Footnotes

1.

Strype remarks of Thames water that it "did sooner become fine and clear than the New River water, and was ever a clearer water."—Strype, Stow's Survey, ed. 1720, bk. i, p. 25. Another writer speaks of "that most delicate and serviceable ryver of Thames."—Howes's Chron., p. 938.

2.

During Edgar's reign (958-975), the foreign trade of the City had increased to such a degree, and notably with a body of German merchants from the Eastern shores of the Baltic, called "Easterlings" (subsequently known as the Hanse Merchants of the Steel-yard), that his son and successor Ethelred drew up a code of laws for the purpose of regulating it.

3.

"Et ipsa (i.e. Lundonia) multorum emporium populorum terrâ marique venientium."—Hist. Eccl., lib. ii, cap. iii.

4.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 409.

5.

See ordinances made by the Earl (32 Eliz.).—Hunter's Hallamshire (1819), p. 119.

6.

Luttrell, Diary, i, p. 314.

7.

"At Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem coloniæ non insigne, sed copia negotiatorum et commeatuum maxime celebre."—Tacitus, Ann., xiv, 33.

8.

For the direction of the various routes, see Elton's Origins of Engl. Hist., p. 344 note.

9.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., i., 60.

10.

The church of St. Peter-upon-Cornhill claims a Roman origin, but its claim is unsubstantiated by any proof.

11.

This appeal took the following form:—"The groans of the Britons to Aetius, for the third time Consul [i.e. A.D. 446]. The savages drive us to the sea, and the sea casts us back upon the savages; so arise two kinds of death, and we are either drowned or slaughtered."—Elton, Origins of Engl. Hist., p. 360.

12.

"Postea vero explorata insulæ fertilitate et indigenarum inertia, rupto fœdere, in ipsos, a quibus fuerant invitati arma verterunt."—Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Anglic. (Rolls Series No. 82). Proœmium. p. 13.

13.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 12.

14.

"In qua videlicet gente tune temporis Sabertus, nepos Ethelberti ex sorore Ricula, regnabat quamvis sub potestate positus ejusdem Ethelberti, qui omnibus, ut supra dictum est, usque ad terminum Humbræ fluminis, Anglorum gentibus imperabat."—Bede, Lib. ii, c. iii.

15.

"Quorum [i.e., Orientalium Saxonum] metropolis Lundonia civitas est."—Bede, Lib. ii, c. iii. So, again, another writer describes London at the time it was devastated by the Danes in 851 as "Sita in aquilonari ripa Tamesis fluminis in confinio East-Sæxum et Middel-Sæxum, sed tamen ad East-Sæxum illa civitas cum veritate pertinet."—Flor. Wigorn., (ed. by Thorpe, for Engl. Hist. Soc.), i, 72.

16.

Kemble. Saxons in England, ii, 556.

17.

"Mellitum vero Lundonienses episcopum recipere noluerunt, idolatris magis pontificibus servire gaudentes. Bede, Lib. ii, cap. vi.—Cf. Flor. Wigorn., i, 13.

18.

"Ecclesiam ... beati Petri quæ sita est in loco terribili qui ab incolis Thorneye nunenpatur ... quæ olim ... beati Æthelberti hortatu ... a Sabertho prædivite quodam sub-regulo Lundoniæ, nepote videlicet ipsius regis, constructa est."—Kemble, Cod. Dipl., 555.

19.

Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), i, 8, 16, 18.

20.

Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., p. 53, &c.

21.

Thorpe, 114. The Troy weight was kept in the Husting of London and known as the Husting-weight.—Strype, Stow's Survey (1720), Bk. v., 369.

22.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 55.

23.

"And in the same year [i.e. 851] came three hundred and fifty ships to the mouth of the Thames, and landed, and took Canterbury and London by storm."—Id. ii, 56.

24.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 64, 65.

25.

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle—the existence of which in its present form has been attributed to Alfred's encouragement of literature—seems to convey this meaning, although it is not quite clear on the point. Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 44, pp. 148-149) ascribes the recovery of London by Alfred to the year 886. The late Professor Freeman (Norman Conquest, i., 56) does the same, and compares the status of London at the time with that of a German free city, which it more nearly resembled, than an integral portion of a kingdom.

26.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 279.

27.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 67. Cf. "Lundoniam civitatem honorifice restauravit et habitabilem fecit quam etiam. Ætheredo Merciorum comitti servandam commendavit."—Flor. Wigorn., i, 101.

28.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 405.

29.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 71.

30.

According to Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74. p. 150) Alfred diverted the waters of the Lea that his enemy's ships were stranded.

31.

-Id., ii. 71. Cf. "Quarum navium Lundonienses quasdam Lundoniam vehunt, quasdam vero penitus confringunt."—Flor. Wigorn., i, 115.

32.

Judicia Civitatis Lundoniæ, Thorpe, 97, 103.

33.

This is the earliest mention of a guildhall in London; and the ale-making which took place at the meeting of the officers of the frith-guild, accounts in all probability for Giraldus Cambrensis (Vita Galfridi, Rolls Series No. 21 iii., c. 8.) having described the Guildhall of London as "Aula publica quæ a potorum conventu nomen accepit."

34.

"Notwithstanding the butt-filling and feasting, this appears to have been a purely religious and social guild, and, although it may have subsequently become a power in the city, so far, it is only of importance as the first evidence of combination among the inhabitants of London for anything like corporate action."—Loftie, Hist. of London, i, 68.

35.

Laws of Athelstan.—Thorpe, 93.

36.

Judicia Civitatis Lundoniæ.—Thorpe, 100.

37.

Gross, The Gild Merchant, i, 178-179.

38.

Wilkins, Leges Anglo-Sax., p. 59.

39.

"And if a merchant thrived so that he fared thrice over the wide sea by his own means [cɲæƥte, craft] then was he thenceforth of thane-right worthy." (Thorpe, 81.) The word cɲæƥte is similarly translated in Wilkins's Leges Anglo-Saxonicæ; (ed. 1721, p. 71.) per facultates suas; but there seems no reason why it should not be taken to mean literally a craft or vessel. The passage occurs in a list of "People's Rank" which "formerly" prevailed, and is probably of Athelstan's time, even if it did not form part of the Judicia Civitatis Lundoniæ.—Wilkins, op. cit. p. 70 note.

40.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 105.

41.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 114.

42.

-Id. ii, p. 115.

43.

-Id. ii. pp. 117, 118. Annal. Monast., Waverley (Rolls Series No. 36), ii, p. 173.

44.

The towns of Leicester, Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamford, and Derby, which for many years were occupied by the Danes, were so called.

45.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, pp. 118, 119.

46.

-Id. ii, p. 119. Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No 74), p. 180.

47.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 120.

48.

-Id. ii, p. 120. Cf. "Ad hæc principes se non amplius Danicum regem admissuros in Angliam unanimiter spoponderunt."—Flor. Wigorn., i, p. 169.

49.

The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the kings of Norway, translated from the Icelandic of Snorro Sturleson, ii. pp. 8-11.

50.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 120.

51.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 121.

52.

-Id. ii., 122.

53.

Malmesbury, Gesta Regum (Rolls Series, No. 90), i, 215.

54.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 308.

55.

Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, 127, 128.

56.

In course of time the natives of Denmark acquired the privilege of sojourning all the year round in London—a privilege accorded to few, if any other, foreigners. They enjoyed moreover the benefits of the 'the law of the city of London' (la lei de la citie de Loundres) in other words, the right of resorting to fair or market in any place throughout England.—Liber Cust. pt. i, p. 63.

57.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 418.

58.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 122.

59.

"At oppidanis magnanimiter pugnantibus repulsa."—Malmesbury, i, 216.

60.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 123.

61.

-Id. ii, 121, 123. Henry of Huntingdon relates that Eadric caused a panic on the field of battle by crying out that Edmund had been killed. "Flet Engle, flet Engle, ded is Edmund."

62.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 437.

63.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 538.

64.

"The 'lithsmen' (ship-owners) of London, who with others raised Harold to the throne, were doubtless such 'burg-thegns.'"—Gross, The Gild Merchant, i, 186. Cf. Lingard, i, 318. Norton Commentaries, pp. 23-24.

65.

Green, Conquest of England, p. 462. Loftie, Hist. of London, i, 73. "The Londoners who attended must have gone by way of the river in their 'liths.'"—Historic Towns, London (Loftie), p. 197.

66.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 129.

67.

At the death of Harold, Harthacnut was invited to accept the crown by an embassy from England, of which the Bishop of London was a member. He accepted the offer and crossed over from the continent with a fleet of sixty ships, manned by Danish soldiers, and his first act was to demand eight marks for each rower; an imposition that was borne with difficulty. Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 132.

68.

Anglo-Sax Chron., ii, 132.

69.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, 2nd ed., ii. 5. But according to Kemble (Saxons in England, ii, 259 note), Edward's election took place at a hastily convened meeting at Gillingham.

70.

"London, que caput est regni et legum. semper curia domini regis."—Laws of Edward Confessor, Thorpe, p. 197 note.

71.

For a list of gemóts held in London from A.D. 790, see Kemble's Saxons in England, ii, 241-261.

72.

Malmesbury, i, 242-244. Freeman, ii, 148-332.

73.

Freeman, ii, 324.

74.

Sed omnis civitas duci obviam et auxilio processit et præsidio acclamantque illi omnes una voce prospere in adventu suo. "Life of Edward Conf." (Rolls Series No. 3.), p. 406.

75.

"Interim quosdam per internuntios, quosdam per se cives Lundonienses, quos variis pollicitationibus prius illexerat, convenit, et ut omnes fere quæ volebat omnino vellent, effecit."—Flor. Wigorn., i., 209.

76.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 165-167.

77.

"Aldredus autem Eboracensis archiepiscopus et iidem Comites cum civibus Lundoniensibus et butsecarlis, clitonem Eadgarum, Eadmundi Ferrei Lateris nepotem, in regem levare volueren, et cum eo se pugnam inituros promisere; sed dum ad pugnam descendere multi se paravere, comites suum auxilium ab eis retraxere, et cum suo exercitu domum redierunt."—Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.

78.

Such is the description of William's march, as given by Malmesbury (ii, 307). Another chronicler describes his march as one of slaughter and devastation.—Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.

79.

The bishop was certainly Norman, and so probably was the port-reeve.

80.

Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 168-169.

81.

This charter is preserved in the Town Clerk's Office at the Guildhall. A fac-simile of it and of another charter of William, granting lands to Deorman, forms a frontispiece to this volume. The late Professor Freeman (Norman Conquest, second edition, revised 1876, iv, 29) wrote of this venerable parchment as bearing William's mark—"the cross traced by the Conqueror's own hand"—but this appears to be a mistake. The same authority, writing of the transcript of the charter made by the late Mr. Riley and printed by him in his edition of the Liber Custumarum (Rolls Series, pt. ii, p. 504), remarks that, "one or two words here look a little suspicious"; and justly so, for the transcript is far from being literally accurate.

82.

-Cf. "Ego volo quod vos sitis omni lege illa digni qua fuistis Edwardi diebus Regis." These words appear in the xivth century Latin version of William's Charter, preserved at the Guildhall.

83.

Liber Albus (Rolls Series i, 26).

84.

Opinions differ as to the derivation of the term port. Some, like Kemble, refer it to the Lat. portus, in the sense of an enclosed place for sale or purchase, a market. ("Portus est conclusus locus, quo importantur merces et inde exportantur. Est et statio conclusa et munita."—Thorpe, i, 158). Others, like Dr. Stubbs (Const. Hist., i, 404 n.), connect it with Lat. porta, not in its restricted signification of a gate, but as implying a market place, markets being often held at a city's gates. The Latin terms porta and portus were in fact so closely allied, that they both alike signified a market place or a gate. Thus, in the will of Edmund Harengeye, enrolled in the Court of Husting, London, we find the following: "Ac eciam lego et volo quod illa tenementa cum magno portu vocato le Brodegate ... vendantur per executores meos."—Hust. Roll, 114 (76).

85.

Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., pp. 258-259.

86.

"London and her election of Stephen," a paper read before the Archæol. Inst. in 1866, by the late Mr. Green (p. 267).

87.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, p. 55.

88.

There appears to be no doubt that the charter preserved at the Guildhall had a seal, but not a fragment remains.

89.

