Lennesaleye

Le Olde S.

Le Peynted A. (All Hallows, Staining)

Le Ryole

Lesnes Abbey

Levethan L. (All Hallows, Barking)

Littlebyry

Little L.

Little Wood S.

Lodebury, Lodberi, Lothbury

Lollesworth

Lombard S.

London Bridge

Long L.

Lothbury

Loueronelane, Lonerone L., Lyneroune L.

Love L.

Ludgate

Ludgate S.

Lyme S., Lime S.

Lymbarneres L., Lymburneres L., Lymbrynners’ L.

Maiones L., Manchon L., Mengone L., Maione L., Menione L., Monechene L., Munchen L., Mynioun L., Mynchen L. (Mincing L.)

Manimane L.

Mark L.

Martel L. (near Tower of L.)

Medelane, Ld.

Melk S., Milk S., Melck S.

Middleton A., Moundevyle A. (St. Michael, Bassishaw)

Mille A. (This is mentioned in Sharpe.)

Monkwell S., Mugwell S.

Moor of Finsbury

More L., More S., Moor L.

Moregate

Mountenhaut L.

Mukewelle S.

Mutton L.

Newgate

New Fish S.

Norton Folgate

Old Bailey

Old Change

Old L.

Olde Swanne A.

Palmers L.

Pamyer Alley

Pardon Ch. Yd.

Pater noster Cherche L.

Pater noster R.

Paul’s A.

Paul’s Chain

Paul’s Ch. Haw.

Paul’s Wharf

Peacock A.

Pentecost L.

Petrelane end

Petty France

Philip’s L., Felipes L.

Philpot L.

Place of St. Othelbert K.

Pope’s L.

Portes L.

Portpool S., Purtepoole S. (Gray’s Inn L.)

Poultry

Powles brewerie

Primrose S. (S. Botolph’s, Bishopsgate)

Pudding L., Podding L.

Puppekirt L., Puppekirtil L. (St. Pancras)

Queenhithe

Raton S.

Redecrouchestrete, Redecrochestrete, Red Cross Street

Red Rose L. (Parish of St. Marg. Bridge S.)

Redersgate, Redersgate L., Rederslane, Rethereslane, Rothergate L. (now Pudding L.)

Renner strete (Parish of St. Sepulchre)

Ridere S.

Roperelane (afterwards Lovelane), Ropereslane, Roperstrate

Rosemary L.

Rutland C.

Rylondes A.

Sacollelane, Secollane, etc. (Seacoal L.)

St. Bartholomew the Less L.

St. Benedict

St. Botolph L.

St. Brideslane

St. Clement L. and S.

St. James’ Hospital

St. John’s S.

St. Katherine de Belyterslane (Billiter S.)

St. Laurence L. or S.

St. Marg. atte Patynes L. or S.

St. Margaret L.

St. Martin Orgar L.

St. Mary Axe

St. Mary Matfelon

St. Matthew’s A.

St. Michael’s L.

St. Nicholas L.

St. Paul’s Churchyard

St. Peter’s L.

St. Sithe’s L.

St. Swithin’s L.

St. Vedast L. or Foster L.

Sakfrerelane (so called from the Fratres de Sacca, near Coleman S.)

Salisbury Court

Sarmonereslane (Sermon Lane)

Scaldinge Alley, Scaldynglane

Scholand. See also Sholane, Shoe L.

Secollane, Seacoal L.

Selvernestrate, Selverstrate (Silver Street), Silverstrete, Silverstret

Sermon L.

Seuenhodeslane, Sofhodlane (Parish of St. Laurence Jury)

Sheppardes Alley

Shiteburuelane, Shitteboruelane, or Schiteburnelane, Sheteburuelane, Scheteboruelane (Sherburn Lane)

Shoreditch, Soresditch, Sordige, Syoresdich, Soresdich, Shordich

Sieudenleane, Sivethenelane, Sivendestret (Seething L.)

Silver S.

Sixe L.

Slaperslane (Parish of St. Barth. the Less)

Smethelane (Parish of All Hallows, Barking)

Soperlane, Sopereslane

Southam Lane

Spital S.

Sporenlane, Sporoneslane (now Huggin L.)

