1868-1871

S. L. M. BARLOW TO TILDEN OBJECTIONS TO HENDRICKS AS A PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE

"Private. "1868.

"My dear Mr. Tilden,—Unless Indiana breaks from Pendleton, as I told you last evg., he will have all the Southern votes, including Tennessee, this morning, and then Indiana cannot leave him, and he will be nominated.

"I hear that in no case will more than half of the Indiana vote be given for Hendricks. If this is so, it seems to me that a better selection can be made. It is awkward to put a candidate in nomination who gets no vote out of his own State, and in leaving him to go for one who has but half his own State. But you know better about the facts than I, and I may be misinformed as to Indiana's probable course.

"But in no case is it probable that Hendricks can be nominated, and for success he should not be.

"S. L. M. Barlow. "Wednesday."

CLARKSON N. POTTER TO S. J. TILDEN

"Thursday, 10 A. M. [1868.]

"My dear Sir,—At this juncture is it not wise for the N. Y. delegation to ask the Pendleton men whom they will support? If they answer Seymour, he must not decline. But I am confident it won't do to take up Gov. Chase until the Pendleton men have been consulted.

"Faithfully yours, "Clarkson N. Potter."

GOVERNOR WM. BIGLER, OF PENNSYLVANIA, TO TILDEN

"Clearfield, Pa., Feb. 3d, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—The time is rapidly approaching when we must select a candidate for the Presidency, and so far as the State is concerned we are all at sea. The judgment of our political friends seems to be in favor of the nomination of Gov. H. Seymour, and unless some objection be presented to him of which we have not heretofore heard I think our State will declare for him on the 20th proximo. We regard his declination as simply a manifestation of his personal desires on the subject, and not as denying his name and services to the country; at all events, we deny his right to control his friends to that extent, and unless his home friends deem it inexpedient we shall urge his nomination.

"I do not regard his chances of success as in the least impaired by what has occurred in the West. Mr. Pendleton is a good man, of high attainments, but I fear he has started an issue on which we cannot unite; at all events, it cannot be made the leading issue. The restoration of the ten absent States to the Union, with the rights and privileges of the other States, and with their local governments in the hands of their white population, must be the absorbing question. All else must be subordinate and secondary. The Democratic party will protect the good faith and honor of the nation as well in reference to the public debt as in reference to all other questions.

"What is the prevailing sentiment in your State? Is it in favor of Gov. Seymour; if not, to whom does it tend? Gen. Hancock would do right well for the second place, but I do not think our people are inclined to go for him for the first.

"Be kind enough to reply to this note, and address me at the Merchants Hotel, Phila. What you have to say shall be strictly confidential, and I shall go over to see you if you desire me so to do.

"Very truly, Your Obt., "Wm. Bigler."

CH. O'CONOR TO TILDEN (HIS INTERVIEW WITH THE "GREAT MOGUL")

"Feb. 10, 1868.

"Dear Sir,—I saw the Great Mogul,[42] agreeably to your suggestion, and, finding him in very good humor, had a pretty long, full, and free chat with him.

"He is all for the cause, and cares not for any man living relatively to the result itself. He deems a failure fraught with indescribable misery.

"I am sure that he speaks the truth and is honest. He repeated that so far from having any antipathy against your man, he rather likes him; used some strong terms of commendation, and says that unless by some slip nothing will appear to his personal disadvantage. Indeed, he seemed to agree to my hint that he might best avoid sneering at any one who was a favorite with any so as to keep all in good humor. He would like very well to get your man in. The whole question is, Who's most likely to win?

"He is in trouble about the feud in Ohio; thinks Vallandigham more of a man than Pendleton. Wishes something done to reconcile the feud.

"He says the Democrats will deserve a thrashing if they nominate one day earlier than the last day to which the act can be postponed.

"Train all your men, keep all their friends in hope till it's too late to back out, and then try to nominate, with a sole view to victory, is his advice.

"Y'rs, "O'C."

R. C. ROOT TO TILDEN (SUGGESTS TILDEN AS A CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY)

"Private. "New York, 10 Feb., '68.

"Dear Sir,—I have been reflecting on the subject of next Presidential nomination suggested by you the other evening, and am seriously of opinion that I know of no one more able, or who would nearer meet all the requirements of the present crisis than yourself. The selection of any such names as those you mentioned would bring up old issues and prejudices, and insure defeat; no one doubts your ability or integrity; you, I think, could cut loose from such old associations (for they will be fatal to any candidate on our side who can't do it); you have not been worn out on antiquated platforms. Why can't such a nomination be made? I believe it would [be] acceptable to the country.

"If you ask me if I think that you could be elected against Grant, I say yes, if the party won't force on you a platform that says too much—(if the devil ever possessed a sensible man, it is in getting up 'platforms'); not more than three or four cardinal points, viz.:

"1. Cheerfully accord freedom to the negro, and equality before the law; but no universal negro suffrage, nor domination of the negro over the white man.

"2. No cavilling about the national debt, however incurred; that is sacred as honor, and must be paid, principal and interest.

"3. No further patching of the Constitution of the country, nor curtailing the independence of the Supreme Court.

"4. The present erroneous expenditures of the genl. government shall be reduced, and taxes equalized and diminished, and tax-gatherers shall no longer be suffered to pry into domestic affairs nor count the spoons.

"If such a platform could be put out and stuck to, not dragged out into side issues, or dead issues, success would be sure; so it appears to me; but if I am only another instance of the side allusion above, it would not be strange; but I would like such a nomination as proposed—there could be none better.

"Y'rs, &c., "R. C. Root."

S. J. TILDEN TO R. C. ROOT (PROBABLY)

"New York, Feb. 28th, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—Two successive absences, between which I was in town but one day and passed that ill in bed, have prevented an earlier answer to your letters.

"I concur in your judgment that the paramount issue in the coming election would be 'the restoration of the ten absent States to the Union, with all the rights and privileges of the other States, and with their local government in the hands of the white population; and that all else must be subordinate and secondary.'

"Our position must be condemnation and reversal of negro supremacy in the ten States (added to that in Tennessee), created by the measures of the Federal government—first, by disfranchising the whites and overawing them by military force, and, secondly, by admitting the blacks and organizing them through the Freeman's Bureau, not only involving us in a partnership in self-government with a mass of voters (in all the U. S. over 900,000), confessedly incompetent at the present time to exercise the suffrage wisely or safely, and without any of the training, habits, or aspirations of freemen, but, by thus obtaining control of nearly one-third of the Senate and nearly one-quarter of the House, establishing a practical dominion of the same character over the great free States of the North and over the whole country.

"Associated with this issue are all those measures by which the Senate is to be packed by the admission of new States—the subdivision of the present States—added to the control of 20 from the ten States and others constituting a Senatorial dynasty of long tenure, and the usurpation by the Senate thus constituted of the opportunity, power, and the absorption by it and the House of the rightful authorities of the Executive and of the Judiciary.

"In my judgment, if we obscure or weaken this issue, we shall not only fail to meet the necessities of the present condition of the country, but we shall commit a great political blunder.

"On no other question can we be so unanimous among ourselves. On no other question can we draw so much from the other side and from the undetermined. It appeals peculiarly to the adopted citizens, whether Irish or Germans; to all the working-men; to the young men just becoming voters. The Republican party contains large numbers who are naturally hampered by its position on this issue; and large numbers of old Federal and old Whig antecedents, who do not think that any poor man, white or black, ought to vote; and though they may go along with their party on the theory that the blacks are a counterpoise to the adopted citizens, their hearts misgive them. The pride of a superior race and self-esteem, well founded in this case, are a universal power.

"The more we concentrate the public attention on this issue, so that the people will act with reference to it, the better our chance of success will be.

"Subordinate, but next in importance, is the financial question.

"The best aspect of that is its connection with the other issue. It is now costing the country, directly and indirectly, 100 millions a year—perhaps as much even as the whole interest on the public debt—to carry on the reconstruction system and the measures associated with it. The army expenses are now about 144 millions, exclusive of pensions.

"The best policy on the finances is a general attack on the prodigality and corruption of the present governing power. Our promises should be purification—reduction of the army and navy, diminution of expenses, and remission of taxes.

"I inquired into the state and prospects of the finances when in Washington, and am satisfied that the expenditures are now running at a rate much larger than the public are aware of. And the tendency is to a fall of the revenues. I do not—"(the rest wanting).

WILLIAM BIGLER TO TILDEN

"Harrisburg, Pa., March 4th, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—Your letters came to hand, but I have made but a very limited use of them. So soon as the diversity of feeling in the State was apparent I determined that it was true policy to avoid naming a candidate, and none will be named. On the Western border the Pendleton fever had some start. In the East and interior the friends of Gen. Hancock were disposed to present his name, and on the Southern tier of counties there was a disposition to compliment Judge Black.

"The only name on this list, however, seriously mentioned was that of Gen. Hancock. But at the bottom of all this, so far as civilians are concerned, is the feeling and purpose I expressed to you.