"Et dicunt quod prefatus dominus conquestor ante fundacionem ecclesie predicte et confeccionem carte sue de qua superius fit mencio auctoritate parliament sui et per duas cartes suas quas dicti maior et Cives hic proferunt scilicet per unam earam dimissit tunc civibus London' totam dictam civitatem et vice-comitatum London' cum omnibus appendiciis rebus et consuetudinibus eis qualitercumque pertinentibus.... Et per alteram concessit et auctoritate supradicta confirmavit eisdem civibus et successoribus suis quod haberent predicta ac omnes alias libertates et liberas consuetudines suas illesas quas habuerunt tempore dicti Sancti Regis Edwardi progenitoris sui."—Letter Book K, fo. 120 b.

90.

"Tantaque pax suis regnavit temporibus, quod puella virguncula auro onusta, indempnis et intacta Angliam potuit peragrare."—Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44), i, 29.

91.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.

92.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.

93.

Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 121.

94.

Malmesbury. ii, 375.

95.

Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 189.

96.

-Id., ii, 202.

97.

"Those of the council who were nigh at hand."—Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 204.

98.

Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44) i, 176.

99.

See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville (p. 366), where the writer conjectures the date of the charter to have been between 1130 and 1135, and brings evidence in favour of it having been purchased by the payment of a large sum of money.

100.

Set out under fifteen heads in the City's Liber Albus. (Rolls Series) i, 128-129.

101.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 404, 405. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville. p. 356.

102.

The sum of 100 marks of silver recorded (Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I) as having been paid for the shrievalty in 1130, appears to have been more of the nature of a fine than a firma.

103.

"Whereas from time immemorial there have been and of right ought to be two sheriffs of this city, which said two sheriffs during all the time aforesaid have constituted and of right ought to constitute one sheriff of the county of Middlesex...."—Preamble to Act of Common Council, 7th April, 1748, re Nomination and election of Sheriffs. Journal 59, fo. 130b.

104.

Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 357. Mr. Round's statements (op. cit., Appendix P), that "this one firma ... represents one corpus comitatus, namely Middlesex, inclusive of London," and that "from this conclusion there is no escape," are more capable of refutation than he is willing to allow.

105.

"It is probable that whilst the Sheriff in his character of Sheriff was competent to direct the customary business of the Court, it was in that of justitia that he transacted business under the King's writ."—Stubbs, Const. History, i, 389, note.

106.

"Post hoc prædictus Justitiarius ... accessit ad Gildhalle Londoniarum, et ibi tenuit placita de die in diem ... et incontinenti ... ilia terminavit nullo juris ordine observato contra leges civitatis et etiam contra leges et consuetudines cujuslibet liberi hominis de regno Anglie. Quod vero cives semper calumpniaverunt, dicentes quod nullus debet placitare in civitate de transgressionibus ibidem factis nisi vicecomites Londoniarium."—Lib. de Ant. (Camd. Soc.), p. 40.

107.

Round. Geoffrey de Mandeville. pp. 107-113, 373, and Appendix K.

108.

Mat. Paris (Hist. Angl. i, 251), ascribes the incessant turmoil of the latter part of the reign to the vengeance of the deity for this breach of faith.

109.

"Id quoque sui esse juris, suique specialiter privilegii, ut si rex ipsorum quoquo moclo obiret, alius suo provisu in regno substituendus e vestigio succederet."—Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 5-6.

110.

"With the solemn independent election of a king, the great part which London was to play in England's history had definitely begun."—Green, London and her Election of Stephen.

111.

Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82). iii. 17.

112.

Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 18.

113.

"Eodem anno in Pentecoste resedit rex Londoniæ in Turri, episcopo tantum modo Sagiensi præsente: ceteri vel fastidierunt vel timuerunt venire. Aliquanto post, mediante legato, colloquium indictum est inter imperatricem et regem. si forte Deo inspirante pax reformari posset."—Malmesbury, Hist. Nov. (Rolls Series No. 90.), ii, 564.

114.

"Juravit et affidavit imperatrix episcopo quod omnia majora negotia in Anglia præcipueque donationes episcopatuum et abbatiarum ejus nutum spectarent, si eam ipse cum sancta ecclesia in dominam reciperet et perpetuam ei fidelitatem teneret.... Nec dubitavit episcopus imperatricem in dominam Angliæ recipere, et ei cum quibusdam suis affidare, quod, quamdiu ipsa pactem non infringeret ipse quoque fidem ei custodiret."—Id., ii, 573.

115.

"Ventilata est hesterno die causa secreto coram majori parte cleri Angliæ ad cujus jus potissimum spectat principem eligere, simulque ordinare."—Id., ii, 576.

116.

"Missos se a communione quam vocant Londoniarum."—Malmesbury, (Hist. Nov.), ii, 576. Exception may be taken to translating communio as 'commune'; but even if the municipal organization represented by the French term commune did not at this period exist in the City of London in all its fulness, the "communal idea" appears to have been there.—Stubbs, Const. Hist., i. 407.

117.

"Omnes barones qui in eorum coramunionem jamdudum recepti fuerant."—Malmesbury, Ibid.

118.

"Proficiscitur inde cum exultatione magna et gaudio, et in monasterio Sancti Albani cum processionali suscipitur honore et jubilo. Adeunt eam ibi cives multi ex Lundonia, tractatur ibi sermo multimodus de reddenda civitate."—Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe), ii, 131.

119.

"Erecta est autem in superbiam intolerabilem, quia suis incerta belli prosperavissent."—Hen. of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p. 275.

120.

"Infinitæ copiæ pecuniam, non simplici cum mansuetudine sed cum ore imperioso ab eis exegit."—Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 75.

121.

"Interpellata est a civibus, ut leges eis regis Edwardi observari liceret, quia optimæ erant, non patris sui Henrici quia graves erant. Verum illa non bono usa consilio, præ nimia austeritate non acquievit eis, unde et motus magnus factus in urbe; et facta conjuratione adversus eam quam cum honore susceperunt. cum dedecore apprehendere statuerunt."—Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe), ii, 132.

122.

Malmesbury (Hist. Nov.), ii, 577-578. "Sed tandem a Londoniensibus expulsa est in die Sancti Johannis Baptiste proximo sequenti"—Lib. de Ant. (Camd. Soc), p. 197.

123.

"Anno prædicto [i.e. 7 Stephen, A.D. 1141], statim in illa estate, obsessa est Turris Lundoniarum a Londoniensibus, quam Willielmus [sic] de Magnaville tenebat et firmaverat."—Lib. de Ant. (Camd. Soc.), p. 197. From this it would appear that the father still held the office of constable. A charter of the empress, however, which Mr. Horace Round prints in his book on Geoffrey de Mandeville (pp. 88, seq.) points to the son as being constable at the time.

124.

Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 88-95.

125.

It is not to be supposed that the earl consented to assist the queen without meeting with some return for his services, more especially as the queen was prepared to go all lengths to obtain her husband's liberty. See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 119.

126.

"Gaufrido de Mandevilla, qui jam iterum auxilio eorum cesserat, antea enim post captionem regis imperatrici fidelitatem juraverat, et Londoniensibus maxime annitentibus, nihilque omnino quod possent prætermittentibus quo imperatricem contristarent."—Malmesbury (Hist. Nov.), ii, 580.

127.

"Magnæ ex Lundoniis copiæ."—Newburgh, Hist. Rerum. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 82.), i, 42. "Cumque invictâ Londoniensium catervâ."—Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 80. The Londoners sacked Winchester mercilessly. "Londonienses, cum maxima militum regalium parte, modis horrendis Wintoniensem civitatem expilavere."—Gesta Stephani, iii, 84.

128.

The precedent thus set by Stephen, of submitting to the ceremony of a second coronation after a period of captivity, was afterwards followed by Richard I, on his return from captivity abroad.

129.

This is the date assigned to the charter by Mr. Horace Round, (Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 138-144). Cf. Appendix to 31st Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, p. 3.

130.

The date assigned by Mr. Round to this charter is between Christmas, 1141, and the end of June, 1142.

131.

"Et convenciono eidem Gaufredo Comiti Essex quod dominus meus Comes Andegavie vel ego vel filii nostri nullam pacem aut concordiam cum Burgensibus Lund[oniæ] faciemus, nisi concessu et assensu præ-dicti Comitis Gaufredi quia inimici eius sunt mortales."—Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 168.

132.

Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Angl. (Rolls Series No. 82), i. 48. Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p. 278.

133.

Sometimes called the Treaty of Wallingford.

134.

The general joy is depicted in glowing colours by Henry of Huntingdon, (p. 289.) Cf. Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 235.

135.

Fitz-Stephen's Stephanides, Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 208.

136.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, v., 325.

137.

A cartulary of the Mercers' Company contains a copy of a grant from Thomas Fitz-Theobald to the hospital of St. Thomas of Acon of "all that land, with the appurtenances, which was formerly of Gilbert Becket, father of the Blessed Thomas the Martyr, Archbishop of Canterbury, where the said Blessed Thomas the Martyr was born (duxit originem), to build a church (basilicam) in honour of Almighty God and the Blessed Virgin Mary, and of the same most glorious martyr."—Watney, Account of the Hospital of St. Thomas of Acon (privately printed 1892), pp. 9, 237.

138.

Liber Albus (Rolls Series), i, pp. 26, 27.

139.

This charter (with fragment of seal) is preserved at the Guildhall. It bears no date, but appears to have been granted between 1154 and 1161.

140.

Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 138.

141.

"De filiis et parentibus nobilium civitatis" and again "filii et nepotes quorundam nobilium civium Londoniarum."—Benedict of Peterborough (Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 155.

142.

By a strange anomaly, a man who underwent ordeal by water was only adjudged innocent if he sank to the bottom and was drowned. Hence the old man's caution!

143.

Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 28. According to Richard of Devizes (Rolls Series No. 82, iii, 387), Longchamp obtained the chancellorship by bribery.

144.

Benedict (Rolls Series No. 49). ii, 106.

145.

-Id. ii, 143.

146.

-Id. ii, 158.

147.

Preface to Roger de Hoveden, iii, p. lxxvii. Girald. Cambr. Vita Galfridi (Rolls Series No. 21). iv, 397.

148.

Richard of Devizes, iii, 414. Benedict, ii, 213.

149.

Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, 99. Girald. Cambr. (Vita Galfridi). iv, 397-398. Roger de Hoveden, iii. 140.

150.

Richard of Devizes. (Rolls Series No. 82), iii. 415. Benedict, 213. Girald. Cambr. (Vita Galfridi), iv, 405.

151.

"Johannes comes frater regis et archiepiscopus Rothomagensis, et omnes episcopi, comites et barones regni qui aderant, concesserunt civibus Lundoniarum communam suam, et juraverunt quod ipsi eam et dignitates civitatis Lundoniarum custodirent illibatas, quandiu regi placuerit. Et cives Lundoniarum et epispcopi et comites et barones juraverunt fidelitates regi Ricardo, et Johanni comiti de Meretone fratri ejus salva fidelitate, et quod illum in dominum suum et regem reciperent, si rex sine prole decesserit."—Benedict of Peterborough (Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 214. Cf. Roger de Hovedene (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 141; Walter de Coventry (Rolls Series No. 58), ii, 5-6.

152.

-Supra p. 49.

153.

"In crastino vero convocatis in unum civibus, communione, vel ut Latine minus vulgariter magis loquamur, communa seu communia eis concessa et communiter jurata."—Vita Galfridi, iv, 405.

154.

Const. Hist., i, 407.

155.

Referring to the year 1191, he writes, "we have the date of the foundation of the commune."—Id., i, 629.

156.

"Concessa est ipsa die et instituta communia Londoniensium, in quam universi regni magnates et ipsi etiam ipsius provinciæ episcopi jurare coguntur. Nunc primum in indulta sibi conjuratione regno regem deesse cognovit Londonia quam nec rex ipse Ricardus, nec prædecessor et pater ejus Henricus, pro mille millibus marcarum argenti fieri permisisset. Quanta quippe mala ex conjuratione proveniant ex ipsa poterit diffinitione perpendi, quæ talis est—communia tumor plebis, timor regni, tepor sacerdotii."—Chron. Stephen, Hen. II, Ric. I (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 416.

157.

"It is impossible to avoid a suspicion," writes Bishop Stubbs, "that the disappearance of the port-reeve and other changes in the municipal government, signify a civic revolution, the history of which is lost."—Const. Hist., i, 406n.