Sporiereslane, Spiryerslane, Sporierstret, Waterlane (Parish of All Hallows, Barking)

Stanynglane, Staining Lane

Stepheneslane (Parish of St. Margaret), Steveneslane

Stiliard, or Steelyard

Stodyeslane (Parish of St. Martin in the Vintry)

Stokfisshmonger R.

Suffolk L.

Swan A.

Synechene S.

Syvethenelane, Syvedenlane, Syvidlane, Seething Lane

Talbutt A., Whitechapel

Thames S.

Three Nunnes Alley

Threeneedle S.

Tornebastonlane, Turnebastlane, or Turnebastonlane

Tourestrets, Tourstrate, Tower Street

Tower Hill

Trinity Lane

Tymbrehithlane, Timber Hithe (Parish of St. Mary, Somerset)

Vine Court

Vintry

Wandayeneslane (Parish of St. Sepulchre; Windagain, or Turnagain Lane)

Wandegoselane (Parish of All Hallows the Great)

Warwick L.

Water L.

Watlingstrate, Wattlyngestrete

West Chepe

West Fish S.

Wetelane

Whitecross S., Whitecrouchestrete, Whytecroychestrate

White Friars

Whitstonestreet

Windmill S.

Wirehale L.

Woderouelane, or Woderovelane

Wodestrate (Wood S.)

Wolsislane, Woldieslane (Parish of All Hallows the Less)

Wytech S.

Wyvenelane (Parish of St. Mary, Somerset)

Ysmongerelane

Yvilane. See also Fukemerlane, Yvylane.

APPENDIX V

The following is a list of the principal residents and householders of London, 12 Edward II., compiled for purposes of assessment: it shows how many great men of the time had town houses in the fourteenth century.

Abbot de Tower Hill

” Waltham

” Berking

” Evesham

” Wynchecombe

” Malmesbury

” Burton

” Netley

” Coggeshall

” Carthusians

” Elsing Spital

” Ely

” Bretesham

” Crichurch

” St. Barth

” St. Mary

” St. Mich. de Canterbury

” St. James

” St. Giles

” Temple

” Coll. de Derby

” Cobbeham

” St. Mich. Crooked L.

” Baylly Hall (Baliol)

” Merton

” St. Mary

” Kingston on Th.

” Pontefract

” Chaddendon

” Rejis West

” Sudbury

” Shottersbrook

” Stanford

” St. Lawrence

” Bedlem

” Domus Conversorum

” St. Thos. Southwark

” St. Kath. by Tower

” Minoresses

” Burnham

” Clerkenwell

” Haliwell

” St. Elym

” Kilburn

” Cheshunt

” Durtford

” Stratford

” Authwyke

” Godstone

Prince of Wales

Thomas Fitz Regis

Johannes ” ”

E. Duke of York

Earl Arundele

” Westmoreland

” Oxford

” Marshall

” Warr

” Suffolk

Lord de Clifford

” Ffererers

” Chertly

” Lestrange

” Ffurnyvall

” Le Scrope

” Beaumont

” Bargavenny

” Lovall

” Ffitzwalter

” Berkeley

” Haryngton

” De Grey de Rifsyn

” Grey de Sodnor

” Le Souche

” Cobham

” Fitz Symond

Sir H. S. Miles

” J. Acourt

” J. Chamber

” Hugo Daltor

” John Bremer

” Ed. Sandsford

” Coricorele, J.

” Rd. Waldegrave

” W. Manny

” J. Chastelyon

” W. Argentyn

” J. Dabrichecourte

” J. Dauntesay

” R. Crumwell

” W. Peckle

” J. Eymsfred

” Thos. Grene

” T. Ffitz Nichol

” Chryke, John

” Lumley, J.

” Roger Straunge

” Adam Ffraunceys

” R. Denny

” J. Stanley

” Grantham

” J. Crosseby

Mayor & Corp. of London

Lady Mā Querne

Countess Salisbury

” Hertford

Lady Clynton

” Kenyett

” Pyett

” Roos

” Bardolf

” Ffartolf

” De Beauthan

” Philipot

” Norford, etc.