"But the Young Democracy are making some trouble on our hands about delegates at large, and may defeat some of the older men, perhaps myself. Woodward is almost certain to fail. Packer will be chosen (not the Gov., but Asa), and I think I shall be also; but whether in or out, my usefulness in arranging matters would be about the same. I shall inform you by telegraph.

"Your Obt. St., "Wm. Bigler."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, March 4, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I think Hendricks will be as good a candidate for the Presidency as we can get. I have thought the thing over and looked through the country, and I do not now see we can do better.

"I will try to meet you in Albany.

"Truly yours, &c., "Horatio Seymour."

FRANCIS KERNAN TO TILDEN

"Utica, March 7, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—Yours of the 5th is rec'd. 'Mayor Spriggs and the younger Kernans' all pleased with your congratulations and commendations; and think they at the next election can do better even than at the last.

"Gov. Seymour is all right as to health. If he is the next Presidential candidate there need be no fear, in my judgment, in reference to his health.

"The Governor is not in our district, and I have not seen him for several weeks, as I have been mostly from home at court; but I do not think he should or will be a delegate at the approaching State convention. Nor should he, in my opinion, be a delegate in the national convention. We should not allow him to be a delegate to the national convention. This would be regarded as evidence that he was not to be our Presidential candidate in any contingency.

"Mr. D. C. Grove, editor of the Observer, is the delegate to the State convention from this district. He will be disposed to do whatever our friends shall deem best. Mr. Spriggs and I mean to be in Albany Tuesday night to aid, if we can, in consultation.

"In my judgment we should not in the State convention lay down anything like a platform of principles; leave this to the national convention.

"We might very properly in brief and well-considered resolutions denounce the revolutionary schemes and measures of the Radicals; declare our convictions that our institutions and the peace and prosperity of the country are in danger; and call upon the people at the coming election to elect men and declare in favor of principles who and which will restore the country to peace and prosperity and preserve American constitutional liberty.

"I do not think that as a party we should take any part in the struggle now going on between President Johnson and the men who elected him.

"In reference to the candidate for President. I think we should select as delegates our wisest and most patriotic men—men whose character will give them weight in the national convention, and who will not be influenced in their action by the views of any clique of interested politicians.

"Believing myself that Gov. Seymour is our best man for the times and our strongest man for the canvass, I hope the delegation will be composed of men friendly to his nomination.

"It seems to me also that the State convention should, in proper terms, in reference to other States and other candidates, give expression to the confidence in and preference for Governor Seymour as the Presidential nominee.

"I have made above suggestions in haste, and will be happy to compare views with you and others at Albany. Let us try to act wisely, for in my judgment everything depends upon our success in the next election. This country cannot stand another four years of the Sumners, Weeds, etc.

"Your Truly, "Francis Kernan."[43] "S. J. Tilden."

WM. BIGLER[44] TO S. J. TILDEN

"Private. "Clearfield, Pa., March 16th, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—The newspapers report Gov. Seymour as saying that under no circumstances would he consent to become a candidate for the Presidency. I sincerely hope this report is not literally correct. Such a determination would be a great misfortune for the country, and, in my judgment, a wrong to the reputation of Gov. S. The whole country understands and respects his aversion to the attitude of a candidate for the nomination, but it will never do for him to say that he will not run if nominated, or serve if elected. He may think that there is no inclination to nominate him; if so, he is mistaken. As the case now stands, he would certainly be selected, and his late speech will add greatly to his strength. Mr. Pendleton, it is true, seems to have strength by reason of his greenback issue, but that issue will not live till the 4th of July, nor will it bear examination at any time. I perceive that Mr. McMaster, of your city, who attended our convention, intimates that our vote will be cast for Mr. P. He is totally mistaken. One 5th or 6th of the delegates may, at present, prefer Mr. P., but I am convinced that by the time of the convention he will have no party at all. But the friends of Gov. Seymour desire to talk about him, and the almost unbroken reply is that he is the right man; but he declines, and we must look for some one else. Now, we must not be left in this position. Your letter is enough, but it is dated prior to his last declination and before the State convention, and as he was not presented it may be said that the Democracy of your State are not for him. There has been, as you may be aware, an attempt to make a movement for Mayor Hoffman, at Phila., but I do not think it will extend, even with Seymour out of the way. The delegates from the South will seek to act with N. Y. and Pa., and will do what these States desire. I know this to be the general sentiment, and when Gov. Seymour's late speech is circulated it will awaken much enthusiasm for his nomination.

"I had intended to visit you after our convention, but I was unwell and had to return home. We had things our own way. The young Democracy yielded the convention to the older men of the party.

"May I hope to hear from you at your convenience?

"Very truly, Your Obt. St., "Wm. Bigler."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, March 24, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I was struck with your speech[45] when I heard it in the convention, but I was weary at the time from my own speaking, and I did not feel the full force of what you said. I read it this morning by my fireside, and I wish to tell you how much it impressed me. It is not only original and philosophical, but it has the higher merit of being suggestive. It not only gives views and facts, but sets men upon trains of thought which they will work out for themselves. This gives to a speech its highest value. But a few things can be said in a speech, and if it fails to be suggestive to the hearers or readers it does but little good. Beyond anything I have read in a long time your words at Albany have not only given me new ideas, but they have also led me into pathways of thought, where I have found many views for myself. Many of its suggestions will be worked out by our speakers into full speeches.

"I am still at my humble farm-house, cut off from learning much that is going on. I shall try to go to New York soon. It will give me pleasure to hear from you at all times.

"Truly yours, &c., "Horatio Seymour." "Hon. S. J. Tilden."

WILLIAM CASSIDY TO TILDEN

"April 6, '68.

"Dear Tilden,—I intended to have consulted you further in regard to the Drew and Vanderbilt controversy, but did not see you after the symposium at the Manhattan.

"The struggle has got to be one of mere money. Last Sunday Drew was at Vanderbilt's house, and yesterday the interview may have been renewed. At any time the two chiefs may compromise at the expense of their followers.

"State Engineer Bristol, Senators Morris, Nichols, Hubbard, and others are interested in the Erie, and deprecate the adverse criticism of the Argus. Cagger thinks with you that I should keep out of the controversy. There are certainly some aspects of the controversy with which a Democratic organ should not be identified. I have denounced the illegality of the over-issue and the attempt to whitewash it, and will stand by that position; but perhaps it is unwise to go further. Our political capital is as important to us as Vanderbilt's money to him.

"I want you to write me on the subject.

"Your friend, &c., "William Cassidy."

JOHN A. DIX TO S. J. TILDEN (ABOUT THE PRESIDENTIAL PLATFORM)

"Private. "Paris, 15 May, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—Your letters by Mr. Cutting, Dean Richmond's friend, were duly recd., and I did what I could for him during his brief stay in Paris.

"Though withdrawn from politics, I have not lost my interest in things at home, and therefore I write a few lines confidentially.

"I notice a disposition in some quarters—how extensive it is I have no means of knowing—to confine the approaching contest to a single issue—constitutional or unconstitutional government. It would be a fatal error. The contest will be severe; and, if the conservative men of the country are faultless in their tactics, it will nevertheless be close. They cannot afford to dispense with the strength they would derive from opposition to practical abuses, which are apart from constitutional questions—the financial and commercial mismanagement, and the reckless expenditure by Congress. To ignore these issues would be to dishearten all the friends of honest reform in the administration of the government and make them passive spectators of the contest.

"The power of the old Albany regency consisted in the frankness and intrepidity with which they met all public questions. The people never give their confidence to artful dodgers. Nothing will save you but a bold, manly policy. You ought to take ground in language not to be misunderstood:

"1. In favor of bringing back the Southern States on the same terms as the others.

"2. Of maintaining inviolate the public credit.

"3. Of returning as speedily as possible to specie payments, and of reducing forthwith the paper circulation.

"4. Of repealing, simultaneously with the resumption of specie payment, the act of Congress making paper a legal-tender.

"5. Of reducing the enormous duties on imports, which are destroying our commerce, and will ultimately react most injuriously on our agriculture and manufactures; and

"6. Of reducing the public expenditure by a rigid system of economy and lightening the burden of taxation.

"Nor will this be sufficient, unless you present to the people, as the exponents of these principles, men who are known to be their tried advocates, and who in the late Civil War were active and unqualified supporters of the government. With every advantage on the other side, Gen. Grant will be a hard man to beat. It is but a few months since the Democracy thought seriously of making him their candidate; and there are multitudes who do not believe, and cannot be made to believe, that he will favor ultra measures of government, under whatever auspices he may be elevated to power.

"Having given you all this good advice unasked, it only remains for me to say that I am glad to hear you are to be a candidate for Governor next fall, and that I am, as ever,

"Very truly Yours, "John A. Dix.[46]" "Hon. Saml. J. Tilden.

"P. S.—What a folly it was to talk about paying in paper a bonded debt (5/20) not due for years to come! We should hold our tongues and settle the question by resuming specie payments."

