Front matter (continued 3)

Our battery of 9-pounders, twelve of which had been reamed up to 12-pounders, opened their fire near Little Sobraon, a village a short way in advance, between Major-General Gilbert's and Major-General Sir Harry Smith's divisions. Our artillery was thus placed,—five 24-pounder howitzers on our right, three 12-pounders (reamed) on the right of the 29th Foot, No. 19 battery on the left of Major-General Gilbert's right brigade; then between General Gilbert's left and the 62nd Foot there were six 8-inch howitzers, and six 5½-inch howitzers; on the left of the 62nd Foot there were eight 8-inch howitzers and five 18-pounders flanked by the 9th Foot and the 26th regiment of Native Infantry. On the extreme right there were forty-eight guns and howitzers, besides twelve guns, etc. on the right and left of Major-General Sir Robert Dick's division. In fact Major-General Sir Harry Smith's division was wheeled up to its left, so as to throw a flanking fire into the enemy's left. Also, Major-General Sir Robert Dick's division on the left, wheeled up to its right, so as to fire into the enemy's right.

Owing to the mist before mentioned, it was half-past-six A.M. before the whole of our artillery fire was brought into full play; the object of this fire was to silence the enemy's guns and to destroy their works before we assaulted the place. There was also a rocket battery. It must be remembered that the enemy had upwards of a hundred guns to fire against our sixty-two guns and the rocket battery. Rockets, the reader must be aware, were formerly much used in Indian warfare among the native armies. They were tried at Hattrass in 1817, with the force under the command of the late Major-General Sir W.S. Whish, K.C.B., but there was too much wind. On the present occasion the wind was not unfavourable. As the enemy's camp on the other side of the river was set on fire, the means by which that important service was effected may be disputed.

We must bear in mind that the Sikh guns were like those of a fortress, protected by walls, not en barbette, i.e. open all round. Besides this there was a triple line of trenches. The Sikhs also had two batteries on the other side of the river. When these batteries were silenced, the gunners came over by the bridge of boats, to the works on our side, to aid and to replace the gunners who had been killed or wounded. The bridge was said to be mined in case of accident, that is to say, if they were pursued in the retreat they could have blown it up to prevent our pursuing them.

It is clear that the mist had delayed the practice of the batteries, but still the artillery played upon the enemy's works for two hours. A more powerful battery would have been desirable; and it is said that this was Colonel Irvine's reason for proposing the delay. However, in all battles, there are two main points of consideration; first the military delays, and then the political delays, we know are sometimes dangerous. No doubt a casual observer would have exclaimed, "Why not wait for more guns? Recollect Ferozeshah; you tarried fifty days for this attack, during which time the enemy strengthened his position. You have more guns, more shot and shell coming up. Recollect also, you fell short of shot on the 22nd of December at Ferozeshah!" The late Captain J.D. Cunningham, of the Engineers, who was present at the battles of Aliwal and Sobraon, wrote thus: "The officers of artillery naturally desired that their guns, the representatives of a high art, should be used agreeably to the established rules of the engineers; or that ramparts should be breached in front and swept in flank, before they were stormed by defenceless battalions; but such deliberate tediousness of process did not satisfy the judgment or the impatience of the commanders, and it was arranged that the whole of the heavy ordnance should be planted in masses opposite particular points of the enemy's entrenchments, and, that when the Sikhs had been shaken by a continuous storm of shot and shells, the right, or weakest part of the position, should be assaulted in line, by the strongest of the three investing divisions, which, together mustered nearly 15,000 men," the enemy being 30,000 men.[31]

A military friend of mine, Major W. Hough, of the Bengal establishment, formerly a deputy Judge-Advocate, and author of some most valuable works on Military Law, and other subjects, has suggested that the attack in column is the more usual mode of assault, and has adduced many proofs that such a system has been at different periods acted upon, both in ancient and modern warfare.

Now let us look at the other side of the picture. Proposals had been made by the Sikh Sirdars, some say by Goolab Singh, which were refused. Had Goolab Singh's troops mutinied and refused to obey his orders, he would have said that he was helpless; it was possible that these same troops might be anxious to join Sham Singh in the entrenchments, a movement which it was the great object of the British chiefs to prevent.

As to the artillery, which is not surpassed by any artillery in the world, in celerity of movement, in precision of fire, or in any of the qualities which render this branch of the service illustrious, they could not perform impossibilities. They were deficient in that indispensable desideratum, shot. To have continued firing till all our shot was expended, and thus have exposed our want of it to the enemy, would have been very unwise; for, had the infantry failed in the attack, they might have retired, and our artillery resumed their fire. Hence it was that the British artillery ceased for a while to send forth its missives of death.

After two, or two and a half hour's firing, and at about nine o'clock, Brigadier Stacey's Brigade, supported on either flank by two batteries of Foot and a troop of Horse Artillery, moved to the attack in good order, with Brigadier Stacey at their head. This gallant officer was armed with sword and buckler, the most effective weapons for such an attack, where you may come into personal contact with men who, after the custom of their country, are armed in this peculiar manner.

'Ἁμφἱ σἁρ 'ὡμοισιν βἁλετο ξἱφος ἁργυρὁηον, ——αὑτἁρ ἑπειτα σἁκος μἑγα τε στιβαρὁν τε. Homer. Iliad III. lines 334-5.

The troops marched in line. Captain Cunningham[32] says:—

"The left division of the British army, advanced in even order, and with a light step to the attack; but the original error of forming the regiments in line instead of in column, rendered the contest more unequal than such assaults need necessarily be. Every shot from the enemy's lines told upon the expanse of men, and the greater part of the division was driven back by the deadly fire of muskets and swivels and enfilading artillery.

"On the extreme left, the regiments effected an entrance amidst the advanced banks and trenches of petty out-works, where possession could be of little avail, but their comrades on the right were animated by the partial success; they chafed under the disgrace of a repulse, and forming themselves instinctively into wedges and masses, and headed by an old and fearless leader, they rushed forward in wrath." Major-General Sir Robert H. Dick, K.C.B. and K.C.H., was mortally wounded close to the trenches whilst cheering on his men; but we must reserve to a future page a further mention of this brilliant and noble officer.

The artillery took up positions to aid these divisions at a gallop. Brigadier Stacey's Brigade drove the Sikhs in confusion before them, within the area of their encampment. The 10th Foot, headed by their dauntless leader, Lieut.-Colonel T.H. Franks, entered; and here the work of carnage commenced, for now it was that hundreds of our indomitable foe fell under the withering fire of this gallant corps, Lieut.-Col. Franks having particularly cautioned his men not to fire until within the works of the enemy.

Let the reader pause and imagine the thunder of 120 guns on both sides reverberating for a length of time

"As if the clouds their echo did repeat,"

and he will have but a very faint conception of the mighty grandeur of those awe-inspiring sounds. Never shall I forget the majesty of the whole scene.

"No pen can write, no pencil trace the sound."