APPENDIX VI THE SHOP

The following textures were sold in London, the coarse woollen goods manufactured in the City:—Mercery; “wad mal,” a woollen stuff; “lake” or fine linen; canvas, woven linen, frestian, felt, “lymere” or “lormerie,” the material used for making saddles and trappings for horses, pile, kersey, haberdashery, i.e. all kinds of “hapertas,” a thick woollen cloth, raw texture of Limoges, “Parmentrye” qualloorn, cloth of silk and cloth of Rheims. Striped cloth called “ray” was brought from Brabant and Flanders. Foreign weavers came to the country in great numbers. To prevent collision, the weavers of Flanders who worked to be hired were ordered to repair to the churchyard of St. Laurence Pomeroy, and those of Brabant to the churchyard of St. Mary Mounthaw.

The following inventory of a haberdasher’s shop in the year 1378 shows that it contained a most various assortment of goods. The haberdasher of the fourteenth century was a stationer, a mercer, a draper, a hatter, a boot and shoe maker, a dealer in leather, and fifty other trades. He sold, in a word, all small articles.

“2 dozens of laces of red leather, value 8d.; one gross of poynts of red leather, 18d.; one dozen of cradilbowes, made of wool and flax, 18d.; 3 cradilbowes, made of wool and flax, 3d.; one dozen of caps, one half of which are of red colour, and the other half green, 2s. 8d.; one dozen of white caps, called ‘nightcappes,’ 2s. 3d.; 2 dozens of woollen caps of divers colours, 16s.; 6 caps of black wool, 4s.; 5 caps of blue colour, and one cap of russet, 2s. 6d.; 5 children’s caps, red and blue, 2s. 1d.; one dozen of black hures, 4s.; one black hure, 4d.; two hair camises, 12d.; one red cap, 7d.; one other cap of russet, 7d.; one hat of russet, 6d.; one white hat, 3d.; 2 papers covered with red leather, 12d.; two other papers, one of them covered with black leather, and the other with red, 8d.; one purse, called ‘hamondeys,’ of sea-green colour, 6d.; 4 pairs of spurs, 2s.; one double chain of iron, 10d.; and one other iron chain, 6d.; 2 permis, 2s.; one cloth painted with Him Crucified, and other figures, 2s. 4d.; 8 white chains of iron for ferrettes, 8d.; one flekage of wood, 3d.; one set of beads of geet, 6d.; one other set of beads of black alabaster, 4d.; three sets of beads of wood, 3d.; two pairs of pencases, with horns, 8d.; one pair of children’s boots of white woollen cloth, 2d.; one osculatory, called a pax-bread, 3d.; 2 sets of wooden beads, called ‘knottes,’ 4d.; 4 articles, called ‘kombes,’ of box-wood, 4d.; 2 wooden boxes, 3d.; 2 wooden piper quernes, 3d.; 2 pounds of linen thread, green and blue, 2s.; 2 wooden cosynis, 2d.; 6 purses of red leather, 4d.; 4 eyeglasses, 2d.; 18 horns, called ‘inkehornes,’ 18d.; 2 pencases, 6d.; one black girdle of woollen thread, 2d.; 13 quires of paper, 6s. 8d.; other paper, damaged, 6d.; one hat of russet, 6d.; 2 wooden coffins, 8d.; 2 gaming-tables, with the men, 16d.; one wooden block for shaping caps, 2d.; 6 skins of parchment, called soylepeles, 6d.; one wooden whistle, 2d.; 7 leaves of paper, 1d.; and 3 pieces of whippecorde, 3d.” (Riley’s Memorials, p. 422.)

The following is a list of goods stolen from a goldsmith’s shop in the year 1382:—

“Two silver girdles, with red corses in silk, value 46s.; one silver girdle with a blue corse, 30s.; one other small silver girdle, with a green corse, 16s.; one chain of silver gilt, 40s.; one other small silver chain, 5s.; one girdle of red silk, with a bokele, and studded with silver gilt, 16s.; one silver chalice, with paten, 38s.; 2 sets of phials of silver, their swages gilt, 20s.; one osculatory of silver gilt, 20s.; two mazer cups, bound with silver gilt, 33s. 4d.; 6 silver spoons, 14s.; 2 gold rings, with two dyamaundes, £15; one gold ring with a baleys, 26s. 8d.; 3 strings of pearls, 70s.; 6 gold necklaces, 100s.; and other goods and chattels, such as fermails and rings of silver gilt, broken silver girdles set with silver, buckles and pendants for girdles, and paternosters, of silver and pearls, to the value of £40.” (Riley’s Memorials, p. 470.)