WM. S. HAWLEY TO S. J. TILDEN ADVOCATES THE NOMINATION OF S. P. CHASE

"N. Y., May 22, '68. "Hon. S. J. Tilden.

"My dear Sir,—I returned from W. this A.M., having left there last evening. I did not see the President, as Randall thought it best that I should not. Had two conversations with Randall—one in the morning, the other in the afternoon. Between the two conferences the Governor had an interview with the President in relation to the future action of the administration. Randall said no action could be taken in regard to consolidating against Grant until after the 26th. The Johnson men would be glad to have a conference with you and your friends in New York at any time you would name after the 26th here in N. Y. The first name he mentioned, upon which a consolidation could be effected, was Hancock. Afterwards mentioned Chase, as upon him more Senators could be brought than upon the former. He mentioned the names of several Senators who would support Chase beside the Republican non-impeachers. He asserted positively that Chase would accept a nomination from the Democrats and Conservatives. That Chase's negro antecedents could be got along with by adopting a plank in the platform giving each State, or rather conceding to each State, the management of the franchise question. He also said that should Chase be nominated there would be no lack of 'material aid' to carry on the campaign successfully.

"My opinion is that if our convention could be brought to nominate Chase, with Hancock, we would sweep the country, and on the fourth of March next have a working majority in the Senate.

"Randall also suggested that you get some of your commercial men to write to the acquitting Senators, thanking them in the name of the great interests of N. Y. for their votes, and especially Senator Grimes.

"I hope that the proposed conference will be held, believing, as I do, that it will result in the overthrow of the political ascendency of the Radicals; at all events, it can do no harm, as I am entirely satisfied that the Johnson interest would see the Democracy succeed rather than the Rads, even if they are not recognized.

"The Times of this morning copies an article from the Argus, and, if I can read the article and understand it aright, it is a feeler in this very direction.

"I shall publish a leader, when I return home, of the same import, but a little plainer, without mentioning any names, and we will see what comes of it.

"One other thing. Randall intimated to me that the President and Smythe were not on as good terms as they might be. The President did not take his last offer to do a certain thing, provided he would give him the mission to Australia. The President thought it would have been better in Smythe to have paid up arrearages before asking further favors.

"Randall said other Senators would have voted for acquittal had it been necessary.

"Confidentially Yours, "Wm. S. Hawley."

S. E. CHURCH TO TILDEN

"Private. "Rochester, June 10, 1868.

"Dear Sir,—What about the military organizations being represented on the 4th of July? Is it to be general? If so, a call from some military man in this State should be issued at once. In whose interest is this military representation called? With such a body in session asking for a military man, can you refuse putting one on, either at the head or tail of the ticket? Some of our military friends in this section of the State are anxious to know about it, and if it is gone into we had better direct it. Please give this attention. I don't expect an answer.

"Yours truly, "S. E. Church."

"Chase is out of the question. He would be the weakest man we could have. We will use him well, but must not think of nominating him.

"The more I consider the question the more I am inclined to favor Hendricks. He would make a good candidate.

"I think we cannot fail to succeed at the election. The other side are dying with the dry-rot, and the people are looking to us for relief. Let us not fritter it away. We rely on you and some of our discreet friends to keep things steady."

A. LOOMIS TO S. J. TILDEN

"Little Falls, June 8, 1868. "Hon. Samuel J. Tilden:

"Public opinion is being rapidly formed in relation to the candidate for the Presidency at the next election. Your position is potential in influence. I take the liberty of addressing you in advance of the convention to urge upon you and through you upon our Democratic friends to insist, with all our State and Democratic pride, prestige, and weight of influence upon the nomination of Gov. Seymour unless fairly overruled. Gov. Seymour's course during the war was so nobly sound and Democratic that he attained a very strong hold upon the confidence and affections of the Democracy of this and of all Northern and Western States. His name will, I assure you, develop a hearty enthusiasm among Democrats that can be drawn out by no other. The hope of winning friends from our adversaries by taking up a man who has been identified with the other party finds little encouragement in our past experience. Those who do not hate the Radicals worse than they do Democrats will continue to vote with them. It will not be love, but its opposite, that will control their action. Let us stand by our principles and by those who have maintained them when trampled under foot by the despotism inspired and prompted by war. Chase's record is not a good one; it has great defects. Ambitious politicians may deem his acquisition a bargain; but I tell you his name has no strength with Democrats. That pride, in and for the men and for the principles which he has assisted us to sustain in dark times, which Seymour's name would command, will be thrown away without him, and especially with a candidate so recently a leading man in the administration of Mr. Lincoln. The election of Lincoln, taken with all its consequences, was about the greatest calamity that ever befell a great nation. The Democracy all over the land, though hushed to silence by the war spirit, feel it to be so. They ache for an opportunity to show their zeal and their strength. I have no doubt but that Seymour's scruples may be overcome if he deems the interests of the country at stake. I must say that I think his unqualified declension has been injurious to his success in being nominated, but not in being elected if nominated.

"In my judgment, Pendleton's name stands next to Seymour, though I suppose N. Y. city thinks otherwise. His theory, as he himself explained it, was not so very objectionable as some of the N. Y. financiers seem to suppose, but the answer and cure of all that question between greenbacks and gold will be settled under a Democratic administration very shortly by the resumption of specie payments, and this is and should be the only answer to it. With Seymour at the head, take Hendrix for vice. With Pendleton, take, possibly, C. F. Adams, or, better still, our own Church. I believe the Democracy have the power and the will to restore the government to common-sense and the Constitution to its position as the fundamental law of the land, and I believe it must [be] done through the agency [of] men who have not swerved from their principles, whether in peace or War.

"With Great Respect, Yours, &c., "Arphaxed Loomis."[47]

W. F. ALLEN[48] TO TILDEN

"Comptroller's Office, Albany, May 25, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—Is it not about time that you were instructing the faithful how to vote in convention on the 4th of July? I feel that I have been kept in ignorance about long enough. I would like to know now who I am expected to hurrah for then, so that I can make affidavit that he is the spontaneous choice of the people, and is to be elected by acclamation. It is no great thing to be nominated by acclamation, but if we can shout our man into office it will be a 'big thing.'

"I fear that we are to be embarrassed by the want of a candidate to oppose Mr. Pendleton. Gov. Seymour should have consented to the open using of his name, or else we should have agreed upon some other man. Is it possible at this late day to unite upon a man with whom we can head off Pendleton? I fear that we cannot go into the fight with great confidence and enthusiasm with him as our standard-bearer.

"Can we not nominate some one who will be acceptable to the Evening Post and those who are denounced by the Radicals as unsound on the impeachment? I think Bryant would be satisfied with yourself, or some one else that you could name?

"Has Farragut been heard from, and what of him? I am for a fight to win.

"Truly Y'rs, "W. F. Allen."

S. L. M. BARLOW TO TILDEN (FAVORS CHASE FOR PRESIDENT)

"New York, June 21, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I am more impressed even than when I saw you as to the necessity of you seeing Mr. Chase, as I have just seen some influential Democrats, one of them practically representing a State, who tell me that they are for Chase first, last, and all the time, because:

"1. They believe he can win.

"2. Because it is a necessity for them, by their political action this fall, to show that there is no practical barrier between the races, and that this can be done in no way so well as by Chase's nomination. They are in earnest, and will not yield their convictions lightly.

"If he will answer for Carolina on the negro question, I do not know but we could take him.

"Y'rs, "S. L. M. Barlow." "Friday."

MONTGOMERY BLAIR TO TILDEN

"Washn., June 5th, '68.

"My dear Tilden,—I send another missive from Frank by which you will see his hopes are revived. You asked me to keep you posted, and therefore I send these advices, as they come to me intended only for me. I think the Chase fever will die out and will help Frank in the end. I wrote Barlow yesterday, who seems, by the way, to be enthused about it, that it was regarded here as an attempt like Pendleton's to subordinate the great constitutional questions involved in the reconstruction measures—a question which is fundamental and will determine whether this is to be a free govt. or not—and the subordinate one of whether the debt was to be paid in gold or greenbacks. It is impossible that the public mind shall make such a diversion, and those who attempt it are swayed by personal, not public, interests, and can have no real hold on the country, and no comprehension of the serious mood in which the people are at this moment. You, who really believe in the people and have faith, a real faith, in the Democratic philosophy, can comprehend how dangerous it is for the leaders of a great party to trifle with this subject, and that it is trifling with it to set up a man as the representative of a cause who has no heart in it, and only because he has quarrelled with his own party for their daring to prefer another man.

"The Chase spasm will help Frank by loosening up of the party feeling and antagonizing Pendleton. If any Democrat can go for Chase a priori they can go for Blair, and Frank[49] will carry just 10 Republican votes for every one that Chase can carry; for Chase has not the slightest influence with the only class of Republicans who are disposed to go with us, viz., the Lincoln men. He was an active Radical, and the Lincoln men would delight to have him beaten. He was the only human being that I believe Lincoln actually hated. Our running Chase would fix thousands to Grant, who would certainly go for us with Frank as a leader, Frank being really the true heir to Lincoln. Lincoln sent for him from the army to defend him and to assail Chase on the floor of the House of Representatives, and Lincoln, you remember, published his letter to me requesting my brother to leave his command and take his seat in the House of Reps., promising to restore him his commission as soon as military operations were resumed, which he did to the chagrin of all Chase men.