Seeing that Brigadier Stacey's Brigade might incur the whole weight of the attack, the centre and right divisions were ordered to advance. The centre division experienced great difficulty, for the mound in front was a very serious impediment. The Sikhs, sword in hand, strove to regain the points of the entrenchments which they had lost: it was not until the cavalry of the left wing under Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell advanced and dashed into the entrenchments, in single file, through the openings effected by the pioneers in the mound, re-forming as they passed; and finally the full weight of three divisions of infantry with every available field-gun had been brought to bear against the resolute enemy, that victory crowned our efforts. The work was gloriously achieved. The insult offered to the British arms was avenged; and England stood triumphant.

For the important services which Brigadier Scott rendered in this action in leading his brigade into the enemy's entrenchment, he was honoured with the gratifying distinction of being appointed aide-de-camp to Her Majesty the Queen. At the taking of Ghuznee, July 23rd, 1839, Sir Joseph Thackwell and Brigadier Scott were employed in destroying the enemy who had escaped from the fort; they were, therefore, not novices at their work.

At Sobraon, our cavalry could not pursue the enemy as he retreated across the river; and, to have proceeded by Hurrekee Ghât, the nearest ford, would have been too late. The veteran Sirdar, Sham Singh, who commanded in the entrenchments, was engaged at his devotions when he first heard of the attack. As he must have known that our stores had not all arrived, for the Sikhs had accurate intelligence of our movements, he did not anticipate an attack from us so soon. Summoning his chiefs, Sham Singh reminded them of the great stake at issue, and bade them fight nobly and exterminate the infidel Feringhees (English). He assured his officers and men that the way of glory lay before them; and, to prevent their retreating, boldly commanded the two centre boats of the bridge to be cut away, so that his army could not pass over the pontoon. The order was obeyed; and, when forced to fly, the enemy in vain attempted the bridge, and were constrained to take to the river. Encumbered with arms, many attempted to swim across the river, which had risen seven or eight inches a day or two before; but all their efforts were unavailing. Hundreds and hundreds were drowned, or fell under the fire of our guns.

The press in England have condemned this general slaughter of our defenceless foe; but the answer, in extenuation, is, I believe, that the Sikhs had cruelly and relentlessly cut to pieces our wounded men at Ferozeshah.

If we regard the morality of the measure, we must not, at the same time, overlook the consequences which would have ensued from our sparing this resolute foe; for, at this time, we had yet to cross this river; and we were by no means certain but that we should have to fight another battle.

Messrs. Cobden and Co. must discover some golden rule for keeping the peace in India; for it would be a hard matter to find a single Sikh chief who is not ready to fight. The Rajpoot would laugh and say: "Sirs, it is my trade, as the calico line is yours; we were born soldiers." This universal Peace Association is, I have no doubt, a very amiable fraternity; yet let not its members, being deceived themselves, try to deceive others. The world still lieth in wickedness. Some divines understand the words of our Saviour, when he said, "I came not to send peace upon the earth, but the sword," to signify, there are very many religions in the world, and these will give rise to fighting. The Sikh would say: "You English have come and conquered the best and fairest portions of India, and now you are trying to annex the rest of the country; can you wonder that every man's hand is lifted up against you?"

Even Mr. Cobden must allow that to fight pro aris et focis, is not a very despicable employment. Until all nations and lands are prepared to join the league—until the time that all standing armies shall be dispensed with—and until right and might can keep their place—away with such empty talk! We must fraternize at home before we can hope to do so abroad. The natives of India do not understand those fine-drawn distinctions of our European policy. They know that the strongest will attack them if they can, and that the only plan of defence is to maintain armies.

The continent of Europe may be likened to India in one respect. Comprising various sovereignties, as in India, there are many independent princes. The native chief, like Alexander the Great, sighs when no more conquests are to be made! India, besides, is not a commercial country, like Europe; and all its inhabitants cannot plough or work at a trade. India has been, for centuries, the arena of strife. From the year 1187, when Delhi was seized by a Mahomedan conqueror, to the present year, anarchy, rapine, and war, have been stalking over the land. Thrice three thousand times blessed will be that period when every man of every nation shall have "turned his sword into a ploughshare, and his spear into a pruning-hook!" Until then, in order to ensure peace, let us be armed for war.

In Europe a sovereign loses a portion of his dominions, when it is taken by a monarch more powerful than himself. The league of the Holy Alliance contracted by four kings, in 1815, has not been able to preserve peace. The principle of uti possidetis, or, "as you are," of 1815, is not recognised in 1854. The Russians and Austrians have attacked Hungary, and Hungary has fought for her independence. The Neopolitans have sent an expedition to Sicily, and the Sicilians have sighed for independence. The French are masters of Rome, and Rome has longed for a republic, and thus we might multiply examples. Independence, the natural right of all countries, cannot generally be obtained except by war.

But revenons à nos moutons, the Sikhs again succumb. The battle of Sobraon has been fought and lost by them: at noon on the 10th of February, not a living Sikh remained on the left bank of the Sutlej.

At about two o'clock P.M., I rode leisurely through the enemy's entrenchments, and witnessed the horrible slaughter that had taken place; even at that time, a few determined artillerymen occasionally sent a ball across the river, to the dismay of our plundering camp followers. A mine, too, would now and then explode, and hurl the heedless and inquisitive into eternity, for the entrenchment was completely undermined; and during the following night and morning, explosions were every now and then heard in the camp.

During the action, the 9th Lancers advanced at about eleven o'clock A.M., under a heavy fire, in two lines, for the purpose of charging the enemy, when I commanded the left troop of the second squadron; after a time, however, as no opportunity to charge was allowed, we again fell back. The 9th Lancers left their camp at four o'clock A.M., and returned to it between five and six o'clock P.M., not a little tired, as the reader may imagine.

Thus the day, which rose so bright upon the landscape, after the mists of the early morning had been dispelled by the brilliant rays of the sun, was darkened by a battle and slaughter and death, ere the shades of evening closed upon it. The indomitable Sikhs, whose bravery was but the more aroused by the defeat at Aliwal, and whose feelings had been harrowed by the sight of the corpses of their unavenged comrades slain in that battle, who were still borne along the stream, and who had entered upon the contest with the resolve to conquer or die, these brave fellows were now lying in hundreds, or rather in thousands upon thousands, on the field of carnage, or floating along the sweeping flood of the Sutlej, while others fled in wild confusion before their victorious foe. But where were now their leaders?—the men who had instigated the revolt, and who with dastardly duplicity sought their private interests by simulated friendship with both parties? Where was Tej Singh, the chief commander of the Sikh forces? When the British opened the assault, Tej Singh commanded the entrenchment, but as soon as we had effected breaches in the mound, and the fire from his batteries began to slacken, when his followers were falling thick around him, when the British, led on by their gallant commanders, fought resolutely for every inch of ground, Tej Singh, instead of manfully leading on fresh troops, and animating them by his example, like a base traitor, again deserted his post; he fled at the first brush, and, as at the battle of Ferozeshah, abandoned his troops, and, in their destruction, sought, and effected his own escape; Goolab Singh, who had played his cards so well, was at the side of the Maharannee, counselling the adoption of such measures as would virtually promote his own interests; while the intriguer, Lall Singh, lay with his cavalry higher up the river in a careless, unmilitary position, conscious of being closely watched by the English.