158.

Merewether and Stephens, Hist. of Boroughs (1835), i, 384. No authority, however, is given for this statement.

159.

The entire MS. was published in Latin by the Camden Society in 1846; and a translation of the original portion of the work was afterwards made by the late Mr. H. T. Riley, under the title "Chronicles of the Mayors and Sheriffs of London, A.D. 1188 to A.D. 1274."

160.

"The correct date of the accession of Richard has never been ascertained. No records appear to be extant to fix the commencement of the reign of any king before the accession of John."—Nicholas, Chronology of Hist., p. 285.

161.

Fos. 45, 63 and 63b.

162.

Or simply Thedmar.

163.

It is thus that Riley reads the word which to me appears to be capable of being read "Grennigge."

164.

Calendar of Wills. Court of Husting, London, part. I., p. 22. From another Will, that of Margery, relict of Walter de Wynton, and one of Fitz-Thedmar's sisters—she is described as daughter of "Thedmar, the Teutonic"—it appears that other sisters of Fitz-Thedmar married into the well-known city families of Eswy and Gisors.—Id., part i, p. 31.

165.

"Ibi etiam dispositium est, penes quem pecunia collata debeat residere: scilicet sub custodia Huberti Walteri Cantuariensis electi, et domini Ricardi Lundoniensis episcopi, et Willelmi comitis de Arundel et Hamelini comitis de Warenna et majoris Lundoniarum."—Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 212.

166.

Preserved at the Guildhall.

167.

Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, p. 114.

168.

"Denique ad ingressum principis ita ornata est facies amplissimæ civitatis ut Alemanni nobiles qui cum ipso venerant et redemptione regia exinanitam bonis Angliam credebant opum magnitudine obstupescerent."—William of Newburgh (Rolls Series No. 82), i, p. 406.

169.

"Cives vero Lundonienses servierunt de pincernaria, et cives Wintonienses de coquina."—Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 12.

170.

Brit. Mus., Harl. MS. 3,504, fo. 248.

171.

"Si invenissem emptorem Londoniam vendidissem."—Richard of Devizes (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 388.

172.

"Frequentius enim solito . . imponebantur eis auxilia non modica et divites, propriis parcentes marsupiis volebant ut pauperes solverent universa."—Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iv. 5. "Ad omne edictum regium divites, propriis fortunis parcentes, pauperibus per potentiam omne onus imponerent."—Newburgh, (Rolls Series No. 82), ii. 466.

173.

Newburgh, ii., 466.

174.

Mat. Paris, ii, 57. A similar character is given him by Roger de Hoveden. Dr. S. R. Gardiner describes him as an alderman of the city, and as advocating the cause of the poor artisan against the exactions of the wealthier traders.—Students' History of England, i, 169.

175.

"Pauperum et veritatis ac pietatis adversarii."—Mat. Paris, ii. 57.

176.

Newburgh, ii, 470.

177.

"And for the time," adds Dr. Gardiner, "the rich tradesmen had their way against the poorer artisans."—Students' History of England, i, 170.

178.

Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 2.

179.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, 709.

180.

Mat. Paris, ii, 143. Roger of Wendover (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 83-87.

181.

-Id. ii, 146.

182.

-Id. ii, 153.

183.

Ann. of Bermondsey (Rolls Series No. 36), in, 453.

184.

Mat. Paris, ii, 154-156.

185.

As to the services and franchises of Fitz-Walter, both in time of peace and war, see Lib. Cust., (Rolls Series), part i, pp. 147-151.

186.

Introd. to Lib. Cust, p. lxxvii.

187.

The sword of St. Paul, emblematic possibly of his martyrdom, still remains in the City's coat of arms. It has often been mistaken for the dagger with which Sir William Walworth is said to have killed Wat Tyler.

188.

The story is told in Mr. Riley's Introduction to the Liber Custamarum (p. lxxix), on the authority of the Chronicle of Dunmow.

189.

He is said to have made a similar attempt upon the wife of Eustace de Vesci, a leading baron.—(Blackstone, Introd. to Magna Carta, pp. 289, 290).

190.

Mat. Paris, ii, 156. A different complexion, however, is put on this event by another chronicler. According to Walter de Coventry (Rolls Series, No. 58, ii, 220) the barons made their way into the City by stealth, scaling the walls at a time when most of the inhabitants were engaged in divine service, and having once gained a footing opened all the City gates one after another.

191.

By charter, date 8th May, 1215, preserved at the Guildhall.

192.

Mat. Paris, ii, 159, 161, 164, 186.

193.

Roger of Wendover (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 117.

194.

Stubbs, Select Charters, p. 298.

195.

"Moram autem faciebant barones in civitate Londoniæ per annum et amplius cum civibus confœderati, permittentes se nullam pacem facturos cum rege nisi assensu utriusque partis."—Annals of Waverley (Rolls Series No. 36), ii, 283.

196.

Mat. Paris, ii, 161, 165.

197.

Contin. Flor. Wigorn. ii, 167, 171. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 3.

198.

Mat. Paris, ii, p. 179.

199.

Confession of the Vicomte de Melun.—Mat. Paris, ii, 187.

200.

Mat. Paris, ii, 200.

201.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 4.

202.

Strype, Stow's Survey, 1720, Bk. i, p. 62. They had settled in Holborn soon after their arrival in 1220.

203.

Mat. Paris, ii, 385.

204.

-Id., ii, 218, 220.

205.

Liber de Ant. fol. 38. According to this authority (fol. 38b), the peace was ratified 23rd September, at Merton.

206.

Mat. Paris, ii, 222.

207.

Often spoken of as the Treaty of Lambeth (Rymer's Fœdera, i, 148.)

208.

The sum mentioned by Matthew Paris (ii. 224) is £5,000 sterling, but according to a marginal note in the Liber de Ant. (fol. 39) it would appear to have been only £1,000, which, according to the compiler of that record, Louis repaid the Londoners as soon as he arrived home, out of pure generosity (mera liberalitate sua). On the other hand, Matthew Paris (ii, 292) under the year 1227, narrates that Henry extorted from the citizens of London 5,000 marks of silver, on the ground that that was the sum paid by the Londoners to Louis on his departure, to the king's prejudice.

209.

Walter of Coventry. (Rolls Series No. 58), ii, 239.

210.

Mat. Paris, ii, 251, 252.

211.

Roger of Wendover, (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 265, 267.

212.

Probably Saint Giles in the Fields, a hospital founded by Matilda, wife of Henry I.

213.

"Cives autem Londonienses, qui eundem H[ubertum] propter suspendium Constantini oderant, lætati sunt de tribulalionibus suis, et ilico conquesti sunt de eo, quod concivem suum injuste suspendit, et absque judicio."—Mat. Paris, ii, 345.

214.

-Id., ii, 346, 347. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 6, 7.

215.

"Dicebabur enim ... quod alienigenæ qui plus regni perturbationem desiderabant quam pacem, præfatum comitem Cestriæ ad domini sui regis infestationem et regni inquietationem inducere conarentur."—Walter of Coventry, ii, 251.

216.

Mat. Paris, ii, 382, 384, iii, 90.

217.

Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, 469, 470. "Et quia communitas nostra sigillum non habet, præsentes literas signo communitatis civitatis Londoniarum vestræ sanctitati mittimus consignatas."—Mat. Paris, iii, 17.

218.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 7, 8.

219.

French Chronicle (Camden Soc., No. 28), ed. by Aungier (Riley's translation), pp. 241-244.

220.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 11.

221.

-Id., pp. 13, 14, 16.

222.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 16, 17, 61. Mat. Paris, iii., 62, 80-81.

223.

Mat. Paris, ii, 323.

224.

"Quia dominus rex obligabatur de debitis non minimis erga mercatores de vino, de cera, de pannis ultramarinis, a civibus pecuniam multam extorsit et Judæis, nec tamen inde mercatores plenam pacationem receperunt."—Mat. Paris, ii, 496.

225.

"Cives tanien videntes aliud sibi non expedire, omnia benigne remiserunt."—Mat. Paris, iii, 72.

226.

-Id., iii, 43.

227.

Ann. of Worcester (Rolls Series No. 36), iv., 407.

228.

"Unde, ne exorta contentione lætitia nuptialis nubilaretur, salvo cujuslibet jure, multa ad horam perpessa sunt, quæ in tempore opportuno fuerant determinanda."—Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl., ed. 1684, P. 355. Cf. City Records, Liber Ordinationum, fo. 193 b. Brit. Mus. Cotton MS. Vespasian, C. xiv. fos. 113-114.

229.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 9, 20, 45, 53.

230.

-Id., p. 21.

231.

An early instance of this parliament being so designated is found in the Liber de Antiquis of the City's Records (fol. 75b.) where the words insane parliamentum occur.

232.

This agreement between the king and barons is termed a "Charter" by Fitz-Thedmar, who says it bore the seals of the king and of many barons.—Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 41.

233.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 43.

234.

-Id., pp. 33-39.

235.

-Id., pp. 45, 46.

236.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 47.

237.

-Id., p. 52.

238.

The Bull was confirmed by Alexander's successor Pope Urban IV. and the later Bull was read at Paul's Cross, by the king's orders in the following year (1262), Id., p. 53.

239.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 56.

240.

-Id., p. 57.

241.

-Id., p. 58.

242.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 59. "A similar uprising of the middle class of citizens was taking place about this period in other towns. They are spoken of by chroniclers of the same stamp as Fitz-Thedmar as ribald men who proclaimed themselves 'bachelors,' and banded themselves together to the prejudice of the chief men of the towns (majores urbium et burgorum)"—Chron. of Thomas Wykes (Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 138.

243.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 59-60.

244.

-Id., p. 60.

245.

Ann. of Dunstaple (Rolls Series No. 36). iii. 222-223. Chron. of Thos. Wykes (Ibid) iv, 136. Rishanger (Rolls Series No. 28, ii, 18), places this event after the Mise of Amiens (23rd Jan., 1264).

246.

Annales Londonienses.—Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series No. 76) i, 60.

247.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 62.

248.

-Id., pp. 64, 65.

249.

Ann. of Dunstaple. iii, 230, 231.

250.

The number of Londoners who accompanied Leicester to Lewes is not given. Thomas Wykes mentions it to have been very large, for the reason that the number of fools is said to be infinite! "Quo comperto comes Leycestriæ glorians in virtute sua, congregata baronum multitudine copiosa, Londoniensium innumerabili agmine circumcinctus, quia legitur stultorum infinitus est numerus."—(Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 148.

251.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 66; Ann. of Dunstaple, iii, 232; Thos. Wykes, iv, 149, 150; Rishanger (Rolls Series No. 28), 27.

252.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 67.

253.

-Id., p. 74.

254.

Fitz-Thedmar gives the number of representatives of each city and borough as four: "De qualitet civitate et burgo iiii homines."—Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 75.

255.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 77. This anecdote is inserted in the margin of Fitz-Thedmar's chronicle, the writer expressing his horror at the "wondrous and unheard of" conduct of "this most wretched mayor."

256.

The story is told by Thos. Wykes. (Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 163.

257.

Lib. de. Ant. fo. 94b.

258.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 119. Circumstantially as the chronicler relates the story, he appears only to have inserted it as an after-thought. Mr. Loftie (Hist, of London, i, 151), suggests that possibly the news of Fitz-Thomas' death might have been the occasion of its insertion.

259.

Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), p. 235.

260.

"His lordship the king had summoned to Wyndleshores all the earls, barons, [and] knights, as many as he could, with horses and arms, intending to lay siege to the City of London [and] calling the citizens his foes."—Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 81.

261.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 82.

262.

At one time the parish of All Hallows Barking is spoken of as being in the County of Middlesex, at another as being within the City—Hust. Roll. 274, (10), (12).

263.

In narrating this, Fitz-Thedmar again discloses his aristocratic proclivities by remarking, "Such base exclamations did the fools of the vulgar classes give utterance to" on this occasion, viz., the election of William Fitz-Richard as Sheriff of Middlesex and Warden of London.—Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 90, 91.

264.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 83, 85.

265.

"Regina etiam rogavit pro Londoniensibus de quibus rex plures recepit ad pacem suam."—Ann. of Winchester (Rolls Series, No. 36), ii, 103.

266.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 146, 147.