"I had a great contest to get into the convention. The B. & O. R. R. and Pendletonians exerted themselves to the utmost to defeat me, but by the sheer pressure of public opinion in Baltimore I was carried through. At every mention of my name in the convention the immense hall rang with the applause of the people, and I got 18 of 21 city delegates, altho' every man of them had been pledged against me.

"Y'rs truly, "M. Blair."

R. J. WALKER,[50] SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY UNDER PRESIDENT POLK, TO TILDEN

"Confidential. Washington, D. C., May 30, 1868.

"Dear Sir,—When you were last in Washington you were pleased to ask my views as to the candidate who ought to be nominated by the Democratic convention for the Presidency. I gave you my opinions then very briefly, but the great events which have transpired since that period have, in my judgment, settled the question conclusively. Our strongest man, and the only one who can certainly be elected, is Genl. W. S. Hancock.

"My reasons are as follows:

"1st. Pennsylvania is the most doubtful State in the Union, and has always decided contested Presidential elections. The reason is not only the closeness of her vote and the great number of her electors, but that her State elections precede by three weeks those in other States, and thus influence beyond calculation the result of the Presidential election. Hancock is the only man who can carry that State. His nomination from that moment would give us the prestige of certain success there, and a probable majority of 50,000 in our favor in the October election, which would immensely influence other States in November following. He is a Pennsylvanian by birth and education, and by far the most popular of her soldiers. He commanded in person more of her troops than any other man, leading them always to victory, especially at Gettysburg, to Pennsylvania the decisive battle of the war.

"2nd. About one-third of all the voters of the North were soldiers during the recent war. Recognizing this, the radical party have nominated Grant. We must receive a large proportion of that vote in the coming contest or we are defeated. No Democratic candidate can receive anything like so large a proportion of this vote as Hancock. From the commencement to the close of the war he has commanded, in person, over three hundred thousand troops, and both officers and men were greatly attached to him. His military record during the war was most brilliant, and will bear the closest scrutiny and the most favorable comparison with that of Grant.

"3rd. He would be more acceptable to the South than any other military candidate, many prominent Southern leaders and newspapers having announced their preference for him. Especially is this the case with her wisest men, because, whilst recognizing his sound Democratic principles, success is to them a necessity, and they believe that his nomination would make our victory certain. They do not support him with reluctance, but with enthusiasm. His humane, able, and statesmanlike administration of the affairs of the 5th military district, at a time when all seemed lost, when every other military leader had either gone over to the enemy or concealed his views, gained him their respect and admiration.

"4th. Hancock has from his youth up always been a Democrat. In taking him we do not rely upon a man of doubtful or vacillating principles, but one of our faith, with the firmness and the courage to maintain it.

"5th. Hancock, I believe, would make a President of whom not only our party, but our country, would be proud. He would unite and strengthen the party, and his firmness, good judgment, and total disregard of political trickery would lead us safely through the coming crisis of our national affairs.

"6th. No man can foreshadow the events of the next four years. Are they to be peaceful or warlike? And how is the latter condition to be avoided? We must nominate a man who can certainly be elected, and whose name at the head of our Presidential ticket, whilst giving us the prestige of certain success in that campaign, will give us strength to carry the Congressional elections. Has any such man been thought or spoken of except Hancock? I have heard of none. Besides, you will recollect that, by unconstitutional legislation, Grant has been made the virtual commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. We must have for his commander-in-chief a man who has the ability, the courage, and the firmness to command him. Such a man is Genl. Hancock.

"This will be the great struggle for the supremacy of one or the other great party of the country. A written Constitution against a popular, if not a military, despotism. If we fail now we may be lost forever, for a civil war alone could tear down the barriers which the Radical party would erect against our liberties. They would then have, as now, the Senate and the House, the legislative departments. Then, as now, by similar intimidation, carried to a greater excess by their victory, they would suspend the functions, as they pleased, of the Supreme Court, the judicial department. They would have also the executive department, thus securing substantially all the departments of the government. Do you doubt the extent to which they would carry their revolutionary doctrines? And would the Senate any longer be a curb upon the frenzy of the House, with an addition of 20 members from the negro-ized South? We must start out, casting aside all personal preferences and prejudices, determined to succeed. We must select the man who can secure the most votes, and who will be supported with enthusiasm by every Democrat, war or peace, so-called, by every conservative Democrat or Republican soldier, and by the thousands of new recruits and conservative Republicans. I think that Genl. W. S. Hancock is the only man who would receive the combined, enthusiastic support of the people South and North.

"I know that, if you concur with me in these views, you will not hesitate to use every effort to secure by this means the success of that party which is dear to us both. I have written you because I knew that you would not misconstrue my motives, and because I believe that you can exert great influence for the good of our country. If there be reasons which I may have overlooked, in forming a deliberate judgment upon a subject which has caused me much anxious thought, I should be very much pleased to hear them from a friend like yourself. Let us have harmony in our councils, and with wisdom success is ours.

"Very truly your friend, "R. J. Walker."

TILDEN TO THE TAMMANY SOCIETY

"July, 1868.

"Gentlemen,—Regretting that I cannot personally attend the celebration of the Fourth of July by the Tammany Society, to which you have invited me, I nevertheless concur most cordially in the patriotic sentiments so eloquently expressed in the address of the sachems.

"Your venerable society may well felicitate itself upon its political retrospect. It did everything in its power to avert civil strife by a policy which was represented as too conciliatory by those who did not comprehend the danger. When the conflict of arms came it cordially maintained the nationality of our people in a confederated republic, which Jefferson and Madison and Jackson always held to be incapable of being dissolved except by a revolutionary destruction of the Constitution. And now that peace has once more happily returned, it claims that constitutional rights shall be restored throughout our whole country; that every State shall be replaced in its constitutional orbit; that we shall once more present to the world a continental system of States, bound together by a constitutional union—founded on the twin principles of local self-government and industrial liberty, and sustained by the voluntary action of a people among whom government is everywhere carried on by the consent of the governed.

"Alas! that this benign work of peace should be more difficult than the fierce struggle of war. But so it is.

"Multitudes of our fellow-citizens are so infatuated with fear of the danger of disunion, which has now passed, that they create a danger of centralism fatal to all liberty—to all constitutional government—and at last by inevitable reaction to the Union itself.

"Instead of restoring the system of our fathers, the purpose to do which alone consecrated our cause against secession as righteous, they would erect upon this fair continent eleven Polands, eleven Hungaries, eleven Irelands!

"And the same principles of despotism which they would apply to our recent enemies they freely extend to the whole Northern people.

"I say the principles of despotism. For centralism is despotism. Was centralism ever before so rampant as now? The distinguishing characteristic of the controlling element of the so-called Republican party which now sways the two Houses of Congress is a total disregard of all limitations of power established by our written Constitution; an overwhelming contempt for all fundamental law, whether State or Federal.

"No right of localities or of individuals is deemed sacred.

"The principles which underlie our whole political system are not respected; they do not seem to be even comprehended.

"The present Congress and the advanced Republican party are a rule unto themselves. Their own opinion of what it is convenient or expedient they should do, is the only limitation of power which they acknowledge; and it is their opinion that they should do pretty much everything, in all places and with respect to everybody.

"Of course, such a false system of political philosophy does now, as it has in all ages, immediately degenerate into selfish rapacity. Congress is mainly occupied in putting new manacles on the trade and industry of the country; and the more respectable representatives of the prevalent political ideas are voting money out of everybody's pockets into their own.

"In this condition of things nothing but the principles of the Democratic party, as maintained by Jefferson and Jackson, can save the country. There is no organized agency which can give effects to these principles except the Democratic party, with such alliances as it may form in the cause of liberal government.

"From the day of the accession of President Johnson I have felt renewed confidence that the American people would not only maintain our national unity, but would reconstruct our political institutions on their ancient foundations.

"The political ideas of Jefferson and Jackson in which President Johnson was educated, and which have become incarnated in his very nature—the character of the work he was providentially called to undertake in bringing back into our system the people of eleven States lately in revolt, which he could only do by addressing the intellects and sentiments of that people—were guarantees that he would recur to the original fountains of our American principles of government.

"As for us, we could not but accept what we had sought when we endeavored to elect McClellan: first, the re-establishment of national unity; secondly, the starting the restored government in its new career upon its original and true principles.

"The situation controls. Not the plans or wishes of individuals.

"In my judgment, neither President nor the Democratic party could stop what events so clearly commanded.

"Last year, at your Fourth-of-July celebration, I promised him in your name, in the name of the Democratic party, and of your acclamations, a liberal co-operation in the great work; and afterwards repeated that assurance in person.

"The time has now come when all parties who favor President Johnson's plan of pacification must act with reference to the election of the next Congress.