Far different was the conduct and deportment of Sirdar Sham Singh, of Attaree. In accordance with the vow so solemnly made to his men that he would die in the conflict, and thus offer up himself as a propitiatory sacrifice for his country's weal to appease the wrath of Govind, he clothed himself in a white garment, as one who had devoted himself to death, and calling upon all around to follow him, he unflinchingly led on his rapidly thinning ranks, with the assurance of the Gooroo's eternal reward to those who should fall in defence of their country; and, at last, covered with wounds, the fine old veteran sunk down a lifeless corpse, amidst the slaughtered bodies of his brave followers.

The Commander-in-Chief estimated the loss of the Sikhs in this decisive battle at from 12,000 to 15,000 men; while that on the side of the British was, 320 killed, and 2,063 wounded, making our total loss 2,383.[33]

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VII.

The Advanced-guard cross the Sutlej—Burial of Sir Robert Dick—Bridge of Boats—Kussoor—Surrender of the Sikhs—Dhuleep Singh—Lulleanee—Lahore—Runjeet Singh's Monument—The Summer Palace—The Governor-General's Address.

On the night of the victory of Sobraon, some of our advanced brigades crossed the Sutlej, opposite Ferozepore: they met with no resistance on landing, the whole place was abandoned, and not an enemy was visible. They hastened on to Kussoor, where they took possession of the fort.

Early on the morning of the 11th of February, we were once more on the move. The Commander-in-Chief appointed one division to remain behind and take charge of the sick and wounded, with orders to bring them on to Ferozepore; together with all the guns, etc., which we had taken from the enemy. These amounted to sixty-seven cannon, and 200 camel-swivels, or, as they are generally called, "zumbooruks;" together with immense quantities of ammunition and stores, and many of the Sikh standards.

The 9th Lancers accordingly started for Attaree, a distance of fourteen miles. On the 12th, we left our old encamping ground at Attaree at four o'clock A.M., and at eight o'clock A.M., we reached our new halting-place at Khoonda Ghât, about two miles distant from Ferozepore.

Soon after eight o'clock this morning, we heard the discharge of eleven guns, in the direction of Ferozepore, which we were informed were being fired over the grave of the late lamented Major-General Sir Robert Dick.

Not a month before the battle of Sobraon, I had called upon poor Sir Robert in his tent. He was then all life and animation, highly pleased with the Division to which he was about to be appointed, and which he asserted was the finest in the army. Not having had the opportunity of seeing a hostile shot fired in India, this noble soldier was in ecstasy at the thoughts of meeting the Sikhs in actual warfare. Conspicuous for his gallantry, when commanding the 42nd during the Peninsular War, Sir Robert was determined not to be out-shone; and placing himself at the head of his Division, the 3rd Infantry, he fell gloriously whilst mounting the enemy's entrenchments, in the very moment of victory. Never fell a General more regretted by his troops, nor one who in life was more beloved. The coolness of his temper in the battle-field, was only surpassed by the warmth of his hospitality in quarters; thus adding one more proof to the many on record, that the noblest and bravest heart is ever united with the gentlest and kindliest spirit.

To testify the estimation in which Sir Robert was held by his brother officers, a subscription was immediately set on foot among the officers throughout the army, and a large sum was collected for the purpose of erecting a monument to his memory, in the church of his native village of Tullymet, in Perthshire. The officers and men who have had the honour of serving under him, will not forget him; and the only consolation we could feel was, that he died, as I really believed he wished to die, fighting for his country, exegit monumentum ære perennius.[34]

Our bridge of boats having been completed, the Commander-in-Chief, with the whole of the army, crossed the Sutlej on the 13th. We passed over in single file; and after a tedious march of about eleven miles, arrived at Kussoor.

In the immediate vicinity of the Sutlej, the country is in a high state of cultivation, the valley being covered with a rich, soft verdure, but scarcely a tree is visible till within three miles from the banks; then the scene changes completely, and for miles and miles the eye rests upon nothing but immense tracts of jungle, interspersed with bushes, low tamarisks and tamarinds, with here and there the picturesque view of some ancient mosque or tomb. Close to Kussoor, lie the ruins of a large city scattered about in wild confusion; here mosques, domes, minarets and columns, tell of the departed glory of the Mahomedan era, when the arts and civilization were in their prime. The road runs through the town, which stands on a lofty eminence, and completely commands the place, and the ancient citadel of Kussoor. The town was formerly divided into twelve parts, each surrounded by a wall; and tradition says, that the founder gave one of these divisions to each of his twelve sons. Major Hough states that an army might make a good stand here, because there are not only heights, but each division of the town could be converted into a fortified position. But I am of opinion, that in the event of a hostile attack, it would not be capable of standing either a lengthened siege or a vigourous defence; it consists of a low wall, surrounded by narrow moats and projecting bulwarks. The town itself is surrounded by a very high wall, flanked with towers, and is densely built of brick. We encamped under the walls of the ancient town. The Governor-General joined the army early on the morning of the 14th. Kussoor is situated about sixteen miles from Ferozepore, and thirty-two from Lahore.

On the following morning, after some previous negotiation, the Maharannee of Lahore, who had appointed the Rajah Goolab Singh and some of the council to confer with the British army, sent her embassy to our head-quarters. They were intrusted by the queen mother with full powers, upon the condition that the treaty should embrace the continuance of the Sikh government at Lahore. The Governor-General surrounded by a brilliant staff of officers, received the Lahore embassy in his own tent. The deputation was then referred to Major Lawrence, now Sir Henry Lawrence, K.C.B., and since President of the Board of Administration for the affairs of the Punjaub, and Mr. Currie, now Sir Frederick Currie, Bart., and late Member of the Supreme Council of India, with whom they had a conference which lasted several hours. The Sikh chiefs being at first extremely reluctant to enter into the terms proposed by the English, their negotiations were prolonged far into the night. The following are the terms which were proposed by the English, and finally agreed to by the Sikhs.

The complete surrender of the whole of the territorial possessions of the Sikhs, lying between the Sutlej and the Beas: the payment of a million and a half sterling, as a partial indemnity for the expenses of the war; the disbandment of the Sikh army, and its reorganization on the footing established by Runjeet Singh; the surrender of all the guns used against the British, and the assumption of full powers by the Governor-General to settle the frontiers and to fix the internal government of Lahore. The youthful Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, the son of the Maharannee, being still regarded as an Ally, was required to meet the British army on its entering Lahore, and tender his submission. It was further stipulated, that the Sikhs should not have the power of raising any armed force, without the consent of the British government.

On the 18th of February, the 9th Lancers reached the little mud-walled village of Lulleanee, a distance of ten miles, during which I was on baggage guard. It stands in the midst of corn fields and jungle. It is about thirty-four miles from Ferozepore, and about midway between that place and Lahore.

This evening, agreeably to the stipulation, the infant Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, came into the camp of the Governor-General. His council sought forgiveness for the late act of aggression on the part of the army. The Maharajah did not receive any military honours from the Governor-General until he had made his submission; but after having done so, he was treated with the style becoming the rank of a prince, and remained in camp till the entry of the army into Lahore.