APPENDIX VII THE ASSIZE OF BUILDING

The following is an abridgment of the ordinances, said to have been issued in 1189 and ascribed by John Carpenter to Henry Fitz Aylwin, first Mayor “for the allaying of the contentions that from time to time arise touching boundaries, etc.”

The said “provision and ordinance” was called an Assize.

1. The Mayor to be assisted by committee, or jury, or twelve men elected in full Hustings.

2. If any one demands the Assize, i.e. appeals to the Mayor in case of a dispute, he must do so in full Hustings. And if no Hustings are sitting, then he may ask it of the Mayor and Aldermen.

3. Thickness and height of a party wall of stone.

It is to be three feet wide and sixteen feet high. Either, or both, may make a gutter to carry off the rain into the street.

Arches one foot deep may be made in the wall for aumbries, or cupboards.

4. If one of two neighbours wishes to build a party wall of stone, and the other is too poor to join him, then the latter shall give the former three feet of his own land to build upon. But not for the purpose of narrowing or stopping any doorway, inlet, outlet, or shop.

5. If a man build a stone wall, at his own expense, sixteen feet high, his neighbour must make a gutter under the eaves of the house and so carry off the rain water.

6. A party wall must not be taken down or lessened in thickness without the consent of both parties.

7. Cesspools, etc., shall not be constructed at a less distance from a party wall than 2½ feet if they are lined with stone. If they are not so lined, they shall not be constructed within three feet.

8. “Ancient Lights,” as we now call them, need not be respected unless provision has been made by writing against their obstruction.

9. Corbels must not be removed except by common consent.

10. If any person builds to the injury of a neighbour’s tenement, the latter may stop the building until the decision of the Mayor after he has visited the place.

11. The award to be carried into effect within 40 days.

There are other ordinances chiefly concerned with the construction of gutters for the rain water.

APPENDIX VIII RULES CONCERNING LAWYERS

“In the time of Gregory, Mayor of London, in the eighth year of the reign of King Edward, because that oftentimes there were some who made themselves countors, who did not understand their profession, nor had learnt it; as to whom, the substantial men of the City well perceived that through their ignorance the impleaded and impleaders lost their pleas and their suits, in the Hustings and in the houses of the Sheriffs, and that some were disinherited through their foolish conduct; seeing that every one made himself a countor at his own will, such a one sometimes as did not know how to speak in proper language, to the great scandal of the Courts aforesaid which allowed them so to be, as also pleaders, and attorneys, and essoiners, and sometimes in the Sheriff’s Court, assessors, and [thereby] each of them the judge of others, privily or openly; through which, right was intercepted by them:—the Mayor aforesaid, with his Aldermen, and other substantial men of the City, at the request of the serjeants and countors who understood their profession, and who therein felt themselves greatly aggrieved, has established that from henceforth such persons shall not be heard as do not reasonably understand their profession, and how becomingly to manage the business and the suits of the substantial men; and that such person shall hereafter be admitted by the Mayor and the substantial men aforesaid; saving nevertheless unto each reputable man such counsel as he shall wish to have, either from stranger or from denizen [and] such as he shall think proper to seek for his business. But that this ordinance and establishment shall hold good so far as our serjeants, attorneys, and essoiners, who generally frequent our Courts, and are constantly dwelling among us. And their will is, that each one hold his own estate, that is to say, that no countor be an attorney or an essoiner, and no essoiner a countor or an attorney.

The duty of a countor is as follows:—Standing, to plead and to count counts, and to make proffers at the bar, without baseness, and without reproach and foul words, and without slandering any man, so long as the Court lasts. Nor shall serjeants or attorneys go further in front beyond the bar or the seat where their sitting is; nor shall any one be assessor, or sit near the bailiff, for delivering pleas or judgments, unless it so be that the principal bailiff who is holding the Court shall call him unto him; and in such case he shall make oath that he will support neither side.