"President Johnson will now be under the necessity of appealing to the whole body of the people, accepting all who come to him on the issue he has made, and separating from all who go against him on that issue.

"If he should attempt the narrow and futile scheme, urged upon him by those who are neither his friends nor the friends of his cause—of carrying out his policy through the exclusive agency of the Republican party, in case he can capture it and convert it to his purposes—he will find his machine turned against him in the hour of his need. He will find himself, like the unfortunate object of Turkish jealousy, tied up in a bag, to be silently strangled. I do not doubt that he will act on the larger policy which would have governed Andrew Jackson or Henry Clay under like circumstances. He will cast himself upon the whole body of our people, leaving parties and organizations to take care of themselves. He will be triumphantly sustained.

"The Democratic party should pursue a liberal policy in all its action, and accept as brethren all who stand with it on the present issue. It is too powerful to be jealous. It has too great a motive in the restoration of its own traditional principles of government to an ascendency in the councils of the country, which they made great, prosperous, and happy, to think of anything less grand or less noble.

"With much respect, I remain, gentlemen,

"Y'rs truly, "S. J. Tilden."

TILDEN TO FRANCIS KERNAN

"Personal. "July, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I had no agency in getting Gov. Seymour into his present scrape, though I would have been glad of his nomination if his consent could have been freely given. I yielded to his wishes out of tender regard for him. And I feel now that I am the last man who can with delicacy bring a pressure to bear upon him; but my judgment is that acceptance, under present circumstances, would not compromise his reputation for sincerity or be really misunderstood by the people; that the case is not analogous to the former instances which have made criticism possible; that the true nature of the sacrifice would be appreciated; while, on the other hand, the opposite course would be more likely to incite animadversion; that, on the whole, acceptance is the best thing. I think a decision is necessary; for it is not possible to go thro' the canvass with a candidate declining. I am sincerely willing to accept such action as will be most for the honor of our friend; at the same time my personal wishes favor acceptance. You may express for me so much in this respect as you find necessary and think proper. In haste, but

Truly yours, "S. J. Tilden."

R. W. LATHAM[51] TO TILDEN

"Washington, July 13, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I tried to see you before leaving New York last week, but failed to do so.

"It is vastly important for you to have the reporters of the press of this city, who make the views and give the tone to every important newspaper in the country. They are now in an organized state, and if done at once can be controlled for Seymour and Blair.

"The Grant men have declined to pay them any money, but offer largely in case of success. This don't suit.

"It will take about 3000 to 3500 $ per month until the campaign is over to secure these men, about 30 in number, and they are worth more than all the stump orators in the field, and if I had the control would pay them, if necessary, 10,000 $ p. month, or so much as would secure them.

"There are no such men in this country as the reporters stationed here for energy and smartness.

"If you can get Gov. F. P. Stanton, upon whose title-head I write, to take charge of the money and disburse it, you must succeed. Gov. Stanton is treasurer of the Chase committee here. He is brother-in-law of Mr. Perrin, who was secretary of your convention.

"Can't you come or send some reliable man here at once to attend to this matter?

"Let them call on Stanton, who is posted.

"Your friend, "R. W. Latham."

F. P. BLAIR TO TILDEN

"Silver Spring, 15 July, '68.

"My dear Tilden,—The day after I got to New York Bennett sent his carriage to take me out to dine with him. He did not talk favorably of Chase, but as an antagonist of Seymour, whom he considered to be at heart opposed to him. He spoke well of Frank, and intimated a purpose to support him if nominated. The day before I left the city Montgomery and myself called at his office. He said he would have supported Frank cordially, but insisted that now it was Grant vs. Seymour, and the former w'd succeed. His son, in whom all his hopes and affections are bound up, is greatly attached to Frank. Is it not worth while to work on the old man's personal vanity and his ambition for his son's advancement in the party's consideration to get him into line to help our cause? Lawrence Jerome is devoted to Frank, and Bennett's son to him. Jerome is out for Frank, although he once subscribed to Grant. I think through him, by proper management, we might get hold of the Herald. Whatever may be thought or said of this fickle print, it is a power in the body politic through its vast circulation. I think it might be led to make a transit to Seymour by means of its inclinings to Frank; and Jerome would be a safe conduct in this matter, as he and Bennett were both shipped once for Grant, but now prefer my hero. They want a hero, and so does our cause; and although Frank is a mighty small young Hickory, he is the best we can now command. Do try and make something of these suggestions; we have so good a cause, and its success is so essential to the welfare of the country, that some condescensions to the old Plutus (or Pluto, if you please) might be a cheap purchase of a three months' command of his columns. If my scribblings in them could be of use in reviving memories of the Jackson-Van Buren era and the prosperous times it brought about for the Republic, I would give a part of every day to inveigh against the monstrous doings of the banditti that now set up for a Congress—and it would be by way of contrast.

"I believe the convention, although it seems to have been by accident, really made the wisest disposition, both as to the ticket and the platform that could have been devised. Seymour's eloquence and polish and moderation has a happy influence to recommend us to the refined and all who are apprehensive of rash counsels in this crisis. Frank's boldness and thorough grasp of all the issues which are looked to as necessary to put the Democracy at once in possession of the good, will do much to rally to our standard all the zealots for the instant overthrow of the corrupt military despotism that now lords it over the land.

"I enjoin it on you to give your sister that dollar I promised to return through you and you w'd not take; I insist on a specific performance for the honor of

"Yr. mo. afft., "F. P. Blair."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, July 20, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I have given much thought to the subject of organization. I am satisfied a new course must be taken. I do not count in any degree upon the national committee. It will do nothing from the nature of its organization. We have been a long time out of power, and are apt to call upon those who used to be efficient without making allowance for the change made by time. We only need organization. The moment we get it we shall become aggressive. We can get no vigorous organization without putting our young men into the field. To do this we must give them a motive as well as a method for action. This has been done in New Jersey and Connecticut by the Jackson clubs. They are, to a degree, secret organizations. This gives them the charm of novelty, as we have heretofore had nothing of the kind on our side. They hold out a motive to the active young men, as they give to them power at once in their localities. James Spencer, Esq., of New York, and Mr. Palmer, of Wisconsin, called upon me last week with a plan of the kind, which I think is the right thing. They are both good organizers. This scheme is the most efficient, and costs the least. When a club is formed it is not only self-sustaining, but it does a great deal of work at its own cost. If men are sent at once into Maine, Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania they will in a little time give such a start to the movement that it will go on of itself. Time is everything, and it is my opinion any other method should be dropped and this plan entered upon. It has freshness, economy, and simplicity to recommend it. It appeals to young men, as it gives them something to do, and also gives them strength and power in their towns. I wish you would see Messrs. Spencer and Palmer when they call upon you. I am quite well now, but I am suffering with the rest of mankind from the heat. I am overwhelmed with letters. Of course, all I get are very satisfactory. Our papers should keep up a steady fire upon the subjects of debt, taxation, etc., etc.

"Truly yours, &c., "Horatio Seymour." "Hon. S. J. Tilden."

F. P. BLAIR TO TILDEN

"Silver Spring, 10 Aug., '68.

"My dear Tilden,—Your Milwaukee speech has done me much good—a thing not to be thought of if it were not that this good done to one obscure individual extends to the whole country, when everybody is alike advantaged as I am. Your exposure of the terrible cost the whole nation is put to in maintaining an army to hold one portion of it in subjection makes it plain that the entire commonwealth is subjected. That section of ours which bears the tax (more than England and France both bear to enslave two empires), to keep the South under the foot of our quondam slaves, certainly gets less for its money, although laid out in producing a very thorough despotism, than the imperial dynasties abroad. You have made a capital demonstration of the enormity of the flight into tyranny which our Radicals have made in a short time, from the vantage-ground they obtained in the war over our free govt. The North sells itself into debt and slavery to enslave the South.

"But I owe you something more than the commonalty for your speech—your making my son a great man, giving him the heirship of Old Hickory's glory, although I know it is far beyond his reach, fills me with delight. You put a brilliant rainbow before my eyes, and tell me there is a pot of gold where it stands on the earth. The vision pleases, however, sensible that no effort will find its footing on the ground. Yet I hope Frank's aspirations will not all prove delusions to him or his father. He has all Old Hickory's devotion to his country, and he has the courage to attempt its redemption from the hands of the banditti that has for the time seized on all its wealth and all the defences of its liberties, and I have faith in a providence to overrule it, so that my young stripling who is put forward in the battle against the Philistines may do some execution with his sling.

"I beg you write me a line to say what promise you bring from the West. I have some influence with Bennett. If you think well of it I will write to him and urge him to open his columns to us. I think if Frank made well-considered speeches Bennett would Herald them.

"Yours afft., "F. P. Blair."

"My dear Tilden,—My father wished me to mail this for him. I agree in what he says about your Milwaukee speech. It was unanswerable in argument as to Frank's coming East. I am glad he has declined doing so. His letter to that effect came yesterday, saying he did so because you had advised him to confine himself to the West. He has made no speeches, except some off-hand efforts at receptions, etc., etc.