267.

Ann. of Dunstaple. (Rolls Series, No. 36), iii, 245.

268.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 95. The citizens appear to have been divided, as indeed they often were, on the question of admitting the Earl.

269.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 95, 97.

270.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 96.

271.

-Id., pp. 97, 100.

272.

Dated "Est Ratford," 16th June, 1267. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 98-100.

273.

Dated 26th March, 1268. The original is preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 3). A copy of it, inserted in the Lib. de Ant. (fo. 108b), has the following heading:—"Carta domini regis quam fecit civibus Lond', sub spe inveniendi ab eo meliorem gratiam," the words in italics being added by a later hand.

274.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 113. Ann. of Waverley (Rolls Series No. 36), ii, 375.

275.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 129.

276.

Lib. de Ant., fo. 120.

277.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 129-130.

278.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 153.

279.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 154, 159.

280.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 164.

281.

The series of Husting Rolls for Pleas of Land, preserved at the Guildhall, commence in the mayoralty of Hervy's successor.

282.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 205-208.

283.

What Fitz-Thedmar means when he says (Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 171), that "only one part of the seal of the Commonalty of London" was appended to Hervy's so-called "charter" is hard to determine. The common seal of the city was at this period in the custody of the mayor for the time being. Under Edward II, it was for the first time entrusted to two aldermen and two commoners for safe keeping.—City Records, Letter Book D, fo. 145b. Cf. Ordinances of Edward II, A.D. 1319.

284.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 169-171.

285.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 173-5.

286.

"Et quod nullus alienigena in libertatem civitatis prædictæ admittatur nisi in Hustengo ... et si non sint de certo mestero, tune in libertatem civitatis ejusdem non admittentur sine assensu communitatis civitatis illius."—Lib. Custumarum (Rolls Series), pt. 1, pp. 269-270.

287.

"The establishment of the corporate character of the city under a mayor marks the victory of the communal principle over the more ancient shire organisation, which seems to have displaced early in the century the complicated system of guild and franchise. It also marks the triumph of the mercantile over the aristocratic element."—Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 630, 631.

288.

"The guilds continued to elect until 1384, when the right of election was again transferred to the wards." City Records, Letter Book H, fos. 46b, 173.

289.

Chron. Edward I and II. (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 84. Chron. of T. Wykes (Rolls Series No. 36) iv, p. 259.

290.

Dated from "Caples in the land of Labour" (Caples in terra laboris) or Capua, 19th January, 1273. This letter was publicly read in the Guildhall on the 25th March following.—Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 163.

291.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 161.

292.

-Id., p. 172.

293.

-.Id, pp. 132, 140-2.

294.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 143-4.

295.

-Id., pp. 145, 146.

296.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 147, 148.

297.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 149, 150.

298.

-Id., p. 165.

299.

-A.D. 1279. "Eodem anno escambia et novæ monetæ extiterunt levata apud turrim Londoniensem; et Gregorius de Roqesle major monetæ per totam Angliam."—Chron. Edw. I and II. (Rolls Series No. 76. i. 88).—Aungier Fr. Chron. (Transl.) p. 239.

300.

The name of John Horn with the addition. "Flemyng" occurs in the 14th cent.—Hust. Roll. 64 (67), 81 (74).

301.

For one month after the Feast of St. Botolph the Abbot [17 June], the Court of Husting in London was closed, owing to the absence of citizens attending the fair. The right of appointing their own officers to settle disputes arising at the fair was granted to the citizens of London at the close of the Barons' War.—Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 176.

302.

Peace was signed before the end of July.—Rymer's Fœdera, (ed. 1816), vol. i. pt. 2, p. 513.

303.

A series of MS. books extending from a.d. 1275 to 1688, deriving their title from the letters of the alphabet with which they are distinguished, A, B, C, &c, AA, BB, CC, &c. We are further aided by chronicles of the reigns of Edward I and II, edited by Bishop Stubbs for the Master of the Rolls. A portion of these chronicles the editor has fitly called "Annales Londonienses." There is even reason for believing them to have been written by Andrew Horn, citizen and fishmonger, as well as eminent jurist of his day. He died soon after the accession of Edward III. and by his will, dated 9th Oct., 1328, (Cal. of Wills, Court of Husting, i, 344) bequeathed to the city many valuable legal and other treatises, only one of which (known to this day as "Liber Horn,") is preserved among the archives of the Corporation.

304.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 239.

305.

Stubbs, Select Charters, p. 447.

306.

Chron. Edward I and II, (Rolls Series). Introd. vol. i, p. xxxiii.

307.

-Id., i, 92.

308.

Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 229. 230. Tho. Wykes (Ann. Monast. Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 294. Ann. of Worcester (Ibid), iv, 486. Walter de Heminburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc.), ii, 13.

309.

They were, in the language of Stow, "hanged by the purse." (Survey, Thoms' ed., p. 96). Cf. "He was hanged by the nek and nought by the purs." (Chaucer, Cook's Tale. l. 885). The story is recorded in Aungier's French Chron. (Riley's translation), p. 240; and in Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series i, 92-93).

310.

Stubbs, Select Charters, pp. 472-474.

311.

Letter Book C, fo. 52. Riley's Memorials, p. 21.

312.

Rolls Series, i, 51-60. Cf. Lib. Ordinationum, fos. 154b, seq.

313.

The circumstances of Rokesley's visit to the justices at the Tower are set out in the city's "Liber Albus" (i, 16), from a MS. of Andrew Horn, no longer preserved at the Guildhall. The story also appears in Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 94.

314.

In 1293 the king appointed Elias Russell and Henry le Bole his "improvers" (appropriatores) in the city:—Chron. Edward I and II, (Rolls Series No. 76, i, 102). Their duties were practically identical with those of sheriffs, and Bishop Stubbs places a marginal note over against the appointment,—"Sheriffs appointed by the king." Walter Hervy is recorded as having removed certain stones near Bucklersbury when he was "improver" of the city (Letter Book A, fo. 84. Riley's Memorials, p. 25). This was probably done in 1268, when the city was in the king's hand, and Hervy and William de Durham were appointed bailiffs "without election by the citizens."—Chron. Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 112, 113.

315.

Letter Book A, fo. 132b.

316.

-Id., fo. 110.

317.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 98.

318.

Letter Book A, fo. 95. Riley's Memorials, p. 26.

319.

"From the very day of his accession, Edward was financially in the hands of the Lombard bankers; hence arose, no doubt, the difficulty which he had in managing the City of London; hence came also the financial mischief which followed the banishment of the Jews; and hence an accumulation of popular discontent, which showed itself in the king's lifetime by opposition to his mercantile policy, and, after his death, supplied one of the most efficient means for the overthrow of his son."—Chron. Edward I and II. Introd. vol. i, pp. c, ci.

320.

Writ to the Sheriff of Middlesex, dated 2nd Jan., 1293. Letter Book B, fo. 25. Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 266.

321.

Ann. of Dunstaple (Rolls Series No. 36), iii, 390. The chronicler acquits the king of complicity in this sacrilege.

322.

Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 274.

323.

Letter Book C. fo. 20.

324.

-Id., fos. 21b, 22. (Riley's Memorials, pp. 31-33). Liber Custum., i, 72-76.

325.

Chron. of Walter de Hemingburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc.), ii. 108, 109.

326.

Letter Book C, fo. 22b.

327.

By the bull Clericis Laicos, Boniface VIII had recently forbidden the clergy to pay taxes to any layman.—Chron. of Walter de Hemingburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc.), ii, 113-116.

328.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 130, 131, 134.

329.

Chron. of Walter de Hemingburgh, ii, 121.

330.

-Id., ii, 126, 127.

331.

-Id., ii, 149, 151.

332.

Letter Book B, fo. xxxvii (101b).

333.

Preserved among the City Archives (Box 26). Cf. Letter Book C, fo. xxiv, b.

334.

Letter Book B, fo. 93.

335.

Letter Book C, fo. 24. (Riley's Memorials, 37).

336.

Strictly speaking, a talliage could only be charged on the king's demesnes, and these did not include the City of London.

337.

Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series), i, 132.

338.

Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), 247. Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series), i, 139.

339.

Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series), i, 146. Hemingburgh ii, 248.

340.

Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), 247 n.

341.

"Tunc visa est Londonia quasi nova Jerusalem monilibus ornata."—Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 152.

342.

"Ad quam coronationem major, aldermanni et cives Londoniarum induti samiteis et sericeis vestimentis et ex armis Angliæ et Franciæ depictis, coram rege et regina Karolantes, et servi civium ad illud festum, ut moris est, de cupa servientes, omnibus intuentibus inauditum proviserunt gaudium."—Id. ibid.

343.

Letter Book C, fo. 93 (Riley's Memorials, p. 64).

344.

Letter Book D, fo. 96 (Memorials, pp. 69-71).

345.

Letter Book C, fo. 97 b (Memorials, p. 69).

346.

Letter Book D, fo. 104 (Memorials, pp. 72-74).

347.

Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 224-225.

348.

Letter Book D, fo. 147b.

349.

-Id., fo. 125b.

350.

"Eodem anno (i.e. 1302), die Lunæ ivto Kalendas Februarii, restitutus est Richerus de Refham in honore aldermanniæ Londoniarum, et factus est aldermannus de Warda de Basseishawe."—Chron. Edward I and II, i, 104.

351.

Among those who were called to account was a woman remarkable for her name—"Sarra la Bredmongesterre." A selection of the cases enquired into is printed in Riley's Memorials, pp. 86-89.

352.

"Sed quia idem Richerus fuerat austerus et celer ad justitiam faciendam nulli parcendo, et quia fecit imprisonare Willelmum de Hakford, mercer, ideo dictus W, et sui complices insurrexerunt in ipsum et ideo depositus fuit ab officio majoris et postea aldermanniæ suæ."—Chron. Edw. I and II, i, 175-176.

353.

Letter Book D, fo. 142.

354.

-Id., fos. 142b-143b (Memorials pp. 93-98.)

355.

-Id., fos. 142b, 143b, 145b.

356.

Chron. Edward I and II. i, 203.

357.

Lib. de Antiq., fo. 43b. Aungier's Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), p. 250.

358.

Letter Book C, fo. 45.

359.

Letter Book C, fo. 92b (Memorials p. 63).

360.

The city chose as its representatives, Nicholas de Farendone, John de Wengrave, and Robert de Kelleseye. Letter Book D. fos. 149b, 151, 151b.

361.

-Id., fos. 151b, 152 (Memorials pp. 102-104.)

362.

-Id., fo. 168 (Memorials, pp. 105-106).

363.

Letter Book D, fos. 164, 164b.

364.

Letter Book E, fo. 18. (Memorials, pp. 108-110).

365.

Letter Book D, fo. 165.

366.

Chron. Edward I and II, ii, 55, 56.

367.

Letter Book E, fo. 84. (Memorials, pp. 128-129).

368.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 285.

369.

Aungier's French Chron. (Riley's translation), p. 252.

370.

Lib. Cust. (Rolls Series) i, 269.

371.

Dated York, 8th June, 1319. These letters patent are preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 4). Ten days later [18th June] Edward granted an ample inspeximus charter to the city, the original of which does not appear among the archives. See Lib. Cust. i, pp. 255-273.

372.

Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's translation), p. 253.

373.

In this year [1318-19] the new charter was confirmed by the king, and cost £1,000. Id., p. 252.

374.

Chron. Edward I and II, Introd., vol. ii, p. lxxxiv.

375.

Lib. Cust. (Rolls Series) i, 285-432.

376.

Rolls Series i, 51-60. Copies of the Ordinances are also to be found in the Liber Horn (fos. 209, seq.) and Liber Ordinationum (fos. 154b seq.) of the city's archives.

377.

Lib. Cust. i, 289, 308.

378.

Lib. Cust., i, 296.

379.

-Id., i, 308-322.

380.

-Id., i, 322-324.

381.

-Id., i, 324-325.

382.

-Id., i, 347-362.

383.

"Et fuit illo die post horam vesperarum antequam Justiciarii et duodenæ perfiniebant; sed neminem eodem die indictaverunt."—Lib. Cust., i, 366.

384.

Lib. Cust., i, 371-374.

385.

-Id., i, 378. Chron. Edward I and II, i, 291. Aungier, Fr. Chron., p. 253.

386.