Nor shall any countor, or any other man, counterplead or gainsay the records or the judgments; but if it appear to them that there is some error therein, according to the law and usage of the City, let them make complaint or representation unto the Mayor, who shall redress the error, if there be one in the matter. No countor is to undertake a suit to be partner in such suit, or to take pay from both parties in any action; but well and lawfully he shall exercise his profession. No countor or other is to gainsay the judgments of the Hustings, or to go about procuring how to defeat the acts and the awards of the community. And that this they will do the countors shall make oath.

He who shall be near the judge without being invited, or who shall counterplead the records and the judgments [or] who shall slander another, if [it be] in the Sheriff’s Court, shall be suspended for eight days, so that he shall count for no one, or else he shall be amerced by the Sheriff in half a mark. If [it be] in the Hustings, he shall be suspended for three Hustings or more, according to the offence. He who takes from both parties and is attainted thereof, shall be suspended for three years: where one takes [money], and then leaves his client, and leagues himself with the other party, and where one takes [money] and abandons his client, let such person return twofold, and not be heard against the client in that plea. He who goes about procuring how to defeat the awards or the judgments of the community, and is attainted thereof, shall be for ever suspended, and held as one perjured for ever. And the countor who undertakes a plea to partake in the demand, shall be for ever suspended, if he be attainted thereof. The attorneys are to have this same penalty [inflicted], if they contravene this ordinance, and be attainted thereof. If the attorneys, by their default or by their negligence, lose the actions of those whose attorneys they are, they are to have imprisonment, according to the Statute of the King. And no one who is an attorney shall be an essoiner, and no essoiner shall be an attorney, under the pain aforesaid.”—Liber Custumarum, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 595-597.