"Y'rs truly, "M. Blair." "Washn., Aug. 15, '68."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, August 17, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I send you three letters got to-day: one from Chicago about Indiana and Illinois; one from Governor Haight, of California, about the Pacific States; one from Henry D. Barto, of this State, who writes about the mining States. You know him as a gentleman of sagacity and standing. Of course, candidates always get flattering statements which prove nothing. But these letters, like all the letters I get, use the same language. Indeed, if my letters were not dated from different States I should think they were all written from one locality. This uniformity of words and facts means a great deal. It foretells a political change.

"Truly yours, &c., "Horatio Seymour." "Hon. Samuel J. Tilden."

AGREEMENT OF AUGUST BELMONT, SAMUEL J. TILDEN, AUGUSTUS SCHELL, RICHARD SCHELL, GEORGE I. MAGEE, THOMAS C. DURANT, CHARLES O'CONOR, AND C. H. McCORMICK TO SUBSCRIBE $10,000 EACH TOWARDS ELECTION EXPENSES OF CAMPAIGN OF 1868

"We, the undersigned, each for himself, hereby agrees with Augustus Schell, Chairman of the Democratic National Executive Committee, to pay to said Schell each ten thousand dollars in such instalments as he may call, which sums shall be expended in such manner as the national Democratic committee shall determine, to defray the just and lawful expenses of circulating documents and newspapers, perfecting organizations, etc., to promote the election of Seymour and Blair.

"It is understood that if in the judgment of said committee the subscriptions for the purposes of the said election not embraced herein shall render it unnecessary to expend the whole amount hereto subscribed, then any surplus which shall remain shall be refunded to the subscribers in equal proportion.

"New York, Aug. 15, 1868.

"August Belmont, "S. J. Tilden, "Augustus Schell, "Richd. Schell, "George I. Magee, "Thos. C. Durant, "Ch. O'Conor, "C. H. McCormick."

M. BLAIR TO TILDEN

"Aug. 19, 1868.

"My dear Tilden,—Y'rs of yesterday has come to hand. Mr. Welles is now at the Kittery Yard in person, and will not be here for a week perhaps. He has probably done what Shaw and friends ask. If not, 'twill be too late to act, I fear, on his return. Welles is very earnestly with us now, and I have no doubt will do anything he can. My accounts from the West agree with yours as respects political prospects there. But Able, who is not of a sanguine temperament, writes that our friends are going to carry Missouri by 20,000 majority.

"From Maine, Mr. Clapp, former M. C. from Portland, a brother of Mrs. Woodbury, who is also a cautious man, is very confident of gains in the State.

"If my father can go on to New York I am sure he will do so, to see Bennett. The truth is, however, that Bennett looks to position, and there is no getting him without assurances of it. It was in this way that Lincoln got him. He could have been nominated to Paris undoubtedly if he had not himself declined accepting the mission, because he would have been rejected. Chase got his support, I am sure, by promising him this mission if he was elected. The negotiation with Lincoln was carried on through a fellow of the name of Bartlett, who was the same man who got the Herald for Frémont. I had no part in either negotiation, but I knew of both and sustained Lincoln in keeping his bargain with Bennett. His inclinations are with our side, I am sure, and he told my father and myself he would have supported Frank's nomination earnestly.

"I would not hesitate myself in supporting him if he would give us the power of his press to elect our ticket. I regard him as every way a most reputable man, and one of far greater ability than Chief-Justice Chase. I said this to one of Chase's hangers-on one day when he was turning up his eyes at Lincoln's appointment of Bennett.

"If Seymour could support Chase for the Presidency for his doings about impeachment I cannot see why he could not appoint Bennett for helping to save the country.

"Seymour ought not, under any circumstances, to be approached on this matter. But I think we might legitimately hold out hopes to Bennett and keep our promise of support in good faith. I would, for myself, unhesitatingly offer to do my utmost to get the President to appoint him, though I would not offer that Seymour himself should come under any promise about it, or indeed be approached on the subject directly or indirectly.

"Of course, I would not be so explicit on this subject with any one else. But with you I talk freely, so that when the old man comes on, if he should, you will be prepared to take ground on the point in question.

"Y'rs truly, "M. Blair." "Wash., Aug. 19, '68."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, Sept. 26, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—The canvass has run on for more than two months, and the questions of the day have been discussed in journals and meetings by so many different minds, and in so many different modes, that they are somewhat confused in the public understanding. Would it not [be] well if at this moment we could get a fresh presentation of our purposes in a way that will arrest public attention and in a way that will meet the points urged by our opponents, as we now have a need of their position? I have been talking the matter over with Mr. McCormick, in whose judgment I have great confidence. Now, every candidate for the Presidency must have a 'privy council.' There must be a number of men upon whom he can lean, who will help to shape out before election a line of policy which will carry the country through its difficulties. Able, influential, and thoughtful men should know now what they can rely upon in the event of our success. With clear ideas on these points they can work with more vigor, etc. Would it not be well to have a meeting of ten or twelve persons who should talk matters over clear through the coming year? Should not some definiteness be given to our future plans? Could not some position be taken now which will do good in the way of foiling the attacks of our opponents? Up to this time, with the exception of my consultations with you and two or three others, I have been almost isolated in my position. There are many advantages in this, but it should not be held too long.

"I am anxious to see you, and if it be possible for you to meet me here or elsewhere I should like to have a free talk with you. I will write to you soon about taking the field myself.

"Truly yours, &c., "Horatio Seymour."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, October 1, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—Yours of the 30 ult. is received. I see nothing more to be done in Penna. beyond counteracting the effects of the soldiers' meeting. This is a movement upon which the Republicans count largely, and upon which they have spent large sums of money. Now, the éclat of this will not depend upon the soldiers, but the generals who will be in attendance. Can this be done? Get Generals McClellan, Hancock, Franklin to go to Philadelphia on Thursday of next week. Give them a reception. There will be an immense turn-out of the citizens. The Republican meeting and the near approach of the election will furnish all the stimulants needed. As it will be gotten up without parade or all the notes of preparation which have gone before the Republican show, it will tell more on the public minds. The soldiers throughout the country look to see how the popular generals go. We can make the best show in that way. I learn that Hancock has not been asked by the general committee to go into Penna. He is very strong there. I fear we have neglected the soldiers too much. It seems to me that some military exhibition on our side is the only thing to be done before the Penna. elections. If it is made a 'reception' of these generals it cannot be a failure, as there will be a great turn-out to see them. General Slocum should also be there. He can give aid in getting up the movement.

"Truly yours, &c., "Horatio Seymour."

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, October 2, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I send you a letter from General Franklin which is very gratifying. I have written to him, urging him to go to Penna. He is a distinguished soldier, I think from that State, and a great number of those who served under him live there. As he is unused to public speaking, some good talker, who is a man of character, should go with him.

"I have written to Genl. McClellan, asking him to go to Penna. I felt a delicacy in doing so, but the necessity is so great that I sent him the request by Mr. Mather. It will do us great harm if he declines. Our people have looked for his return with anxiety. He has more power in Penna. than any living man. This I learned when I spoke there in 1864. His visit will wipe out the effect of the soldiers' convention. As he was with me when Penna. was invaded, he can do me much good. I did not feel I could in my letter to him say as much as I felt. The soldiers are not inclined to go for Grant. He slaughtered them too ruthlessly. With many thousands of them McClellan's words will be words of command. All my letters from Penna. say that his visit is the only thing needed before their election.

"Truly yours, &c., "Horatio Seymour."

"I hope the committee will urge Genl. Franklin to go to Penna."

S. J. TILDEN—RECEIPT

"New York, Oct. 4th, 1868.

"Received of Allan McLane, Esq., two hundred and fifty thousand dollars ($250,000.00), the same being one-half the purchase money for the steamer Oregonian, sold by W. H. Webb, Esq., to the said Allan McLane for the sum of five hundred thousand dollars, and conveyed by bill of sale to me, the undersigned Samuel J. Tilden, in trust for the said Allan McLane, and to be by me transferred to the Pacific Mail Steam Ship Co., on whose account the aforesaid purchase of the said steamer Oregonian was made by the said Allan McLane, the conveyance aforesaid to be made by me, when requested by the said McLane and upon the payment of the balance of the said purchase money, to wit., the further sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars.

"(Signed) Saml. J. Tilden."

WINFIELD S. HANCOCK TO TILDEN

"Carondelet, St. Louis Co., Mo., October 10, 1868. "Hon. S. J. Tilden, New York.

"My dear Sir,—Your favor without date, enclosing me a note written to you by Governor Seymour, was received last evening.

"The Governor's letter is very delicate, kind, and considerate.

"I have been confined to my room since the 10th of September, and in that time to my bed until within the last few days. I am far from well now. My wound, which had closed after opening, threatens to reopen. It may not do so immediately, but I presume it is but a question of time, as it had been allowed to close too soon.

"It will be many days, probably weeks, before I shall be in condition for any effort.