"Qui cum quasi leones parati ad prædam ante Pascham extitissent, nunc, versa vice, quasi agni vicissim facti sunt."—Lib. Cust., i, 383-384.

387.

Chron. Edward I and II. i, 216, 272.

388.

Lib. Cust., i, 408, 409.

389.

-Id., i, 425.

390.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 291. The precise date of his election is not known. Bishop Stubbs, in his introduction to the Chronicle cited (i, p. lxxxii), states it to have taken place in January. This can hardly have been the case, inasmuch as the city had not been taken into the king's hands before the middle of February—forty-one days after the commencement of the Iter. See Lib. Cust. i, p. 378.

391.

Letter Book E, fos. 119b-120 (Memorials, pp. 142-144).

392.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 293, 296.

393.

-Id., i, 297.

394.

Dated, Boxle, 25 October. Patent Roll 15, Edward II, Part 1, m. ii.

395.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, p. 298. Re-elected "by the commons at the king's wish."—Aungier Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), p. 254.

396.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, pp. 298-299.

397.

Aungier, Fr. Chron., pp. 254, 255.

398.

The charter, dated Aldermaston, 12th December, 15 Edward II [A.D. 1321], with seal (imperfect) attached, is preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 4.)

399.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 301.—Aungier. Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.). p. 255.

400.

"Car c'est le plus perilleux peuple [sc. the English] qui soit au monde et plus outrageux et orgueilleux et de tous ceux d' Angleterre les Londriens sont chefs ... ils sont fors durs et hardis et haux en courage; tant plus voyent de sang respandu et plus sont cruels et moins ebahis."—Froissart's Hist. (ed. Lyon, 1559), pp. 333-334.

401.

Macaulay, Hist., cap. iii.

402.

Aungier. Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), pp. 257, 264.

403.

Chron. Edward I and II. i, 303.

404.

-Id., i. 305. Aungier. Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), p. 257.

405.

By the king's writ, dated Ravensdale, 29 Nov., Letter Book E. fo. 148. According to the French Chronicle (Aungier, p. 258) Chigwell recovered the mayoralty on the feast of St. Nicholas [6 Dec.]. On the 7th Dec. he was admitted and sworn into office.

406.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 301, 305, 318 n.

407.

"Propter insidiantes domini regis et aliorum malorum hominum."—Id., i, 306.

408.

-Id., i, 307.

409.

Aungier, Fr. Chron., p. 259.

410.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 308. Easter is given as the date of her departure by the Fr. Chron. (p. 259), Easter Day falling on the 15th April in that year.

411.

Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), p. 260.

412.

See her proclamation issued at Wallingford, 15th Oct. Rymer's Fœdera, vol. ii, part 1, pp. 645, 646.

413.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 314, 315.

414.

Dated Baldock, 6 Oct., 1326. City's Records, Pleas and Memoranda, Roll A I, membr. x (12).

415.

Aungier. Fr. Chron. (Riley's translation), pp. 262, 263.

416.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 315, 316. Aungier, Fr. Chron., p. 263.

417.

Chron. Edward I and II, ii, 310. Murimuth, Chron. (Eng. Hist. Soc.), p. 48.

418.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 321, ii, 310. Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's translation), p. 264. Murimuth (Eng. Hist. Soc.), pp. 48, 49.

419.

The proclamation is headed, Proclamacio prima post decessum episcopi Exoniensis et ipsius decollacionem.—City's Records, Pleas and Memoranda, Roll A 1, membr. 2 dors.

420.

Aungier, Fr. Chron., p. 265.

421.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 318.

422.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 323. Pleas and Memoranda, Roll A 1, memb. 2.

423.

Dated 28 February, 1326-7. Chron. Edward I and II, i, 325-326.

424.

Dated 6 March, 1326-7. Preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 5).

425.

In re Islington Market Bill, 3 Clk, 513. See also Stat. 5 and 6, William IV, cap. cxi, ss. 46 et seq.

426.

-Vide sup., p. 104.

427.

According to the common law of the land, no market could be erected so as to be a "nuisance" to another market within a less distance than six miles and a half and a third of another half.—Bracton "De Legibus Angliæ" (Rolls Series No. 70), iii, 584.

428.

Dated 4 March, 1326-7.

429.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 325.

430.

The king's letters asking for assistance were dated from Nottingham, 29 April and 2 May.—City's Records, Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. iv dors, and ix.

431.

The names of the troopers are set out in full, under the several wards, in Pleas and Memoranda, Roll A I, memb. ix. The compiler of the "Annales Paulini" (Chron. Edward I and II, i. 333), gives the number of the City contingent as 100 men, adding feelingly "sed proh pudor! nil boni ibi facientes sine honore revertuntur."

432.

Dated Topclyf, 10 July.—Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. ii (4).

433.

-Id., Roll A 1, membr. iii.

434.

Writ dated Lincoln, 23 September.—Id., Roll A 1, membr. v (7) dors.

435.

-Id., Roll A 1. memb. iii.—In July, 1323, the Exchequer had been transferred from York to Westminster, "and great treasure therewith."—Aungier's Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), p. 258.

436.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1. membr. iii, and v (7).

437.

Pleas and Memoranda, Roll A 1. membr. xxii.

438.

-Id., Roll A 1. membr. xxii, dors.—According to the Chronicle of Lanercost (Bannatyne Club, p. 261), it was the Londoners who refused to give up the stone.

439.

Rymer's Fœdera (1830), Vol. iii, pt. ii, p. 716. Stanley's Memorials of Westminster Abbey (2nd ed.), pp. 60-64.

440.

Rymer's Fœdera (1821) Vol. ii, pt. ii, pp. 734, 740. Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. xx dors. Chron. Edward I and II, i. 339-340.

441.

The city was represented by Stephen de Abyndon and Robert de Kelseye. The writ was dated Clipston, 28 August, and the return made the 10th October.—Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1. membr. xxiii-xxiv.

442.

Letter dated 27 September.—Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. xxiii (27) dors.

443.

-Id., Roll A 1, membr. xxiv (28) dors.

444.

"Quod dictus Hamo fuit pessimus vermis qui venit in civitate jam xx annis elapsis et amplius, et quod nunquam foret bona pax in civitate dum viveret et quod bonum esset valde si capud ejus a corpore truncatur."—Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. xxiii dors.

445.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. 29.

446.

-Id., Roll A 1, membr. 29 dors.

447.

-Id., ibid.—Notwithstanding this disavowal, it is said that no less than 600 Londoners assisted the Lancastrian cause.—Chron. Edward I and II. Introd. Vol. i, p. cxx.

448.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 343.—Letter Book E, fo. 179b. (Memorials, pp. 170-171).

449.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. 31.

450.

See letter from the mayor, &c., to the king informing him that his wishes had been carried out.—Id., Roll A 1. membr. xxviii (32).

451.

At Christmas, both the primate and the city despatched letters to Edward, who was then at Worcester, to that effect.—Id., Roll A 1. memb. xxviii (32).

452.

Chron. Edward I and II. i, 343-344.

453.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1. membr. xxviii (32).

454.

Chron. Edward I and II. i, 242-243.

455.

-Id., i, 245, 346.

456.

-Id., i. 246-247.

457.

The will is enrolled in the records of the Court of Husting, Roll 61 (17). His devise to St. Paul's was challenged by John de Pulteney, and execution stayed.

458.

According to the compiler of the "Annales Paulini" (Chron. Edward I and II, i, 352), Mortimer was taken "in camera Isabelle reginæ."

459.

She died in 1357. and was buried in the church of the Grey Friars, in the city.

460.

"The last days of Queen Isabella."—Archæol., vol. xxxv, p. 464.

461.

On her first arrival in London she was conducted by a cavalcade of citizens to the Bishop of Ely's house in Holborn, and after her marriage, was made the recipient of a present of gold and silver and a great store of all kinds of provisions. Her coronation, which took place two years later (Feb., 1330), was also made the occasion for a further display of their loyalty and affection.—Chron. Edward I and II, i, 338, 339, 349.

462.

Green, Hist. of the English People, i, 410. Imposts on wool, writes Bishop Stubbs, became of such importance at this period that "the merchants again seemed likely to furnish the realm with a new estate."—Const. Hist., ii. 379.

463.

-Supra, pp. 112-115.

464.

"Eodem anno (i.e., 1326) post Pascha dominus rex habuit consilium apud Westmonasterium; et ordinatum fuit ibi quod mercatores emerent lanas. corias et plumbum, in certis locis Angliæ, Walliæ et Hyberniæ, et illa loca vocantur Stapel."—Chron. Edward I and II, i, 312. Cf. Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. 15.

465.

Dated 23 April, 1327. Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. i (3) dors.

466.

Dated Nottingham, 30 April (1327). Rymer's Fœdera. Vol. ii, pt. ii. p. 705.

467.

Writ to the collector of dues in the port of London and other places on both sides of the Thames as far as Gravesend. Dated Overton, 2 July, 1 Edward III (a.d. 1327). Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. 7 dors (cedula).

468.

-Id., Roll A 1, membr. 7 dors.

469.

Letters patent, dated Lincoln, 23 Sept., 1 Edward III (a.d. 1327). Id., Roll A 1, membr. 7 dors.

470.

Writ to sheriffs to see the restrictions carried out, dated York, 1 March, 2 Edward III (a.d. 1327-8). Id., Roll A 1, membr. 24 dors.

471.

Dated from Coventry. Id., Roll A 1, membr. 18 dors.

472.

Return to writ, dated 12 January, 1 Edward III (A.D. 1327-8).—Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. 20.

473.

Letter from the Mayor, &c., of York, to the City of London, dated 29 January, and reply.—Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. xix (23).

474.

-Id. ibid.

475.

-Id., Roll A 1, membr. xvii (20) dors. The letter was sent in reply to one from the City's representatives, Grantham and Priour, asking for instructions.

476.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. xix (23) dors.

477.

He had been an intimate favourite of Edward II. and had been removed, with others, from that king's service in 1311. Notwithstanding this, he appears as the king's Chamberlain in 1316. Ten years later, when the city was in the hands of an infuriated mob, and the king confined at Kenilworth, John de Charleton took the Earl of Arundel prisoner and caused him to be beheaded. In 1329 the citizens received peremptory orders from Edward III, not to harbour him in the city.—Chron. Edward I & II. i, 247.

478.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. 24.

479.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. 24.

480.

Letter Book E, fo. 183. (Memorials, p. 169.)

481.

"In 1333 they were again established in England, but merchants ignored them, and in the following year they were abolished. From 1344 onwards they are frequently discussed in parliament and assemblies of the merchants; and by the statute of 1353 the system was consolidated."—Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 412.

482.

Letter Book G. fos. 35b, 76.

483.

Rymer's Fœdera (1821), vol. ii, pt. ii. p. 765.

484.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 247, 249.

485.

Chron. Edward I and II. i, 249, 251.

486.

Rymer's Fœdera (1821), vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 815.

487.

Rex Franciæ subtiliavit viis et modis quibus potuit qualiter deturbaret regem Angliæ et repatriare faceret ne tantum destrueret et debellaret regnum Scotiæ.—Knighton (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 476.

488.

-Id., i, 461.

489.

Letter Book E, fos. 1-4—(Memorials, pp. 187-190).

490.

John de Grantham was allowed 60 shillings for a horse which he lost whilst going to this parliament on the city's business. (Letter Book F, fo. 9b.) It is, however, not clear that Grantham attended the parliament as a city member.

491.

Chron. Edward I and II, ii. 122.

492.

Letter patent, dated 12 August.—Pleas and Mem., Roll A 1, membr. 35.

493.

-Id. ibid.

494.

Letter patent, dated Westm., 24 March.—Letter Book F., fo. 6.

495.

-Id., fo. 6b.

496.

Chron. Edward I and II, i, 366.

497.

The king's letter, dated Stamford, 1 June, 1337.—Letter Book F, fo. 6b.

498.

Letter Book F, fos. 4-5.

499.

Charter dated Westminster, 26 March, 1337, preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 5). The king made frequent attempts to annul this charter.—Letter Book F, fo. 197; Letter Book G, fos. 11b, 41b.

500.

-Id., fo. 9.

501.

-Id., fo. 9b. (Memorials, p. 197).

502.

-Id., fo. 10b.

503.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 380.

504.

Letter Book F, fo. 42.

505.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 3 and 3 dors.