APPENDIX IX I APPEND A LIST OF MEDIÆVAL SURNAMES COMPILED FROM THE USUAL AUTHORITIES

Abraham

Abyndone

Adryan

Akatur

Albany

Albon

Aleyn

Andreu

Andrew

Appeltone

Araz

Arundel

Asheby

Askham

Asshurst

Aswy or Eswy

Atte Watre

Aubrey

Austin

Auvergne

Babutz

Bacoun

Bacquelle

Bacun

Baddeby

Balancer

Baldoke

Bamme

Banquelle

Barentyn

Bartholomew

Bartlot

Bartone

Basinge

Basse

Bat

Bathe

Beauchampe

Beauflour

Beauflur

Beche

Bedord

Bekeryng

Belhomme

Benyngtone

Bereford

Berkinge

Bernard

Bernardestone

Bernes

Berneye

Berteville

Beste

Betoyne, or Betoigne

Betoynne

Bever

Blakamour

Blakethorn

Blankpayn

Blome

Blomville

Blound, Blount, or Blund

Bokbyndere

Bokebyndere

Bolet

Bolfynch

Boner

Bonere

Roseham

Boteler

Botild

Boune

Bourchier

Bourtone

Box

Brabason

Brademore

Bramptone

Brandone

Bransby

Brayeler

Braynford

Bregerdelere

Brembre

Bret

Bretun

Briclesworthe

Briggewater

Bright

Broun

Buckingham

Buk

Bukerel

Bukke

Bukskyn

Bukstone

Burelman

Burford

Bury

Byndo

Bysshe

Cade

Callere

Camerwelle

Cauntbrigge

Cauntebrigge

Carbonelle

Carlelle, or Karlelle

Carpenter

Caumpes

Caustone

Cavendisshe

Caxtone

Cesario

Charney

Chaucer

Chauntecler

Chelse

Chesthunte

Cheyne

Chichele

Chichestre

Chietesmyth

Chigewelle

Chigwelle

Chircheman

Chopyns

Claveryng

Claydone

Cleaungre

Clenhond

Cokayn

Cokkow

Colbrok

Columbers

Combemartyn

Conduit

Constantyn

Cornewaleys

Cornwall

Corp

Cosin

Cosyn

Costantyn

Cotiller

Cottone

Coulee

Courteney

Coventre

Coxi

Crepin

Cressewyk

Cressy

Cros

Croydone

Crowmere

Curteys

Cusyn

Dalyngrugge

Darcy

De la Pole

Denecombe

Depham

Derlyng

Derneford

Despencer

Despenser

Deveros

Dissard

Disshere

Doblere

Dod

Dode

Doget

Dolsely

Donestaple

Donne

Dorset

Draytone

Drury

Drynkewatre

Duchewoman

Ducket

Dufhous

Duke

Duket

Duntone

Durham

Dyce

Dyne

Edythe

Elias

Elsynge

Eltham

Elys

Enefelde

Engleys

Essex

Estanes

Eswy. See Aswy

Everard

Evote

Ewen or Iwayn

Extone

Eynesham

Fanelore

Fannere

Farndone

Fastolfe

Feltone

Feron

Fevere

Fiffyde

Figge

Filiol

Fithyan

Fitz-Peter

FitzWalter

Flambard

Flawner

Flour

Flourman

Forester

Fox

Foxtone

Franke

Frankeleyn

Fraunceys

Freke

Frere

Fresfisshe

Fresshe

Frestlyng

Frestone

Frowyk

Fryday

Fulham

Fullere

Fychet

Fyffudlere

Fynche

Fyssher

Galeys, or Waleys

Gandre

Garendone

Gartone

Gaveston

Gaytone

Gedeney

Gest

Geyte

Gidyheued

Gilder

Gisors

Gisorz

Glaswryght

Gloucester

Gloucestre

Go in the Wind

Godchep

Godchild

Godefray

Godessone

Godgrom

Godrich

Grantham

Grantone

Grenecobbe

Grey

Grobbelane

Grosteste

Guydichon

Guydichon

Gyngyver

Gyngyvere

Gysorz. See Gisorz

Hadestok

Hadlee

Hagemakere

Hakeneye

Haldene

Hales

Hallingbyry

Hallokestone

Hamond

Hapeneye

Hardi

Hardingham

Harmere

Haselshawe

Hastevilleyn

Hastynges

Hatfeld

Haunsard

Hauteyn

Haveryng

Hawtyn

Hayne

Heaumer

Hecham

Hende

Hendone

Hengham

Hereford

Herle

Heremyt

Hert

Hertpol

Hervey

Heryng

Hethe

Heylesdone

Hille

Hiltoft

Hoking

Hoklee

Holbeche

Holbourne

Horn

Horwode

Hosiere

Hottere

Houndesdiche

Hugh

Hughlot

Huntingdon

Hyndstoke

Hyngstok

Hynxtone

Iford

Ilford

Ingham

Ismongere (Ironmonger)

Iwayn. See Ewen

Jacob

Jardevile

Jober

Joce (or Joseph)

Johansone

Joignour

Jolyf

Jordan

Jordon

Juliers

Jurdone

Juvenal

Kanynges

Kayho

Keleseie

Keleseye

Kelleseye

Kene

Kereswelle

Keu

Kissere

Knapet

Knolles

Knyghtcote

Kynge

Kyngesbrugge

Kyngescote

Kyngestone

Kyslyngbury

Lacer

Lacir

Lambyn

Lancaster

Lane

Langetone

Langford

Langley

Lapewater

Latymer

Launde

Lavender

Leche

Leddred (Leatherhead)

Ledrede (Leatherhead)