"I am a member of the 'Dyer' court of inquiry, which has been postponed from week to week on account of my absence. So soon as I am able to endure the fatigue of travel I shall be compelled to go to Washington on that service.

"I had always believed that it was not well for officers of the army to engage actively in political campaigns, and I had concluded so long as I remained in the army not to set a contrary example to younger officers; still, the crisis is of such vital moment that I might probably have acted differently in the particular case urged by you, especially when possibly our eventual success depends upon the action of my own State in October. But neither time nor health permit me to act. It is therefore not necessary to discuss the question.

"I believe the election next Tuesday will decide the result of the Presidential election if the majorities in the States are at all positive.

"Our carrying two of the three will insure us a victory in November.

"I feel great interest in the result, I believe no person more so than myself.

"It is our only and last chance.

"I am, Truly Yours, "Winfd. S. Hancock."

S. J. TILDEN, AUGUSTUS SCHELL, AND AUGUST BELMONT TO W. F. STORY (TELEGRAM)

"New York, October 17th, 1868. "W. F. Story, Chicago, Illinois:

"Telegram just received. The suggestion made to change ticket was wholly unauthorized and unknown to National Democratic Executive Committee or any member thereof. The proposition is regarded as absurd, and is received by our masses with astonishment, derision, and indignation. In October elections we gained largely on much increased vote, compared with eighteen sixty-six, and nearly carried Pennsylvania and Indiana. Been overborne only by systematic frauds and rejection of votes of citizens of Irish and German birth by party that claim suffrage for negroes as national right, and practically accords him supremacy over white men. We came nearer to our expectations than Republicans to theirs. If our friends continue contest in all States with same vigor, our foes will find it impossible to spread their resources over so vast an area with equal effect. Our masses are resolved to renew contest under our chosen leaders, with our old flag flying, with organization unbroken, and with two and half million voters compact and always ready to rally for rescue of constitutional government and civil liberty.

"S. J. Tilden, "August Belmont, "Augustus Schell."

TILDEN TO FRANCIS P. BLAIR, SEN. (TELEGRAM)

"Francis P. Blair, Sen. Washington, D. C.

"Without contemplating any change, I should be glad to consult with you, but can't leave my post. Come here immediately if you can.

"S. J. Tilden. "New York, Oct. 20, 1868."

TILDEN TO AUGUSTUS SCHELL (TELEGRAM)

"New York, Oct. 21, 1868. "Hon. Augustus Schell, Utica.

"Had conference with Spencer and others, and on reflection conclude that we can't spare you possibly. You must come back to the helm with me and provide other companionship for our leader. Come to-night. Can't explain further.

"S. J. Tilden."

SANDFORD E. CHURCH TO TILDEN

"Rochester, Dec. 2d, 1868.

"My dear Sir,—I suppose the St. Paul preferred was not purchased. I am sorry that it was not, because I see that you was right about the advance.

"I see that the Erie fight is in a great muddle and growing worse.

"I have been thinking of a project for my own benefit, and that is to have all the parties compromise upon me for receiver. I suppose that Belmont on one side, and Tweed and Sweeny on the other, might control it. I would deal fairly by all, and the Erie people might be assured of that, while Davies would be content to have the law business. It would enable me to make some money, and be a good thing all around. I thought I would suggest it to you in strict confidence, and if you can accomplish it I feel sure it will be for your interest, and I will make it so. If you think anything of this act accordingly; if not, burn it, and say nothing about this, attributing it to a weakness to make some money.

Truly yours, "S. E. Church."

In the first volume of my Life of Tilden (page 226) I had occasion to refer to some of his reasons for declining to withdraw from his candidacy for Governor in favor of Mr. Church. The statements there made gave offence to some of Mr. Church's political followers, which found expression in one of the most devoted newspaper organs of the Canal Ring in Syracuse. In the preceding letter from Mr. Church the reader will find some additional justification for the opinions above referred to, and which helped to inspire Mr. Tilden's distrust of Mr. Church as a leader of a party for reform.

TILDEN TO COMMITTEE OF ALBANY BAR

"New York, Dec. 25th, 1868.

"Gentlemen,—I regret that I shall be unable to be in Albany to-morrow at the meeting of the Bar, which you have invited me to attend, and which is to be held for the purpose of 'taking appropriate action in regard to the death of our esteemed friend and professional associate, Peter Cagger.'

"I should, however, do injustice to my own sentiments if I did not avail myself of the opportunity to join my expressions with yours of our common sense of the personal and public bereavement which is the occasion of your meeting, and of the esteem and affection with which we regarded our lamented associate and friend, while living, and with which we still cherish his memory.

"I hope that some one of those who best knew Mr. Cagger will make an enduring record—not merely of the frank and genial and hearty nature which beamed upon us all; not merely of his characteristics as a citizen, a friend and a man, which are known to everybody; not merely, even, of that remarkable executive ability which he manifested in his profession, in business, and in the broader relations with men in which he acted so important a part, but of his great undeveloped capacities as a lawyer and a public man, which were evident to those who saw him intimately and were only kept from the public view by his unambitious temper, which deferred to others and voluntarily limited his own sphere of action.

"With great respect, gentlemen, I remain,

"Very truly yours, "S. J. Tilden."

CH. O'CONOR TO S. J. TILDEN

"N. Y., Nov. 11, 1869.

"My dear Sir,—I am so pressed for time that I do not know that I shall be able to find a printed copy of the opinions read in the Legislature of New Jersey on the motion to rescind the assent of the 14th Amendment.

"They were three in number, I think: one by Reverdy Johnson, one by George T. Curtis, and one by me. If it should become desirable to use any of them they can readily be found in any file of a Democratic paper.

"Should mine be deemed worth using, I should like to have a correction made.

"By way of emphasis I italicized the word when. This is printed where in all the copies I have seen; and to render the pointlessness of my expression as striking as I desired to render its point, 'where' is sometimes italicized and sometimes put in small caps.

"If you should have any part in using or printing this paper, I am sure you will see this error corrected.

"It is understood that the 14th Amendment is past revocation now, as the requisite number of States have consented. The consent of several were forced, and if the Democratic party is to live in the future it will deny the efficacy of such extorted consents.

"I mention this to the end that you may consider whether the consent of N. Y. to the 14th should not even now be rescinded. Of course, that question has more in it than the inquiry as to the 15th Amt.

"Y'rs truly and in haste, "Ch. O'Conor."

JOHN SHERMAN TO S. J. TILDEN (CIRCULAR TO THE BONDHOLDERS OF PITTSBURG, FORT WAYNE & CHICAGO RAILWAY CO.)

"Mansfield, Ohio, Oct. 20, '69.

"My dear Sir,—I have just read over, in the quiet of my study, your admirable circular to the bondholders, etc., of the P., F. W. & C. R. R. Co. I cannot forego the expression of my appreciation of the clearness and ability of this statement. It exactly defines the reciprocal duties and rights of the owners of a railroad and the public at large, and states in as few words as possible the reasons for the lease. I do not believe we will soon have occasion to regret it, and sure I am you need not be ashamed of your 'statement of the case.'

I am, truly Yours, "John Sherman."

TILDEN TO RICHARD VAUX

"Confidential. New York, Oct. 7, '69.

"My dear Sir,—Returning home to-day, I find your letter of the 4th.

"It is difficult to obtain the funds necessary for the most economical conduct of our State canvass, especially as we have no candidate who is wealthy. We expect to fight the 'poor man's' battle, but expect to fight it successfully; at present the committee has no funds, and is going on credit of its expectations, which are small, but, we believe, sufficient. I do not think it probable that money could be raised in this city to send abroad. The number of contributors is small, usually, and there is now not much political excitement.

Very truly yours, "S. J. Tilden." "Richd. Vaux, "520 Walnut St., Phila., Pa."

TILDEN TO ALBERT CARDOZO

"Aug. 18, 1869.

"My dear Sir,—At the suggestion of a friend of Mr. Russell Sage and of mine, I should attend on Tuesday next in the Oyer and Terminer if I were not obliged to leave town early to-morrow morning on business which will probably make it impracticable for me to return in season.

"Under these circumstances I beg leave to say to your hearers as if upon that occasion some part of what I should say if present.

"I think there can be no doubt that all the grounds of the discrimination contemplated against Mr. Sage, as compared with the other persons charged with having received more than seven per cent. for the use of money—as those grounds are reported in the public journals—are erroneous in point of fact.