506.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 380-381.

507.

Letter Book F, fos. 3, 3b.

508.

-Id., fo. 14b. Id., fo. 18b.

509.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 5, membr. 3 dors.

510.

-Id., membr. 5 dors.

511.

-Id., membr. 6. On the 23 October, the Duke of Cornwall, whom the king had nominated regent during his absence abroad, wrote to the Mayor, &c., of London, bidding him put the city into a posture of defence.—Letter Book F, fo. 19.

512.

-Skumarii: a scummar, a rover. Skeats' Glossary to the Bruce (Early Eng. Text Soc. s. v.)

513.

Letter Book F, fos. 22b-23.

514.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 1.

515.

Letter Book F, fly leaf. (Memorials, p. 204.)

516.

Letter Book F, fly-leaf. The passage was printed by the late Mr. Riley, although somewhat inaccurately, in his Memorials (p. 205). The original MS. runs thus: "Item in Camera Gildaule sunt sex Instrumenta de Laton vocata Gonnes cum quinque teleres ad eadem. Item pelete de plumbo pro eidem Instrumentis que ponderant iiijc li et dj. Item xxxij li de pulvere pro dictis instrumentis."

517.

The late Mr. Riley misread "roleres" for "teleres" (the writing is not very legible), and therefore thought the passage referred to heavy ordnance.

518.

Richard Hastinges bequeaths by will in 1558 his bows and arrows, with "tyllers" &c.—Calendar of Wills, Court of Hust., London, ii, 670.

519.

Congregacio Maioris Aldermannorum et unius hominis cujuslibet warde civitatis pro negociis communitatem tangentibus die veneris proxima post festum Sancte Katerine Virginis (25 Nov.) anno xiijc contra adventum domini regis et regine de partibus transmarinis.—Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 10.

520.

Letter Book F, fo. 30b.

521.

Letter Book F, fo. 32b. (Memorials, pp. 208-210.)

522.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 12 dors.

523.

Letter Book F, fo. 34b.

524.

Letter Book F, fo. 39.

525.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 20-21. Letter Book F, fo. 37b.

526.

A cedula inserted between membranes 19 and 20 of Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3.

527.

Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), 277.

528.

Murimuth, Contin. Chron. (Rolls Series No. 93), p. 116. Avesbury (Ibid), p. 323.

529.

Aungier's Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), pp. 283-285. Murimuth, p. 117.

530.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 22.

531.

Letter Book F, fos. 45b-49. Murimuth, pp. 118, 119.

532.

Murimuth, p. 119.

533.

Letter Book F, fo. 49.

534.

Dated 26 May, 1341. This charter, which was granted with the assent of parliament, is preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 5.)

535.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 25 dors.

536.

-Id., Roll A 5. membr. 17.

537.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 392 note. Aungier's Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), 290.

538.

Murimuth, 155.

539.

Letter Book F, fos. 81-84b.

540.

Commission, dated Windsor, 20th March, 1345. Id. fo. 98b.

541.

-Id. fos. 99, 109, 110.

542.

Letter Book F, fo. 111.

543.

-Id., fo. 116b.

544.

Murimuth (Rolls Series, No. 93, p. 198) states that the number of vessels great and small amounted to 750; whilst in another Chronicle the same writer says that they numbered more than 1,500 (Chron. ed. for Eng. Hist. Soc., p. 164.)

545.

Letter Book F. fo. 119. Murimuth (Rolls Series), p. 198.

546.

Murimuth (Rolls Series), pp. 205-211.

547.

Letter Book F, fo. 120b.

548.

-Id., fos. 121-125b.

549.

Letter Book F, fos. 127, 127b, 130.

550.

-Id., fos. 132b-133b.

551.

-Id., fos. 139, 140.

552.

-Id., fo. 140 b.

553.

Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 28), i, 272. Cf. Chron. Angliæ (Rolls Series No. 64). p. 26.

554.

It was the first of the three pestilences (the others occurring in 1361 and 1369) which served occasionally as land marks in history for dating conveyances and other records.—See Bond's Handy-book for verifying dates, p. 311.

555.

Stow extravagantly conjectures that no less than 50,000 perished within a year, all of whom were buried in Walter Manny's cemetery, near the Charterhouse. Another chronicler states that 200 were buried there alone between February and April, 1349.—Avesbury (Rolls Series No. 93), p. 407.

556.

Whilst the king forbade the encouragement of beggars by gifts of charity, the municipal authorities fixed the price of labour.—Letter Book F. fos. 163, 168, 169, 181. At the close of the year (1349) a statute—known as the Statute of Labourers—was passed, fixing the scale of wages at the rate prevalent before the Black Death, and ordering punishment to be inflicted on those who demanded more.

557.

Letter Book F, fo. 168.

558.

-Id., fo. 191b.

559.

By writ, dated 1 July. Letter Book F, fo. 185b.

560.

Letter Book F, fos. 187b, 188b.

561.

Avesbury (Rolls Series No. 93), p. 412.

562.

Letter Book F, fos. 174, 176.

563.

Rot. Parl., ii, 155.

564.

Letter Book G, fo. 47.—Their cost, amounting to nearly £500, was assessed on the wards.

565.

Letter Book G, fo. 53b. (Memorials, pp. 285-289).

566.

Walshingham (Rolls Series No. 28), i, 283. Chron. Angliæ (Rolls Series No. 64), p. 37.

567.

Letter Book G, fos. 65-67.

568.

Letter Book G, fo. 60.

569.

Relief on this point was afforded by the king in February, 1359, by the issue of a writ to the effect that the names of his purveyors should be handed to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, and that the purveyors shall not seize any victuals until they had shown and read their commission.—Letter Book G, fo. 74.

570.

Walsingham, i, 288.

571.

Letter Book G, fo. 133.

572.

Stow's Survey (Thom's ed. 1876), pp. 41, 90.—If we include David, King of Denmark (as some do), the number of kings entertained on this occasion was five, and to this day the toast of "Prosperity to the Vintners' Company" is drunk at their banquets with five cheers in memory of the visit of the five crowned heads.—See a pamphlet entitled The Vintners' Company with Five, by B. Standring, Master of the Company in 1887.

573.

Letter Book G, fo. 133.—The list of subscribers, as printed in Herbert's Introduction to his History of the Twelve Great Livery Companies (p. 32), is very inaccurately transcribed.

574.

-Id., fo. 158.

575.

-Id., fos. 225b, 226b, 235b, 236b.

576.

-Id., fo. 228b.

577.

Letter Book G, fo. 247b.—The money was advanced on the security of Exchequer bills. The names of the contributors and the several sums contributed, covering three folios of the Letter Book, have been for some reason erased.

578.

-Id., fos. 263, 270.

579.

Fasciculi Zizaniorum (Rolls Series No. 5), introd., p. xxviii.

580.

Letter Book G, fos. 274b-275.

581.

-Id., fo. 268.

582.

Letter Book G, fos. 268b, 270.

583.

The number of parishes is elsewhere given as 110.—Id., fo. 275. A list of London benefices, under date 31 Edward I [1302-3], is given in the City's Liber Custumarum (i, 228-230), the number being 116.

584.

Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), pref. vol. i, p. lvi.

585.

Chron. Edward I and II, introd., vol. i., p. xli.

586.

Letter Book G, fo. 271. (Memorials, pp. 350-352).

587.

-Id., fo. 289b.

588.

Walsingham, i, 315.

589.

Letter Book G, fos. 297, 298, 304b, 306b, 307.

590.

Letter Book G, fo. 312b. Letter Book H, fos. 17-19b.

591.

The parliament was originally summoned for the 12th February, but did not meet before the 28 April. The city members were John Pyel and William Walworth, Aldermen, William Essex and Adam Carlile, commoners.—Letter Book H. fos. 28. 29.

592.

Chron. Angliæ (Rolls Series No. 64), 78, 79.

593.

Walsingham i, 321. Higden's Polychron (Rolls Series No. 41), viii, 385. Chron. Angliæ (Rolls Series No. 64), pp. 94, 392.

594.

Letter Book H, fo. 45b.

595.

See the king's letter, dated "Haddele" Castle, 29 July, 1376.—Letter Book H, fo. 44.

596.

The names of the representatives of the guilds forming the first Common Council of the kind are placed on record.—Letter Book H, fos. 46b, 47.

597.

-Id., fo. 44b.

598.

Letter Book H, fo. 46.

599.

-Id., fos. 47, 161; Journal 11, fo. 89.

600.

Charter, dated 26 May, 15 Edward III, Supra p. 188.

601.

Letter Book H, fo. 173.—The names of those elected by the wards to the Common Council two years later (9 Ric. II), are inserted on a cedula between membranes, 15 and 16, of Pleas and Memoranda, Roll A 27.

602.

Walsingham, i, 327. Chron. Angliæ, pp. 142, 143. Modern writers, however, have discovered some good qualities in this lady.—See Notes and Queries, 7th Series, vol. vii, pp. 449, et seq.

603.

Chron. Angliæ, p. 130.

604.

See Hust., Rolls, 95, (130) (13O); 97, (9); 98, (73) (74) (82); 109, (6) (7) (8); also Will of William Burton—Calendar of Wills, Court of Hust., London, ii, 301.

605.

Letter Book H, fo. 77b.

606.

-Id., fo. 47b.

607.

Pat. Roll, 3 Ric. II, part 1.

608.

"Ut de cetero non major, antiquo more, sed capitaneus Londoniis haberetur, et quod Marescallus Angliæ in illa civitate, sicut alibi, reos arestare valeret; cum multis petitionibus quæ; manifeste obviabant urbis libertatibus et imminebant civium detrimento."—Chron. Angliæ, p. 120.

609.

Chron. Angliæ, pp. 123-125, 397; Walsingham, i, 325.

610.

Chron. Angliæ, pp. 125, 398.

611.

-Id., pp. 127, 128.

612.

Chron. Angliæ, p. 129.

613.

Letter Book H, fos. 58, 59.

614.

Chron. Angliæ, p. 134.

615.

Chron. Angliæ, p. 129.

616.

-Id., pp. 136-137, 142-143.

617.

Chron. Angliæ, pp. 146-149. The chronicler expresses the utmost joy and astonishment at the sudden change in the duke's manner. It was (he says) nothing less than a miracle that one who had so recently demanded a present of precious stones and 100 tuns of wine, as the price of his favour, should now appear so complacent.

618.

-Id., pp. 150, 151.

619.

"Londonienses præcipue obloquebantur, dicentes jam perpaucorum proceruin corda fore cum Rege, eos solos sibi fideles esse; quorum Rex licet ironice, vocabatur a nonnullis proceribus, eo quod ipsi multum juvissent eum in coronatione sua."—Walsingham i, 370; Cf. Chron. Angliæ, p. 200.

620.

Chron. Angliæ, p. 153.

621.

Lib. Cust. ii, 467, 468. It appears from the City Records, that the king's butler in ordinary could claim the office of Coroner of the city.—See Letter Book H, fos. 68, 77b.

622.

The Isle of Wight had been surprised and taken, Rye had been captured, Hastings had been destroyed by fire, and Winchelsea would have fallen into the hands of the enemy but for the bold defence made by the Abbot of Battle.—Walsingham i, 340-342; Chron. Angliæ, pp. 151, 166, 167.

623.

Letter Book H, fos. 76-77, 83.

624.

Et deputati sunt ad hujus pecuniæ custodiam duo cives Londonienses, scilicet Willelmus Walworthe et Johannes Philipot.—Chron. Angliæ, p. 171. Eight other citizens, viz., Adam Lovekyn, William Tonge, Thomas Welford, Robert Lucas, John Hadley, John Northampton, John Organ, and John Sely, were appointed collectors of the two fifteenths.—Letter Book H, fo. 90.

625.

Dated 4 Dec, 1377. Preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 9).

626.

Letter Book H, fo. 82.

627.

Chron. Angliæ, p. 194: Walsingham i, 367. It was stated before parliament, in 1378, that Walworth and Philipot had laid out every penny of the subsidy.—Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 445 note.

628.

Chron. Angliæ, pp. 199, 200. Philipot again showed his patriotism in 1380, by providing money and arms for an expedition sent to assist the Duke of Brittany.—Id., p. 266. He died in the summer of 1384.—Walsingham, ii, 115.

629.