While we were at Lulleanee, we suffered much from scarcity of water. On the 19th, we reached the village of Kankuch, a distance of ten miles. Both yesterday and to-day the 9th Lancers were on the advanced guard of the army. On the 20th of February, we marched to Lahore, a distance of ten miles, and encamped on the celebrated Meanmeer, three miles from the city—the ground where the Sikh troops used to be drilled. Through the kindness of Major Lawrence I obtained a pass out of camp, and an escort of two Sikh horsemen, for the purpose of visiting Lahore, the renowned Sikh capital.

The appearance of the city is very imposing at a distance, from its numerous mosques, with their azure domes and sparkling minarets rising majestically above the palaces, houses and gardens, the far distance being bounded by the bold out-line of the snow-capped Himalayas. To the south, lies the ancient city of Lahore, completely in ruins, interspersed with the remains of caravansaries, sepulchral monuments, towers and domes, overshadowed here and there by the lofty crowns of the graceful date-palm.

These splendid buildings carry the mind back to a bye-gone age, when wealth and grandeur reigned in Lahore, under the first Mahomedan conquerors of Hindoostan, before they succeeded in establishing themselves in the central Provinces of India. Lahore was the residence of Humayoon, the father of Akbar, who greatly enlarged and improved the city, which during his reign is said to have been three leagues in length; even to this day it is of considerable extent.

The modern city of Lahore lies close to the R[=a]vee, and contains about 80,000 inhabitants. It is surrounded by a massive brick wall, twenty-five feet in height, and fortified at regular distances with bastions and towers. Runjeet Singh greatly improved and strengthened the fortifications; and, like a good general, carried a moat completely round the outer side of the wall, and circumvallated this moat with a line of strong ramparts, fortified by out-works and heavy artillery, running in a circumference of seven or eight miles round the city. It gives the impression of a once impregnable place, and even now presents an appearance of considerable strength, though many of the bastions and works are going to decay.

The bright illusions which have previously filled the imagination of the stranger with visions of grandeur and magnificence, vanish like a dream the moment he enters the city gate. The principal street is very narrow, and extremely dirty, with a kennel running through the middle of it, into which is thrown the refuse from the neighbouring houses. Here, too, the streets are unpaved, and in such a wretched condition, that they are almost inpassable in wet weather. The houses are chiefly of brick, and though lofty, present a mean appearance. Like most of the Oriental houses, they have flat roofs, where the inhabitants pass the cool of the day. They are surrounded by dead walls, and present nothing of architectural interest; the only redeeming feature being an elegant arabesque carving, which runs along the wooden balconies and windows.

My first visit was to the citadel, which lies to the North-West of the town. It contains the barracks, extensive magazines, and military stores, together with the Hazuree Bagh, the noble winter palace of the late Maharajah, which was commenced by Akbar, and completed by others of the Mogul emperors. At an angle of the Maharannee's apartments, close to the gate, is the magnificent tomb of Runjeet Singh, together with those of the other members of his family. I visited this fine marble mausoleum, which is built in the Arabesque style, and was erected by Shore Singh, on the spot where Runjeet Singh, his son, and his grandson, together with their wives and female slaves, were consumed on the funeral pyre. This monument is just outside the lofty gates of the Hazuree Bagh. It was while passing through the ruins of these gates that Nou Nehal Singh was crushed to death, by the sudden dislodgment of a ponderous stone, as he was proceeding to the R[=a]vee to wash away his sins, immediately after the burning of his father's corpse.

The Hazuree Bagh was, in ancient times, the residence of the Mogul emperors. It is an immense pile, built of red granite, and consists of three large quadrangles, surrounded by arched corridors, magazines, and stores. From each of the four angles rises a lofty minaret, 150 feet in height; while the Western-side of the principal quadrangle is occupied by the Mosque, of red sand-stone, built by the emperor, Aurungzebe. This quadrangle, which is 500 paces in length, leads to the garden court or Hazuree Bagh, which is likewise surrounded by vaulted corridors, now in ruins. A pavilion of white marble stands in the centre.

The fort, or citadel, is in the third quadrangle. It is surrounded by numerous buildings, among which is the palace of the late Maharajah. The appearance is striking and unique, as it has a winding staircase rising above the highest platform.

The bazaars, which in all Eastern cities are the most animated parts of the town, presented nothing of interest; and instead of the varied display of costly oriental manufactures, in gold and embroidery, there was little else but sweetmeats and eatables.

There are some fine buildings in the immediate vicinity of Lahore. The principal is the tomb of the emperor, Jehangeer. It is of white marble, and red sand-stone, and rises in the centre of a beautiful garden. The Arabesques, above the arches of the piazza, which surround the tomb, are executed with great skill, and are in a state of perfect preservation, while the rest is going to decay. The tomb occupies a square building, 66 paces each way, the piazza being 1,800 feet square. I must not forget to mention the summer palace, or Shalemar. It was the residence of the emperor, Shah Jehan in 1627, and bears the inscription, "House of joy." It is constructed of white marble, in the same style as the Shalemar, at Cashmere, and stands in the middle of a lovely garden, tastefully laid out, with flowers, fountains, shrubberies, magnificent trees, and orange groves.

On my visit to the house of the Maharannee's German physician, I was introduced to Colonel Van Cortland, late of the Sikh service. In my rambles, I went over the house of General Ventura, since the residence of the Chief Commissioner, Sir Henry Lawrence. It is a spacious building, and presents a more European character than any in the city. In the gun-sheds, I saw only seven guns. The Infantry barracks were tenantless. The few soldiers, too, whom I saw in the place, had a mortified and disconsolate look.

Great alarm naturally prevailed in Lahore, in consequence of the defeat of the Sikh army, the arrival of our victorious troops, and the occupation of the citadel by an English garrison. The Governor-General, anxious to allay the ferment, issued a proclamation, which had the desired effect.[35]

On the 9th of March, the Governor-General signed the important treaty between the British and Lahore governments.[36]

I was on duty at the Governor-General's tent, with a troop of my regiment as a guard of honour, for the reception of the young Maharajah of Lahore, who had arrived from the capital attended by his principal Sirdars, and a numerous retinue, for the purpose of signing the treaty between the Government of the Company and that of the Lahore Durbar. Three royal salutes were fired from our 12-pounders, namely, one salute on the arrival of the prince, another at the signing of the treaty, and the third on his Highness' departure.

After the treaty was ratified and signed, the Governor-General made the following speech:—

"For forty years it was the policy of Runjeet Singh to cultivate friendly relations between the two Governments; and during the whole of that period, the Sikh nation was independent and happy. Let the policy of that able man towards the British Government, be the model for your future imitation. The British Government in no respect provoked the late war. It had no objects of aggrandizement to obtain by hostilities. The proof of its sincerity is to be found in its moderation in the hour of victory. A just quarrel, followed by a successful war, has not changed the policy of the British Government. The British Government does not desire to interfere in your internal affairs. I am ready and anxious to withdraw every British soldier from Lahore. At the earnest solicitation of the Sikh government, I have reluctantly consented to leave a British force in garrison at Lahore, until time shall have been afforded for the reorganization of the Sikh army, by whose assistance the stipulations of the treaty may be more easily carried into effect. In no case can I consent that the British troops shall remain in garrison for a longer period than the end of this year. I state this publicly, that all the world may know the truth, and the motives by which I am actuated in this matter."