"The principal ground is the supposed participation of Mr. Sage in the locking up of greenbacks. This allegation is denied in the most positive and comprehensive manner by an affidavit of Mr. Sage. That denial is corroborated by affidavits of one or more persons most intimately acquainted [with] his affairs. I find no difficulty in giving full credence to these denials from my own knowledge of Mr. Sage, his methods and habits of business, his transactions and investments. They are all incompatible with his being engaged in any such scheme. I have known him well for years. He is about the last man to enter into any combination which would limit the freedom of his individual and personal action. He is not a lender of money as a business or otherwise than of his temporary balances. His interests are all in favor of elevating rather than of depressing stocks, in which the bulk of his property is invested. It would not need the affirmative proof which is offered to make me totally discredit the representation that he was or could be involved in a combination of the character and objects imputed to him. Mr. Sage is a man of rare ability, energy, and enterprise; and his use of these powers is all in the way of building up, constructing, developing. I am satisfied that there is not the slightest ground for imputing to Mr. Sage anything beyond the mere fact of receiving more than seven per cent. for the use of money. I hope that you will consider it consistent with your duty to confine your sentence to the fine which you have applied to the other cases of the same character; and I am sure the judgment of the bar and of the entire community will sanction such a disposition of the case.

"It is not necessary, in my view of the matter, to discuss the statute of 1837. It was peculiar in two respects: that it reversed the equity rule which had prevailed always before in this State and in England, that in cases of usury 'he who seeks equity must do equity'; and that it added to the forfeiture at law of the money loaned a criminal penalty. I remember it in its origin, its authorship, and the circumstances under which it came into being. It was then deemed an extravagant and barbarous law. I have never known its criminal feature enforced until now. I presume that nearly all the community, as well as Mr. Sage, were ignorant of the existence of a feature so anomalous in all jurisprudence.

"I beg to add that the case cannot be deemed one calling for any exceptional rigor; nor do any circumstances of aggravation exist to justify the infliction of a special indignity upon a man of character like Mr. Sage, doing an act, not malum in se, universally practised and universally tolerated.

"With much respect,

"I remain, "Truly y'rs, "S. J. Tilden." "Hon. Albert Cardozo."

S. E. CHURCH TO S. J. TILDEN

"Rochester, June 27, 1869. "Hon. Saml. J. Tilden.

"My dear Sir,—Your favor is recd. I was sorry you was not at home when I called, although I had no specific business. But it is a good thing to have a general talk once in a while to see whether we look at things alike. Politics seem to be drifting just now, but I think the general tendency of public opinion is in our favor, and at the end of four years we shall go in as a matter of necessity. As to investments—I have precious little to invest, but I would be glad of an opportunity to make some money, and if you see any good chance I hope you will let me know.

"Are you not coming up this way this summer? We would all be glad to see you and any of your family that can come with you.

"Truly Yours, "S. E. Church."

S. E. CHURCH TO TILDEN (WOULD LIKE TO MAKE SOME MONEY)

"Rochester, Jan. 27, '70.

"My dear Sir,—This is my first letter written by myself. You inquire what my physician thinks and what I think about my recovery. My physician and others who have been consulted all say that my recovery is certain and will be perfect, restoring me to full health, but that it will require time on account of my great prostration.

"I have had the 'blues' occasionally, but I believe I shall recover and be well. I am confined to my bed most of the time, but am able to sit up some and walk a little.

"I would like to make some money. Is there not some speculation by which I can do so?

"Why don't you get interviewed?

"Please write.

"Yours truly, "S. E. Church."

TILDEN TO T. P. BISSELL

"New York, Jany. 10, 1870.

"My dear Sir,—Can you furnish me the following information:

"1. Copy of the record of births, deaths, and marriages in the family of Isaac Tilden or any others of the name of Tilden, as shown in your office.

"2. Memorandum of the names of parties, dates, and substance of deeds and mortgages to and from the said Isaac Tilden and others of the name of Tilden.

"If these are very numerous, a brief memorandum will answer.

"I can decide afterwards whether I will want copies, and, if so, what.

"3. How can access be got to the church records, and can you get the information from those records as to the matters embraced under No. 1?

"4. Where is the probate office in which wills were kept from 1702 to 1760 or 1780?

"Can you look for will of Isaac Tilden conveniently?

"Of course, I will give you a reasonable compensation for any trouble you may be at in procuring and sending me the information mentioned above.

"Truly yours, "S. J. Tilden." "Hon. T. P. Bissell, Esq., "Hebron, Conn."

JAY GOULD TO S. J. TILDEN

"President's Office, Erie Railway Company, cor. 8th Ave. and 23d St. "New York, Feb. 11, 1870. "S. J. Tilden, Esq.

"Dr. Sir,—Feb. 24, 1869, I paid you retainer for Erie R. R. Co. $10,000. Subsequently, on March 5, at your request, I bought Flagg's bonds, with the understanding that he will co-operate with us in A and G matters, paying him $3038.29/100, being the face of the bonds and accrued interest, compounded. At the same time that I paid you the $10,000 I paid you also $1000 for Flagg's services to date as trustee, for which you returned me voucher signed by A. C. Flagg for his daughter.

"I wish to ask you whether, in view of the foregoing, we are not justified in being surprised to find you against us without notice?

"Please reply and oblige,

"Yours truly, "Jay Gould."

TILDEN TO JAY GOULD

"Monday Evening, February 14, 1870.

"My dear Sir,—On my return late Saturday night I received yours of the 11th, and I take the earliest time at my disposal to reply.

"The retainer to which you allude grew out of and related to matters wholly distinct and disconnected from the A. and G. W.,[52] and was arranged without any agency of mine, and the subsequent payment of it was purely voluntary on your part.

"No intimation was ever made to me that it had any reference to or was to affect my relations to Mr. Flagg[53] as trustee under the several mortgages of the A. and G. W.

"I cannot doubt that it was known to you that I had acted as his counsel for more than a year previous. Nor did I ever suspect that you did not perfectly understand that I was still at liberty to do so.

"Afterwards, when Mr. McHenry[54] sought to retain me in reference to his scheme for reorganizing the A. and G. W., and asked me to name the amount—having looked into all the relations of parties, and having considered his plan—I declined to have anything to do with it in any manner or for any purpose, and refused his retainer, repeatedly pressed upon me.

"In one of these interviews I informed him that the suits which had been commenced to foreclose the mortgages, if, as I understood them to be, for I had not seen the papers, were objectionable, that, if a sale were to be had, they must be reformed or abandoned, and new suit in proper form, and with proper parties, instituted; that Mr. Flagg—at the instance of any bondholders, and possibly in an extreme case without their instance—ought to intervene for that purpose. To this view he yielded.

"When the lease proposed to be made by the receiver was brought to my attention some weeks ago, the counsel of the Erie called on me to ask my consideration of it as counsel for Mr. Flagg and of the first mortgage bondholders. He called on me to exercise my function in that capacity; and had prolonged negotiations with me, not as an associate, but as a representative of a different party.

"I heard no complaint until it happened that, while acting as counsel for the trustees and bondholders, I did not do precisely what their adversaries preferred to have done.

"Now, I answer your question: You 'are not justified in being surprised that I am acting for the trustee and his bondholders "without notice"' to you. You had notice all the time that I was at liberty so to act, and much of the time that I was so acting. If you are surprised, you are under some misapprehension as to the situation. I would have omitted no courtesy towards you. I had no suspicion that you did not understand my position exactly as I understand it.

"When the question as to the proposed lease came before me, suddenly and unexpectedly, it was with the declaration of Mr. Meyer that he was 'opposed to it, unless I could show him reasons to the contrary, which he did not think I could.' I looked at it to see if I could devise modifications which would make it safe for the bondholders.

"The difficulty of the case is the short and uncertain duration of the lease. I was not able to see in it, as drawn, sufficient guards to satisfy the bondholders. I spent a morning with Mr. Lane and Mr. Meyer discussing amendments; and we left for Ohio, with the understanding between him and us that we should have a conference there upon the subject of amendment. It was only when the motion was on and the argument was about beginning that we learned to our surprise that Mr. Backus had decided that no negotiation for any modification would be entertained. So the question had to be argued as it stood. Just before I left Cleveland, Mr. Backus said to me that if we would recognize the advance ($1,390,000) as to be ultimately paid, he would do everything to give us security in the operation of the lease; and, if, when I got to New York, it was thought advisable to negotiate, he would come here on your request. After my return I did think it advisable to consider the question, and so said to Mr. Lane; but he declined. Shortly after, the motion in Philadelphia, of which Mr. Cuyler had given notice, in pursuance of a reservation he had caused to be made in the original order, came on.

"I allude to these circumstances to show that I have treated you fairly and considerately while in an adversary position on this question of temporary lease.

"One word as to Mr. Flagg. The payment of the $1000 for his services was due him, and should have been provided for. I first called the attention of Col. Stebbins to it, and then yours. The purchase of the bonds of Mr. Flagg—to a trifling amount—was no greater favor than had been accorded on a large scale to parties who had stood in the way of the arrangement for the close of the receivership and the making of the lease. That he had taken no selfish care for himself did not seem any reason why he should be treated with less consideration. I submitted the matter to you as the proper party. You treated it with equity and courtesy. You are entitled to the same spirit from Mr. Flagg. But you could not have supposed that he would be unfaithful in any respect to his trust.

"In conclusion, what the first mortgage bondholders want is:

"1. That the suit for foreclosure should be prosecuted, in proper form and with proper parties, to give a good title at the sale, and that they be represented in these suits by their own agent and not by agents of any adversary party.