Letter Book H, fo. 95.

630.

"Et idcirco locum illum elegerant præmeditato facinori; ne Londonienses, si Londoniis fuisset Parliamentum prædictum, sua auctoritate vel potentia eorum conatus ullatenus impedirent."—Walsingham, i, 380.

631.

Letter Book H, fo. 101b. (Memorials, p. 427).

632.

Letter Book H, fos. 109b, 110.

633.

-Id., fos. 107, 108, 109.

634.

-Id., fos. 111b, 113.

635.

Letter Book H, fos. 128, 132.

636.

The story of the insurrection under Wat Tyler, and of his death at the hands of Walworth, as told in Letter Book H, fo. 133b (Memorials, pp. 449-451), varies in some particulars from that given by Walsingham (i, 454-465), and in the Chronicon Angliæ (pp. 285-297).

637.

Letter Book H, fo. 134.

638.

-Id., fo. 134b.

639.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 24, membr. 9.

640.

Walsingham, i, 467-484; ii, 23.

641.

Walsingham, ii, 13.

642.

-Id., ii, 9, 10.

643.

Letter Book H, fos. 149b, 150.

644.

"Homo duri cordis et astutus, elatus propter divitias et superbus, qui nec inferioribus adquiescere, nec superiorum allegationibus sive monitis flecti valeret quin quod inceperat proprio ingenio torvo proposito ad quemcunque finem perducere niteretur."—Walsingham, ii, 65.

645.

Letter Book H, fo. 144. (Memorials, p. 463).

646.

Letter Book H, fo. 146b.

647.

-Id., fos. 153-154.

648.

Walsingham, ii, 71. From the City's Records it appears that early in 1383, William Baret was alderman of Philipot's ward (Cornhill); but in the following year, when Brembre succeeded to his mayoralty, and the so-called "king's party" was again in the ascendant, Philipot again appears as alderman of his old ward, continuing in office until his death (12 Sept., 1384), when he was succeeded by John Rote.—Letter Book H, fos. 163, 174.

649.

Letter Book H, fo. 155b.

650.

Letter Book H, fo. 154.

651.

Letter Book H, fo. 168. Three years later, "the folk of the Mercerye of London" complained to parliament that Brembre and his "upberers" had on this occasion obtained his election by force—"through debate and strenger partye."—(Rot., Parl. iii, 225). There is no evidence of this in the City's Records, although there appears to have been a disturbance at his re-election in 1384. It may be to this that the Mercers' petition refers. It is noteworthy that at the time of his election in 1383, Brembre was not an alderman, although in the previous year, and again in the year following his election, he is recorded as Alderman of Bread Street Ward.—Letter Book H, fos. 140, 163, 174.

652.

Breve quod piscenarii libertatis civitatis Londoniæ exerceant artem suam ut consueverunt. Dated 27 Nov., 1383.—Letter Book H, fo. 172.

653.

-Id., fos. 154-154b, 176-177.

654.

Dated 26 Nov., 7 Ric. II. Preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 9).

655.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 3 dors.

656.

Letter Book H, fos. 166, 167.

657.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 3.

658.

Writ dated 9 February; Letter Box H, fo. 173b.

659.

-Id., fos. 173b, 174b.

660.

-Id., fo. 174.

661.

Letter Book H, fo. 179.

662.

Letter Book H, fo. 179b; Walsingham, ii, 116.

663.

Hidgen, Polychron. (Rolls Series No. 41), ix, 45 seq.

664.

"Hæc autem omnia sibi fieri procurarunt æmuli piscarii, ut dicebabur, quia per illos stetit quod ars et curia eorum erant destructæ."—Higden, ix, 49.

665.

Letter Book H, fo. 92. (Memorials, pp. 415-417).

666.

Letter Book H, fo. 182. The names of those specially summoned are set out in Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 15.

667.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 4, 5 and 6.

668.

Higden, ix, 50, 51.

669.

Letter Book H, fo. 182.

670.

Letter Book H, fo. 198b.

671.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 26.

672.

Letters patent of pardon received the king's sign manual on the 3 June, 1386 (Letter Book H, fo. 216), but the prisoners were not released before April in the following year.—See Higden, Polychron. ix, 93.

673.

Letter Book H, fo. 214. (Memorials, p. 494).

674.

Rot. Parl. iii, 227, cited by Riley in his "Memorials," p. 494, note.

675.

Letter Book H, fo. 176b.

676.

This letter, which was dated the 27 April, was delivered to Lord Zouche at his house by John Reche, Common Pleader, and Ralph Strode and John Harwell, Sergeants-at-Arms.—Letter Book H, fo. 215b.

677.

"Super quo dominus Rex respondit quod licet in sua potestate fuerat cum ipsis, Johanne, Johanne et Ricardo agere graciose bene tamen sibi provideret priusquam foret eis graciam concessurus."—Letter Book H, fo. 215b.

678.

Higden, Polychron. ix, 93.

679.

Letter Book H, fo. 222.

680.

The oath as set out in the letter to the king differs from another copy of the oath, which immediately precedes the letter in Letter Book H, fos. 220b, 221; a clause having been subsequently added to the latter to the effect that the swearer abjured the opinions of Northampton and his followers, and would oppose their return within the bounds and limits set out in the king's letters patent.

681.

Letter Book H, fo. 222.

682.

Letter Book H, fo. 223b.

683.

Walsingham, ii, 150.

684.

Higden, Polychron. ix, 104.

685.

Letter Book H, fo. 223b.

686.

Higden, Polychron. ix, 106; Walsingham, ii, 166.

687.

Letter Book H, fo. 223b. (Memorials, p. 449.)

688.

Higden, Polychron. ix, 108-109.

689.

"Londonienses ... mobiles erant ut arundo, et nunc cum Dominis, nunc cum Rege, sentiebant, nusquam stabiles sed fallaces."—Hist. Angliæ, ii, 161.

690.

Higden, Polychron. ix, 108; Walsingham, ii, 169.

691.

Pleas and Mem., Roll A, membr. 7.

692.

Higden, ix, 111-114; Walsingham, ii, 170, 171; Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc. No. 64), p. 5.

693.

Higden, ix, 117, 118.

694.

Howell's State Trials, i, 115.

695.

Higden, Polychron. ix, 168.

696.

State Trials, i, 118, 119.

697.

Walsingham, ii, 165-174.

698.

Higden, ix, 167-169.

699.

Letter Book H, fo. 228.

700.

Letter Book H, fo, 161.

701.

-Id., fo. 126; Higden ix, 179.

702.

Letter Book H, fos. 234, 234b.

703.

Higden ix, 217.

704.

Higden ix, 238, 239.

705.

Letters patent, date, 2 Dec, 1390.—Letter Book H, fo. 255; Higden ix, 243.

706.

Letter Book H, fo. 259. (Memorials, p. 526.).

707.

-Id., fo. 300.

708.

-Id., fo. 270.

709.

Higden, ix, 270. According to Walsingham (Hist. Angl. ii, 208), the Lombard failed to get the money from the citizens, who nearly killed him when they learnt his purpose.

710.

The names of the citizens chosen for the occasion are given by Higden (Polychron. ix, 269, 270), and in Letter Book H, fo. 270.

711.

The reason given in the City Records for the dismissals which followed is stated to be "certain defects in a commission under the common seal and other causes."—Letter Book H, fo. 270b.

712.

Higden, Polychron. ix, 272; Walsingham, ii, 208-209.

713.

Higden, ix, 273; Letter Book H, fo. 270b.

714.

Letter Book H, fo. 275b.

715.

-Id., fo. 273.

716.

Letter Book H, fo. 269b; Higden, ix, 267. Walsingham (ii, 213) suggests that this was done at the instance of the Archbishop of York, the Chancellor.

717.

"Putabant isti officiarii per hoc non modicum damnificare civitatem Lundoniæ, sed potius hoc multo majora damna intulerunt regi et hominibus regni quam jam dictæ civitati."—Higden, ix, 267-268.

718.

Walsingham, ii, 210.

719.

Higden, ix, 273.

720.

Letters Patent of pardon, dated Woodstock, 19 September, 1392. Preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 6).

721.

Higden. ix, 274, 276, 278; Letter Book H, fos. 271b, 272, 274. Notwithstanding these remissions, the city was mulcted, according to Waisingham (ii, 211), in no less a sum than £10,000 before it received its liberties.—Cf. Chron. of London, 1089-1483 (ed. by Sir H. Nicolas, sometimes called "Tyrrell's Chronicle," from a City Remembrancer of that name), p. 80.

722.

Stat. 17, Ric. II, c. 13; Letter Book H, fos. 290b, 291.; Bohun, "Privilegia Londini" (ed. 1723), p. 57.

723.

Higden, ix, 274.

724.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 489-490.

725.

Letter Book H, fo. 314.

726.

Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc. No. 64), p. 12.

727.

"Also this yere (1397-8), by selying of blank chartres, the Citie of London paied to the kyng a ml li."—Chron. of London (ed. by Sir H. Nicolas); p. 83.

728.

Letters Patent, dat. 9 May, 1399.—Letter Book H, fo. 326. Richard set sail on the 29th.

729.

"Douze cent hommes de Londres, tous armés et montés à cheval."—Froissart (ed. Lyon, 1559), vol. iv, c. 108, p. 328. In Lord Berner's translation of Froissart (iv, 566), the number is wrongly given as 12,000.

730.

Walsingham, ii, 245, 246.

731.

Walsingham, ii, 262-264. Serle's Christian name is given elsewhere as John.—Eng. Chron. (Camd. Soc., No. 64), p. 30. The writ for his execution is dated 5 August, 1404.—Letter Book I, fo. 31b.

732.

Letter Book I, fo. 180b. (Memorials, pp. 638-641). Walsingham, ii, 317.

733.

City Records Journal, I, fo. 83b. We have now a series of MS. Volumes among the City's archives known as "Journals" to assist us. They contain minutes of proceedings of the Court of Common Council, just as the "Repertories" (which we shall have occasion to consult later on), contain a record of the proceedings of the Court of Aldermen. The Letter Books may now be regarded as "fair copies" of the more important of the proceedings of both Courts.

734.

Letter Book H, fo. 307b. The Lollards are said to have derived their name from a low German word lollen, to sing or chant, from their habit of chanting, but their clerical opponents affected to derive it from the Latin lolium, as if this sect were as tares among the true wheat of the church.

735.

Letter Book I, fo. 125b-132.

736.

-Id., fo. 130b.

737.

-Ibid.

738.

Letter Book I, fo. 11b.

739.

He appears, however, to have burnt by a special order of the king, before the passing of the statute.—See Fasc. Zizan. (Rolls Series No. 5), Introd. p. lxix.

740.

A curious story is told of boys in the streets playing at England and Scotland at this time, with the result that what began in play ended in fighting and loss of life.—See Chron. Mon. S. Albani (Rolls Series No. 28, 3), p. 332.

741.

Letter Book I, fo. 16.

742.

Letter Book I, fo. 27; Chron. Mon. S. Albani (Rolls Series No. 28, 3), p. 379.

743.

Letter Book I, fo. 89b.

744.

-Id., fo. 113.

745.

-Id., fo. 108b.

746.

Letter Book I, fo. 112b.

747.

Exchequer Roll, Lay Subsidy, 144-20.—See Archæological Journal, vol. xliv, 56-82.

748.

Letter Book I, fo. 54. (Memorials pp. 563-564.)

749.

License, dated Westminster, 29 May, 12 Henry IV (A.D. 1411).—Letter Book I, fo. 103b. In 1417 the mayor and aldermen ordained that the rector of St. Peter's for the time being should in future take precedence of the rectors of all other city churches, on the ground that Saint Peter's was the first church founded in the city of London, having been built in 199 by King Lucius, and for 400 years or more held the metropolitan chair.—Letter Book I, fo. 203. (Memorials, pp. 651-653.) Cf. Journal 1, fo. 21b.

750.

"Eminentissima turris Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ et pugil invictus Dominus Thomas de Arundelia."—Hist. Angl. ii, 300.

751.

A certain William Fyssher, a parchemyner or parchment-maker of London, was afterwards (1416) convicted of assisting in Oldcastle's escape, and was executed at Tyburn.—Letter Book I, fo. 181b. (Memorials, p. 641.)

752.