At the conclusion of this address, the young Maharajah, who had thus been virtually recognised as the Sovereign of Lahore, under the protection of the English, was re-conducted to his palace by British regiments, under a royal salute.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VIII.

Review of the Army—Eastern Mode of Adoption—Cashmere assigned to Goolab Singh—Defeat of Affghan Cavalry—Major John Cameron Campbell—Security of the North-west Frontier—Fertility of the Punjaub—Infantry introduced into the East—Hyder Ali's Notion of English Power—Runjeet's Craftiness—Improvement in the Punjaub—Dhuleep Singh professes Christianity—Dr. Login—Dhuleep baptized by the Rev. W.J. Jay—Dhuleep Singh's Sincerity.

On the 10th of March, the whole army was reviewed by the Governor-General, the Commander-in-Chief, the Governor of Scinde (the late Lieutenant-General Sir Charles J. Napier, G.C.B.), the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, Goolab Singh, and many of the Sikh Sirdars. The troops formed line in masses of brigades; the second Brigade of Cavalry, being on the extreme left in open column of squadrons, at quarter distance: there were about 22,000 men on the ground. The conqueror of Scinde, having left behind his 16,500 men and fifty guns, had joined the head-quarters of the army, and was present at this review. The Sikh chiefs also were present, more humble than in former days. They, poor men, with few exceptions, were only the forced actors in the late drama. The Punts and Punchees[37] having decided upon fighting, the chiefs and Sirdars were constrained to gird up their loins for action.

The Governor-General, Sir Henry (now Viscount Hardinge, G.C.B.), was well aware that there were 20,000 Khalsa troops under arms in another part of the Punjaub. Conversing with a field officer, and looking at our European troops, the Governor-General remarked, "See those men, there are only 3,200 fit for duty;" which observation was at the time interpreted somewhat thus: "Out of 7,000 or 8,000 Europeans at first employed in this army, see the reduced remnant; had I not made the treaty, I could not at this season have continued the war."

The young and handsome Maharajah gazed upon the magnificent spectacle before him, with a kind of childish indifference, little concerned about the slice carved out by our swords from the dominions of his putative father; he is ignorant of his paternity, neither does he know whether he can legally call the Maharannee his mother. The Eastern mode of adoption is a very easy mode of providing a successor, for if a Rannee has no sons, others have, who may supply the place. Child-stealing, moreover, is very common in the Punjaub. Report assigns Jummoo as the place of his Highness' birth. The Rajah had a brother. I must leave the unravelling of the mystery, however, to those of my readers who feel an interest in tracing genealogies, with as much likelihood of success, at least, as the Sikh chiefs who tried the puzzle.

On the 10th of March I was on escort duty with my regiment, from half-past two to six in the afternoon, accompanying the Governor-General to and from a visit to the Maharajah, in the palace at Lahore.

On the 12th of March, the army of the Sutlej was broken up, and our kind-hearted Commander-in-chief bade it farewell.

Let us consider our position at the present time, with respect to our late enemy. A treaty has been concluded: we garrison Lahore with our troops, and form a government of Sikh chiefs, superintended by a British officer, namely, Sir Henry Lawrence. We declare that we must withdraw our force from Lahore by the end of the year. The Sikh chiefs entreat us to remain, which we at last agree to, and enter into another treaty to govern until Dhuleep Singh shall be of age, which will be in September, 1854.[38] This period was fixed, because as the Company's charter expires on the 30th of April, 1854, an act of indemnity would otherwise have been required from Parliament.

We first of all take possession of the Jullundur Doab; assign to Goolab Singh the rich and fertile valley of Cashmere,[39] whose productions are those of the temperate zone. The Sikhs are to disband their present army and organize a new one, which is not to exceed 32,000 men, 20,000 of which shall be infantry; and furthermore, we compel them to pay to the British government 22 lakhs of rupees, or £220,000 sterling per annum. Next, a deep conspiracy is discovered at Lahore, and two British officers are murdered at Mooltan. The Sikhs, under Moolraj, Chutter Singh and Shere Singh, raise large armies. The Maharannee is at the bottom of this conspiracy. We send troops in December, 1848, and take Mooltan in February, 1849. We fight at Ramnuggur, and fall into a trap. At Chillianwallah, we take the bull by the horns, but at Goojerat, on the 21st of February, 1849, with eighty-four guns against the enemy's fifty-nine, we gain a victory complete in every point, the Sikhs being battered by our overwhelming force of artillery for three hours. The Affghan Horse, under the command of a son of Dost Mahomed Khan, of Cabool, are routed after a noble charge, by a squadron of the 9th Lancers, and a party of the Scinde Irregular Horse, under the command of Captain J.C. Campbell,[40] of the Lancers, in which he was ably supported by Lieutenant F.J. M'Farlane, of the same corps, a stalwarth and powerful officer; and the whole army of the enemy having been put to flight and pursued for many miles, we finally annex the Punjaub to the British dominions.[41]

Now how would the leader of the British Anti-War Association have acted? The Sikhs cross the Sutlej and attack us. Would that gentleman have reasoned with them, or would he have attacked them? Whatever he may make of Europe, we cannot at present rule India otherwise than by the sword. India has to look to a possible invasion from the North, but none from the South. It is true, Admiral Suffrien did, in 1783, tell the King of France that the French might invade India from the Burmese territory; and he was right. But in 1826, we secured ourselves against such an event by Treaties. The Queen of England is ruler of the Mauritius, and the Cape is subject to her sway. On our North-West lie Scinde and the Punjaub, which two countries protect us against invasion from Candahar direct; and from an attack by the circuitous route of Cabool, we can always secure the Bolan and Khyber Passes; and those of Dhera Ghazee Khan and Dhera Ismael Khan are in our hands whenever we choose, for Mooltan would cover the operation.

Thus has the last Sikh campaign rendered our North-West frontier as safe as we could desire. Time will make the conquest valuable, and it must be our aim to conciliate a new people. Francklin (p. 66) says: "The Punjaub yields to no part of India in fertility of soil; it produces in the greatest abundance, sugar-cane, wheat, barley, rice, pulse of all sorts, tobacco, and various fruits, and it is also well supplied with cattle. The principal manufactures of this country are swords, matchlocks, cotton-cloths, and silks, both fine and coarse."

This description was written in 1802: it is useful to compare the past with the present. The Punjaub still (1854) supplies all the necessaries of life, and the district between the Indus and the Jelum contains salt-mines. In regard to commerce, as well as to manufactures, such as those of cotton-cloths, various stuffs, curious carpets, etc., the Sikhs are behind the other nations of India; yet, considering they are a military people, they shew less contempt for the occupations and amusements of civil life, and the peaceful cultivation of the soil, than might have been expected.