Leg

Legge, or Leggy

Lescrope

Lesnes

Lestraunge

Leuesham

Leukenore

Leyre

Lillo

Lincoln

Lions

Lisle

Litle

Little

Lobenham

Lodelawe

Lodelowe

Loke, or Lokes

Lokyer

Lomelyn

London

Long

Longe

Longelee

Loseye

Louthe

Love

Lovekyn

Loveye

Lucas

Lucy

Ludgate

Lue

Lumbard

Lydgate

Lyghtefote

Lyndewode

Lyon

Maceler

Maghfeld

Maiot

March

Martlesham, or Martesham

Maryns

Maundeville

Maundeware

Mayn

Maynard

Mazeliner, or Mazerer

Mede

Meldone

Mereworthe

Merivale

Merlawe

Merymouth

Messager

Metingham

Michel

Michelle

Miltone

Mirivale

Mirourer

Mitere

Mitforde

Mocking

Mokkinge

Mokkyng

Molyns

Montacute

Mordone

More

Moreland

Morlee

Motoun

Motun

Munceny

Mustarder

Naufretone

Naylere

Neuport

Noreys

Norfolk

Northamptone

Northhalle

Northumberland

Nortone

Note

Nottingham

Notyngham

Nyppe

Odyham

Okkele

Olneye

Organ

Ormond

Otemonger

Oundle

Outlawe

Overhee

Oxenford

Oynter

Pancregge

Paris

Parker

Pastemakere

Paternostrer

Peeche

Peck

Peintour

Pekham

Pelham

Pembroke

Penne

Perers

Perler

Perveys

Petewardyn

Petteleye

Peyto

Phalaise

Phelipot

Phippe

Plastrer

Podenhale

Podifat

Polehulle

Poletrie

Polle

Pope

Poppe, or Puppe

Portlaunde

Pot

Poterel

Poumfreyt

Pountfreyt

Pourte

Poyntel

Prest

Prestone

Priour

Proffyt

Pulteneye

Purtreour

Pycard

Pycot

Pyel

Pyke, or Pike

Pykeman

Pynchon

Pynchone

Pyrie

Queldrik

Quelhogge

Querdelion

Ram

Rameseye

Randolf

Reche

Rede

Redere

Redhede

Refham

Reynham

Reynold

Reynwelle

Richer

Richmond

Ridere

Roandi

Robire

Robyn

Rokele

Rokesle

Rokeslee

Rolf

Romeyn

Roo

Roos

Rote

Rothing

Rothinge

Rous

Russel

Russell

Ryghtwys

St. Alban’s

St. Ives

St. Omer

St. Paul

Sandale

Sandwich

Saxtone

Say

Scardeburghe

Scheld

Schipwaysshe

Schot

Screveyn

Seccheford

Sely

Servat

Settere

Sevenoke

Sewale

Shadworth

Sharnefeld

Shedewater

Shene

Shepeye

Sheryngham

Shirbourne

Shirlok

Shorne

Short

Shrympelmersshe

Sibyle

Skames

Skirmisour

Sloghtre

Smel

Smelt

Smythe

Somenour

Sopere

Soudan

Spayne

Spicer

Sporiere

Sprot

Sprott

Spryg

Spynola

Stable

Standolf

Standulf

Stannowe

Staundone

Stodeye

Stokwelle

Stompcost

Stonore

Stow

Stowe

Stratford

Strode

Sturmy

Suffolk

Surigien

Surmyn

Suttone

Swalclyve

Swanlond

Swift

Syward

Symmes

Talbot

Taleworth

Thame

Thedmar

Thunderle

Tilneye

Tithyngecombe

Todenham, or Tudenham

Tonge

Tornegold

Tour

Tracy

Tremayn

Trente

Tresilian

Trig, or Tryg

Trigge

Trompour

Trugge

Trumpyngtone

Trumnelle

Turk

Turke

Twyford

Tylneye

Uggele

Uptone

Ussher

Vache

Van Tene

Vanaghte

Vannere

Vanthebrok

Vautort

Venour

Voudenay

Vygerons

Wade

Wake

Walcot

Waldene

Walderne

Waldeschef

Waldeshefe

Waldeshef

Waleys

Walford

Wallace

Wallocke

Walpole

Walrain

Walssheman

Walsyngham

Walter

Waltham

Walworth

Warde

Warner

Warwick

Watlyngtone

Wayllyhs

Wayte

Welburgham

Welde

Welesby

Welford

Welleford

Welyngtone

Wengrave

Wenlok

Wentbrygge

Westerham

Westone

Whitby

Whitloke

Whityngham

Whyte

Wighe

Wight

Wilford

William

Wilman

Windesore

Wintone

Wircestre

Wirdrawere

Wodecok

Wodehous

Wolsy

Woodstock

Worsele

Worstede

Worthyn

Wottone

Wrastelyngworthe

Wrothe

Wychingham

Wydingtone

Wykeham

Wykes

Wylesdone

Wymbish

Wymbissh

Wympler

Wynge

Wyndesore

Wysman

Yakeslee

Yeevelee, or Yevele

Yonkere

Yungelyn

Yvinghoo