Walsingham, ii, 292-299; Fasc. Zizan. (Rolls Series No. 5), 433-449; Chron. of London (ed. by Sir H. Nicolas), p. 97.

753.

Letter Book I, fos. 286-290.

754.

2 Hen. V. Stat. i, c. 7.

755.

It was not, however, the last occasion upon which parliamentary action was attempted. In 1422, and again in 1425, the Lollards were formidable in London, and parliament on both occasions ordered that those who were in prison should be delivered at once to the Ordinary, in accordance with the provisions of this Statute.—Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, 81, 363.

756.

Letter Book I, fo. 147.

757.

Walsingham, ii, 306, 307.

758.

Hist. Angl., ii, 307.

759.

Letter Book I, fol. 154.

760.

See letter from the mayor to the king, giving an account of Cleydon's trial, 22nd August, 1415.—Letter Book I, fo. 155. (Memorials, p. 617). Foxe, "Acts and Monuments," iii, 531-534.

761.

Walsingham, ii, 327, 328.

762.

Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc., No. 64), p. 46; Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 106.

763.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii., 363, 364.

764.

Letter Book I, fo. 150. This "very antient memorandum" of the Lord Mayor's precedence in the City was submitted to Charles II in 1670, when that monarch insisted upon Sir Richard Ford, the Lord Mayor of the day, giving "the hand and the place" to the Prince of Orange (afterwards William III of England), on the occasion of the prince being entertained by the City.—Repertory, 76, fos. 28b, 29.

765.

Letter Book I, fo. 158b. (Memorials, p. 613).

766.

-Id., fo. 157.

767.

Gregory's Chron. (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 17), pp. 108-109. Gregory was an alderman of the City, and an eye-witness of much that he relates.

768.

Letter dated 2nd August—the day on which Sir Thomas Grey, one of the chief conspiritors was executed.—Letter Book I, fo. 180.

769.

Letter Book I, fo. 143. (Memorials, p. 619).

770.

Letter Book I, fo. 177.

771.

Letter Book I, fo. 159. (Memorials, pp. 620, 622).

772.

"Quali gaudio, quali tripudio, quali denique triumpho, sit acceptus a Londoniensibus, dicere prætermitto. Quia revera curiositas apparatumn, nimietas expensarum, varietates spectaculorum, tractatus exigerent merito speciales."—Walsingham, ii, 314.

773.

Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 103.

774.

Letter Book I, fo. 178b. Other proclamations on the same subject are recorded in the same place, most of which will be found in "Memorials" (pp. 627-629).

775.

Letter Book I, fo. 190b.

776.

-Id., fos. 188, 188b.

777.

Letter Book I, fo. 191b.

778.

Letter Book I, fo. 218b. In May, 1419, the sword was surrendered, and the security changed to one on wool, woolfells, &c.—Id., fo. 227b.

779.

Letter Book I, fo. 229. (Memorials, p. 654.)

780.

Journal 1, fo. 30b.

781.

Letter Book I, fo. 200b. (Memorials, p. 657.)

782.

Letter, dated Caen, 11 September.—Letter Book I, fo. 200b.

783.

Writ, dated 18th Oct.—Letter Book I, fo. 203.

784.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, 89.

785.

Letter Book I, fo. 222.

786.

Letter Book I, fos. 211b, 212b, 217. Proclamations made by the civic authorities at this time were subscribed "Carpenter"—the name of the Common Clerk or Town Clerk of the City. The custom of the Town Clerk of London for the time being, signing official documents of this kind with his surname alone, continues at the present day.

787.

Letter Book I, fo. 215b.

788.

Letter Book I, fo. 216. (Memorials, p. 664).

789.

Letter Book I, fo. 216. On the 15th September the question of payment to the brewers, wine drawers and turners of the cups was considered.—Journal I, fo. 48. (Memorials, pp. 665, 666).

790.

Gregory's Chron. (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 17), 1222.

791.

Letter Book I, fos. 236, 236b.

792.

Letter Book I, fo. 237. (Memorials, p. 674).

793.

-Id., fo. 241b.

794.

Letter Book I, fo. 252.

795.

Walsingham, ii, 335.

796.

Letter Book I, fo. 263.

797.

Letter Book I, fo. 259. According to Walsingham (ii, 336), the ceremony took place on the first Sunday in Lent.

798.

Walsingham, ii, 336, 337.

799.

Parliament voted a fifteenth and a tenth to assist the king in his necessities; John Gedney, alderman, John Perneys, John Bacon, grocer, and John Patesley, goldsmith, being appointed commissioners to levy the same within the City.—Letter Book I, fo. 277b.

800.

Letter Book K, fo. 1b.

801.

Letter Book I, fo. 282b.

802.

Letter Book I, fo. 282b; Letter Book K, fo. 12.

803.

Letter Book K, fo. 2.

804.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, 97.

805.

Letter Book K, fos. 10, 10b.

806.

-Id., fo. 15b.

807.

Letter Book K, fos. 10-18.

808.

Chron. London (Nicolas), p. 114; Gregory's Chron. (Camd. Soc., N.S., No. 17), p. 159; Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc., No. 64), pp. 53, 54.

809.

See two letters from the mayor.—Letter Book K, fos. 18b, 21.

810.

Gregory's Chron., p. 160.

811.

-Id., p. 162.

812.

Journal 2, fos. 22b, 64b (new pagination).

813.

Letter Book K, fo. 50b.

814.

Gregory's Chron., p. 161.

815.

Letter Book K, fo. 55b.

816.

Letter Book K, fos. 62, 63b; Gregory's Chron., p. 164.

817.

Letter Book K, fo. 66b; Gregory's Chron., p. 164.

818.

Letter Book K, fo. 68b. In 1443 the Common Council agreed to allow the City members their reasonable expenses out of the chamber (Journal 5, fo. 129b), but when parliament met at Coventry in 1459, the City members were allowed 40s. a day, besides any disbursements they might make in the City's honour (Journal 6, fo. 166b), and the same allowance was made in 1464, when parliament sat at York (Journal 7, fos. 52, 54).

819.

-Id., fo. 69b.

820.

Gregory's Chron., pp. 164-168.

821.

City Records, Liber Dunthorn, fo. 61b; Letter Book K, fo. 70.

822.

Cal. of Wills, Court of Husting, London, ii, 509.

823.

Letter Book K, fo. 84.

824.

A long account of his entry into the French capital, and of the pageantry in honour of the occasion, is set out in full in the City's Records.—Letter Book K, fos. 101b-103.

825.

A full descriptive account of Henry's reception on his return from France is set out in the City Records (Letter Book K, fos. 103b-104b). It purports to be an account sent by John Carpenter, the Town Clerk, to a friend, and has been printed at the end of the Liber Albus (Rolls Series); Cf. Gregory's Chron., pp. 173-175.

826.

He informed the City of his intention by letter, dated from Ghent the 13th April.—Letter Book K, fo. 105.

827.

Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, 114-117.

828.

Letter Book K, fo. 137b.

829.

Letter Book K, fo. 138.

830.

Gregory's Chron., p. 177.

831.

Letter Book K, fo. 148.

832.

"And that same yere (1437), the Mayre of London sende, by the good a-vyse and consent of craftys, sent sowdyers to Calys, for hyt was sayde that the Duke of Burgone lay sege unto Calis."—Gregory's Chron. p. 178.

833.

Letter Book K, fos. 160-162.

834.

Gregory's Chron. p. 179.

835.

Letter Book K. fo. 183b. The tax was found to be so successful that it was subsequently renewed. In 1453 it was renewed for the king's life.—Id., fo. 280b.

836.

Journal 3, fo. 103b.

837.

Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 129.

838.

The validity as well as the effect of this charter (which is preserved in the Town Clerk's office) has been made the subject of much controversy, some contending that it is in effect a grant of the soil of the river from Staines to Yantlet, that being the extent of the City's liberties on the Thames, whilst others restrict the grant to the City's territorial limits, i.e., from Temple Bar to the Tower.

839.

Letter Book K, fo. 220b.

840.

Chron. of London (Nicholas), p. 134.

841.

See "Historical Memoranda," by Stow, printed in "Three Fifteenth Cent. Chron." (Camd. Soc., N.S., No. 28), pp. 94-99.

842.

"And the Meire of London with the comynes of the city came to the kynge besekynge him that he wolde tarye in the cite, and they wolde lyve and dye with him, and pay for his costes of householde an halff yere; but he wold nott, but toke his journey to Kyllyngworthe."—"Three Fifteenth Cent. Chronicles" (Camd. Soc.), p. 67.

843.

Journal 5, fo. 36b.

844.

Journal 5, fo. 39.

845.

He had been admitted alderman of Lime Street ward in 1448, at the king's special request, and had only recently been discharged.—Journal 4, fo. 213b; Journal 5, fo. 38b. In 1461 he left England, but was captured at sea by the French and put to ransom for 4,000 marks.—Fabyan, p. 638.

846.

Holinshed, iii, 224.

847.

Gregory's Chron., p. 192.

848.

Journal 5, fo. 40b.

849.

Alexander Iden, who appears to have pursued Cade beyond the limits of his own jurisdiction, as Sheriff of Kent, into the neighbouring county of Sussex, where the rebel was apprehended in a garden at Heathfield.—"Three Fifteenth Cent. Chron.," preface, p. vii.

850.

The exclusion of the Duke and other nobles from the king's council had been made an express ground of complaint by the Kentish insurgents.

851.

Chron., p. 196.

852.

"And so thei brought (the duke) ungirt thurgh London bitwene ij bisshoppes ridyng unto his place; and after that made hym swere at Paulis after theire entent, and put him frome his good peticions which were for the comoen wele of the realme."—Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 138.

853.

Journal 5, fos. 131, 132b, 133b.

854.

Journal 5, fos. 134b, 135b, 136.

855.

-Id., fo. 148.

856.

-Id., fo. 152.

857.

-Id., fo. 152b.

858.

-Id., fos. 183, 184.

859.

Journal 5, fo. 206.

860.

Report of City Chamberlain to the Court of Common Council.—Journal 5, fos. 227-228b.

861.

News-letter of John Stodeley, 19 Jan., 1454; Paston Letters (Gairdner), i, 265, 266.

862.

Journal 5, fos 143, 145b, 152, 152b-160b.

863.

Journal 5, fo. 150.

864.

-Id., fos. 162, 162b.

865.

-Id., fo. 164b.

866.

Booking to Paston, 15 May; Paston Letters (Gairdner), i, 387; Cf. Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 139; Gregory's Chron., p. 199.

867.

William Cantelowe, alderman of Cripplegate and Billingsgate wards, from the latter of which he was discharged in October, 1461, on the score of old age and infirmity (Journal 6, fo. 81b). He appears in his time to have had financial dealings with the crown, on one occasion conveying money over sea for bringing Queen Margaret to England, and on another supplying gunpowder to the castle of Cherbourg, when it was in the hands of the English. He is thought by some to be identical with the William Cantelowe who afterwards (in 1464) captured Henry VI in a wood in the North of England.—"Three Fifteenth Cent. Chron." (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 28), Preface, p. viii.

868.

Short English Chron. (Camd. Soc., N.S., No. 28), p. 70.

869.

Letter Book K, fo. 287.

870.

-Id., fo. 288b.

871.

Cotton MS., Vitell. A, xvi, fo. 114.

872.

Engl. Chron., 1377-1461 (Camd. Soc., No. 64), p. 77.

873.

Fabyan, Chron. (ed. 1811), p. 633; Cf. Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 139.

874.

Journal 6, fos. 138, 138b, 139.

875.

Engl. Chron., 1377-1461 (Camd. Soc., No. 64), p. 78; Cf. Fabyan, p. 633; Holinshed, iii, 249.

876.

Short Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc., N.S., No. 28), p. 71; Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 140.

877.

Journal 6, fo. 166.

878.

-Id., fo. 145.

879.

-Id., fo. 163.

880.

English Chron., 1377-1461 (Camd. Soc., No. 64), p. 179.

881.

Journal 6, fo. 224b.

882.

William Paston, writing to his brother John, under date 28th January, 1460, remarks, "Item, the kyng cometh to London ward, and, as it is seyd, rereth the pepyll as he come; but it is certayn ther be comyssyons made in to dyvers schyres that every man be redy in his best aray to com when the kyng send for hem."—Paston Letters (Gairdner), i, 506.