There can be no doubt that this country will become very flourishing under British rule. European art and science will be applied to the improvement of trade and agriculture, and above all, afford that greatest of incentives to industry, the certainty that, "what a man soweth, that shall he also reap." The Sikhs were more anxious to acquire other lands than to improve those which they already held; besides, in the constant scenes of anarchy and warfare, which have desolated this fine country, no man could ever feel certain that he should gather all his produce. Francklin, speaking of the Sikh army, in 1802, says (p. 67): "It has been remarked, that the Sikhs are able to collect from 50 to 60,000 horse; but to render this number effective, those who do not take the field, or who remain at home to guard their possessions, must be included."

The following is Francklin's statement, which comprehended the districts from the Attock to Sirhind:

Cavalry.

The districts South of the Sutlej 15,000

The Doab, or country between the Sutlej and the Beyah (Beas) 8,000

Between the Beyah and Rowee (Ravee) 11,000

Force of Buyheel Singh, Chief of Pattiala 12,000

The countries above Lahore, the inhabitants of which are chiefly under the influence of Runjeet Singh 11,000

The Force of Nizam-ud-deen Khan 5,000

Ditto of Roy Elias 1,300

Ditto of other Pathan Chiefs in pay of the Sikhs 800

———

Grand total 64,100

The Chief of most consequence was Runjeet Singh. If we suppose that two-thirds of this force might take the field, there would be 42,730 horsemen.

The above writer also says, that the repeated invasion of the Punjaub by small armies, of late years, affords a convincing proof, "that the national force of the Sikhs cannot be so formidable as has been represented." "It was successfully invaded by the Maharatta armies of Ambajee, Bala Row and Nana Furkiah, who drove the Sikhs repeatedly before them." No mention is made of the Sikh artillery.

It is to be remarked of the Sikhs, as of other native states (indeed, it is an old remark, and has been made by some of the best informed natives themselves), that Hyder Ali Khan, and Tippoo Sultan, of Mysore, Sindiah, Holcar, in fact, all the native Chiefs of India, were victorious over their native enemies by means of large masses of horse. Infantry of some description they had; but the regular battalions, drilled by Europeans, were only introduced as a system about 60 years ago, by French, German, and Italian officers.

The principal use of Infantry was to defend their forts. Seeing the advantage of regular and well-disciplined Infantry, under the British and French, the leading princes and chiefs adopted the same plan, and at length resolved to have Brigades of Infantry; as, for example, Sindiah's Brigades, under Duboignie, and the Nizam's, etc., etc.

Before this period and until the chiefs had regular corps, the British marched over the country for hundreds of miles, the enemy flying before them. But, in 1803, Sindiah brought many disciplined brigades of infantry into the field, perhaps 8,000, 10,000, or even 12,000 infantry, and seventy, eighty, or one hundred guns, besides horse. Our losses were sustained in taking the guns. Thorn, in his "History of the Maharatta War, 1803," says; "the Maharatta armies in three of their greatest battles were as follow:—

Infantry. Cavalry. Guns.

At Delhi 8,000 6,000 68

Assaye 10,500 30,000 100

Leswarree 7,000 4,500 72

It will be seen that except at Assaye, they had more infantry than cavalry. While the enemy mustered the above numbers, and always had about one fourth of their guns of large calibre, the British only brought seventeen, twenty-five, and thirty small guns into the field. Runjeet Singh's views were different from those of the native princes. Captain Meadows Taylor, in his "Life of Hyder Ali," says; "In December, 1782, just before his death, Hyder Ali Khan of Mysore, called for his confidential adviser and said, 'What signifies the loss of Colonel Baillie's detachment of 3,000 or 4,000 troops? The English can get more by sea; unless I can build a navy to compete with the Feringhees, and stop them from landing, I cannot destroy them. They come as fast as you cut them down.'"

The Maharatta Chiefs thought differently. The power of the English, whose ascendancy in India dates from about the year 1803, had supplanted that of France. The French having rejected the application for European troops, made by Tippoo Sultan in 1799, a brief pause followed upon Napoleon's expedition to Egypt, but on the renewal of the war with England in 1803, Napoleon, in his projected invasion of India, engaged the assistance of the powerful Maharatta chiefs, who entered warmly into the war, and Sindiah's troops were placed under the direction of French officers sent out for the purpose.

M. Perron, in 1803, had 43,000 Infantry and a powerful Artillery, with which he held Allygurh, Agra, and Delhi. He designed, moreover, by degrees, to supersede Sindiah's authority, but Lord Lake's and Sir Arthur Wellesley's battles defeated the scheme. The Maharattas, or rather their troops under French officers, governed Delhi at this time, the Emperor Shah Allum being a captive prince and blind. Runjeet Singh, although a young man, knew all these facts, he therefore, caused his troops to be disciplined by European officers, for the purpose of fighting his battles against the Affghans, and other native enemies; but he never desired to lead them against the English, nor did he much like to entrust his European officers with commands in his wars. General Avitabile had charge of Peshawur, as civil, not as military, governor.

In 1825, when the British attacked Bhurtpore, the Rajah wished Runjeet to aid him, but the crafty fox refused. Some time after, asking Captain Wade (now Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Claudius M. Wade, C.B.) "what the English would have done had he joined the Rajah:" Captain Wade replied, "We should have attacked you first, and then have gone to undertake the siege." "Indeed!" said Runjeet, "I thought so. I shall not quarrel with the English; they are my friends."

Thus the Punjaub, which had been for centuries the tempting lure of a succession of invading hordes, and a prey to anarchy, rapine, and oppression, has passed, like its far-famed "Mountain of Light," into the possession of Queen Victoria; and from the marvellous success which has already crowned the efforts of the British Government to improve this new domain, I have no doubt that it will soon shed as much lustre on the British name, as this brilliant jewel over the royal brow.

When the Punjaub, paralysed and withered under the military authority of Runjeet Singh, first became ours, it never entered into the imagination of the most sanguine, to conceive the change which a few short years of wise and enlightened rule would produce in the outward face of the country. Whole tracts of forest and jungle have been cleared and brought under cultivation; canals, hundreds of miles in extent, and at an outlay of millions of rupees, are in course of excavation; commerce and agriculture are encouraged, and every possible facility is afforded to the native mind to develop the resources which nature has placed within the reach of its inhabitants.

We cannot but feel that it is only a Christian power, which could have exercised this happy influence; for Christianity has been in all ages, and under all circumstances, the pioneer of enlightenment and civilization. Circumstanced as the British government were, they could not well make any direct efforts to establish Christianity among the Sikhs, and indeed their usual caution and feeling rather lean to the reverse. And yet without any such efforts or encouragement on their part, and no one can tell exactly how, the first fruit of the Gospel among the native sovereigns of India, is the young Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, the son and successor of the mighty Runjeet Singh.

As this event, so important and significant under any circumstances, but doubly so under the present shaking and waning attachment of the Sikh population to their own religious rites, is deeply interesting to the British public, I will here give an extract from a speech delivered by Archdeacon Pratt, in Calcutta:

"The baptism of Dhuleep Singh is an encouraging event, and although perhaps the less said about it the better, for the young convert's own mind, yet as so many false accounts have gone abroad regarding him, it is well briefly to state the circumstances which led him to seek baptism. His desire to become a Christian has generally been attributed to the influence of Dr. Login, who has charge of the young prince. But this is altogether a mistake. Dr. Login has acted the part of a wise and consistent Christian, in the delicate and responsible charge committed to him, but no overtures were made by him to induce the youth to become a Christian. It is believed that an early disgust of his own countrymen, was created in his mind by the horrible assassinations which he witnessed as a child at the Court of Lahore; and the personal kindness which he afterwards met with from Lord Dalhousie and the officials, up to the time of his quitting the Punjaub, gave him a favourable impression of the English.

"But the first impulse in his mind in favour of Christianity, was occasioned by his Brahmin attendant reading the Scriptures to him, during Dr. Login's absence in Calcutta.

"The Brahmin had learnt English in a missionary school, and like many of his countrymen, was himself convinced of the truth of the Word of God, but had not courage to stem the torrent of opposition, which an open avowal of his convictions would have created. His reading, however, awakened the young prince's mind to the value of the Bible; and Dhuleep Singh wrote to Dr. Login that he must have a copy of the Scriptures; and also, that he intended forthwith to break his caste. From this last step he was wisely dissuaded, till he should be better informed.

"The whole matter was made known to the Governor-General and to the Court. It was determined, that if he finally desired to become a Christian, no impediment should be placed in his way, when he was perfectly prepared for the rite. The chaplain of the Station was directed to give him the necessary instruction, should the prince desire it; and his mind has been growing and maturing under the wise superintendence of Dr. Login, and the instructions of his English tutor and the chaplain; but no more progress in advance has been made without his own desire. His attending divine service, both in private and afterwards in public, in the Mussouree church, was of his own seeking and urging.

"I have seen a good deal of the youth, and feel persuaded that he has been led by a higher hand than human, and that the work is of God. He is only a youth; but his character in every respect is a most interesting one; more especially when we remember who he is, and the darkness out of which he has come. If God keep him steadfast, and to this we should direct our prayers, his conversion may have an important influence on missionary prospects."

After a careful examination into his knowledge of those truths which he professed to believe, the Maharajah was formally admitted into the Christian church by baptism, on the 8th of March, 1853, by the Rev. W.J. Jay, Chaplain of Futtyghur. At this interesting ceremony, which took place in the Maharajah's own house at the station, were present all the civil and military authorities, and the American missionaries, as well as a number of his own attendants, on whom the solemnity of the occasion appeared to make a deep impression.

The "Friend of India," in its notice of this event, remarks:—

"It will, of course, be observed, particularly in England, that it would have been more advisable to postpone this irrevocable renunciation of Hindooism, until matured age should have given the young Maharajah the knowledge and experience necessary to enable him to make a permanent decision; but according to Major Smyth's 'Reigning Family of Lahore,' Dhuleep Singh was born in 1837, and he is therefore already sixteen. A lad of this age in India is a man, with as great a capacity for estimating the merits of different creeds, as he is ever likely to possess. From the time that he was placed under the charge of Dr. Login, his education has been most carefully provided for; and the boy who, when rescued from Lahore, could not even read, is now almost English in language, ideas, and feelings. His conduct, with reference to the ceremonial salutes, and his visit to the Governor-General, are sufficient proofs that his judgment is not beneath his acquirements, and that he has been fairly rescued from those influences which warp the minds of the Porphyrogeniti of the East. Sixteen is the age at which the Law Courts acknowledge the right of a native youth to judge for himself; and this last act of the Maharajah has been performed entirely of his own free will. He has been neither coaxed nor frightened into Christianity. Indeed, the Government had every motive for retaining him in his old creed. An Asiatic Christian prince, with £40,000 a year, might excite an interest in England, which it has hitherto been the policy of the home authorities to avoid, but they doubtless felt that it was not for them to interpose obstacles in his way. He was simply left to his own discretion; and that he has chosen rightly will, we think, be allowed even by those who are not given to 'Missionary fanaticism.' His conversion, will, at least, save the palace of Futtyghur from becoming like that of Delhi, a place where all evil naturally seeks shelter; and a native Christian noble, with his vast wealth, may accomplish far more good than a hundred ordinary converts.

"With the exception of 'Prester John,' in whom, despite Marco Polo, our faith is exceedingly limited, and a Roman Catholic Ziogoon of Japan, Dhuleep Singh is the first of his rank in Asia who has become a Christian. His example may, perhaps, give confidence to many who remain in Hindooism, rather from a vague dread of the consequences of abandoning it, than from any belief in its tenets; and we may see Christianity reverse its ordinary course, and descend from the highest to the lowest ranks. We have little hope of such a result; but it requires no religious belief to prove that it would be of the highest advantage to themselves and the people. The mere fact that there then would exist oaths by which they could be bound, and principles which they would scruple to violate, would bind their subjects to them, with a chain stronger than any which the ablest of their number have yet been able to forge."

The editor of the "Oriental Christian Spectator," observes: "From the persuasion which we have of the Christian judgment and prudence of Dr. Login, whose instructions have been blessed to this great result, we have every confidence that this conversion is of the most satisfactory character.

"The Sikh Prince, in the path he has pursued, appears before us, as no inappropriate specimen of his nation, and of what may be expected from them, if only at the present juncture suitable opportunities be presented. Their national discomfiture has been the overthrow of that fanaticism, under the standard of which they hoped to find themselves invariably the conquerors, and progressing rapidly to universal dominion. It has disappointed them; its prestige is gone; it has lost all hold upon them. If we neglect to meet adequately the present crisis, they will become rapidly absorbed in Hindooism, or Mahomedanism, and infusing a new and energetic element into those decayed systems, may re-invigorate them, and prolong their existence for a season. But if we go forward on a liberal and comprehensive scale of action, to the improvement of the remarkable opportunities now presented to us, there is hope that, as a nation, they may follow the example of the young ex-Maharajah, whose profession of Christianity, at the present moment, is calculated to exercise upon them a very important influence."

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER IX.

The Army of the Sutlej broken up—Set out on a Tour—Dhool—Ferozepore—Grandeur of the Himalayas—Misri-Wala—Ferozeshah—Moodkee—Bhaga Poorana—Bussean—Phurewallee—Kotla Mullair—Munsorepore—Samana—Goelah—The River Cuggur—Pehoah—Khol—Kurnaul—Military Stations—Transport of Artillery—Ali Merdan's Canal—English Church—Malaria—Sir David Ochterlony—Gurounda—Minarets—Somalka—Paniput—Battles of Paniput—Baber—Ibrahim Lodi—Ahmed Shah—Defeat of the Maharattas—Nadir Shah—Capture of Delhi—Mahomed Shah—Troops engaged—Native Armies—Sunput—Change in the Weather.

The army of the Sutlej being broken up, the different corps took their departure for the various stations assigned to them, my own regiment, the 9th Lancers, being ordered to Meerut. I set out on the 14th of March, 1846, and commenced a march of 704 miles, intending to ride quietly to Allahabad, and thence proceed by steam to Calcutta. I had obtained leave of absence to England for a period of two years, from the day of embarkation, and four months to Calcutta, from the date of leaving my regiment.

On the 14th, therefore, as I said, I bade "adieu" to my regiment, and commenced my journey attended by my own servants fourteen in number, two camels, and two three-bullock hackeries, my Khidmutgar having engaged to supply me with my meals. On the first day I rode to Kankuch, a distance of ten miles. On the 15th there was a violent storm of wind, rain, thunder and lightning, from four to six o'clock in the morning, which made it unadvisable for me to proceed, as my only tent, a hill-tent, was completely saturated.

On the 16th, I rode to Dhool, about sixteen miles; through Lulleanee, and left Kussoor on my right hand. The next day I made a longer journey, and rode twenty miles to Ferozepore. On my way thither, I met a train of 500 hackeries and 4,000 camels, laden with provisions for the force which was to garrison Lahore. Ferozepore was distant about ten miles from the bridge of boats, by which I crossed the Sutlej. There were formerly two of these pontoons, each nearly 300 yards long, the boats themselves being of the ordinary flat-bottomed sort, with very broad ends, called "dandy boats," which are used in the navigation both of the Indus and Ganges, as well as of the Sutlej. The two bridges consisted respectively of fifty-nine and forty-seven such boats, but Sir J. Littler sank the smaller of them. They are, or rather were, so strong, that the heaviest weight might pass over them with the greatest ease and security. It was interesting to watch the elephants; they put down their proboscis, and then successively each of their fore-feet with extreme caution, to try the strength of the bridge, and when they had satisfied themselves that it would bear their weight, they crossed without the least hesitation.

Ferozepore is one of our large military stations; it derives its present improved state from our occupation; for it was formerly a desolate and ruinous place, the houses deserted and dilapidated, and the country round waste and uncultivated. Now all is animation and progress. The dismal-looking town stands on a rising ground in an immense plain, a couple of miles from the river. Like nearly all the Indian towns, it is surrounded with walls, which were erected chiefly as a protection to their cattle, against the predatory hordes that infested the vicinity, the animals being driven out in the morning, and brought home at night. It contains a very handsome tank, close to an elegant pagoda surrounded with trees. The great detriment here, is the want of water; there are plenty of ditches and a dry arm of the Sutlej, and if the inhabitants would only dig twenty-five or thirty feet for water, the whole face of things would be changed at once.

The cantonments are about three miles to the south of the town. They are divided into streets, which cross at right angles. The officers' bungalows are picturesquely situated in the midst of pretty gardens which combine the flora of the eastern and the western hemispheres; the barracks, both for the European and native regiments, are not particularly good; the magazines and stores are built of stone and have a very durable appearance.

But to the lover of nature, the great attraction is the distant range of the snow-capped Himalaya mountains. Neither pen nor pencil can describe their splendour amid the gorgeousness of an eastern sunset. Earth and sky are covered with a veil of liquid gold; the clouds, as they traverse the deep blue vault, gradually assume the most varied and brilliant tints, and the majestic Himalayas, girdled round their base with a robe of gold and crimson, rear their silvered crests in line relief against the bright effulgence that surrounds them. How different are the feelings inspired by gazing upon such a scene, and those aroused by the din of battle, the sight of slaughter and death which I had so recently witnessed!

"Aye, there they stand, as in creation's prime, Above the mouldering wrecks of sin and time! Man's fatal fall, which all beneath them cursed, Hath left them standing as they stood at first: Unchallenged, still they keep their place in heaven, And wear the diadem their God hath given; And change and death sweep on o'er sea and land, And find, and leave them changeless: there they stand!"

On the 19th I journeyed to Misri-Wala, ten miles. On my arrival there, I rode over to Ferozeshah, which is only about a mile and a half off, as I was anxious to see the battle-field. It was a horrid sight. After an interval of three months it was still covered with the unburied bodies of the Sikhs, on whom hundreds of Pariah dogs and birds of prey were feasting; dead camels, horses, and bullocks also seemed to invite them to a plentiful repast. The odour was dreadful, even more so than on my former visit.

20th. Proceeded to Moodkee, ten miles and a half, and pitched my tent on the edge of the battle-field, close by the fort, which was then occupied by a company of the 51st regiment of Native Infantry. Three months had just elapsed since the battle, which was fought here on the 18th of December, the first of the four engagements between the army of the Sutlej and the Sikhs. Within that short period no less than 1,449 of our troops had fallen, and 4,926 had been wounded, many of whom have since died; while the destruction of the Sikhs is fearful to contemplate. In round numbers they are said to have lost about 20,000 men.

On the 21st I went to Bhaga Poorana, a distance of fifteen miles. On my route, I again met a train of 400 hackeries laden with stores for the troops at Lahore. Next day I marched to Wudnee. On my arrival, I examined the square brick-built fort; the battlements command a fine view of the surrounding country. The eye wandered over a vast extent, without hill or mountain to intercept its wide spread range. All nature seemed to be at peace, and the Sutlej, which had so lately been stained with the blood of the slain, now flowed down in a pure and silvery current, bearing along with it health and refreshment from its rise in the table land of Thibet, to its junction with the Indus at Mithunkote.

On the morning of the 23rd I made an early start, and was on the move at a quarter to three for Bussean, fifteen miles and a half distant: it lies midway between Lahore and Umritsur, and is about twenty miles from each place. On the 24th I rode to Phurewallee, fourteen miles. On the 25th to Kotla Mullair, ten miles. Here the Dewan, or steward, of the Rajah of Nabah called upon me for a certificate that I had been well treated on my way through his master's territories, a request with which I willingly complied.

On reaching Munsorepore, a distance of sixteen miles, on the next day, I found my tent pitched close to a mosque; yesterday it had been placed near a Hindoo temple—and I was sadly disturbed at sunset by some barbarous sounds on a horn, made by a Brahmin. On the 27th I started, at two o'clock A.M., for Samana, a distance of nineteen miles, which I was desirous to make that day. I was, however, no gainer by my early start, for my guide lost his track in the dark, and I was delayed more than half-an-hour before we found our way. The road, moreover, was exceedingly heavy, neither more nor less than a bed of sand, in consequence of which, part of my establishment did not come up till two o'clock P.M. The Thanadar[42] of Samana furnished me, at his own particular request, with four chokedars, or watchmen, for I had only asked for one.

On the 28th, I rode to Goelah, a distance of twelve miles, and forded the Guggur or Cuggur River, about half way on my journey. After passing the towns of Bunnoor, Seyfabad, Pattiala, Jowhana, and Jomalpore, the Guggur enters the country of the Bhatties at the town of Arwah, formerly the capital of the district.[43]

About sixty miles south of the Sutlej, the Cuggur flows parallel with it, till opposite to Loodianna, where it runs in a straight direction, and is lost in the sands of the desert. It might easily be restored. Mr. Thomas, whilst residing at Bhatneer, could perceive but little vestige of what was called the ancient bed of the river. The natives declared that it formerly extended as far as the Sutlej, which it joined in the vicinity of Ferozepore; now the Sutlej runs south-west of Loodianna.

There is another river which formerly ran from the Jumna to the Sutlej; I understand that the Government intends to open its channel, which would indeed prove an immense benefit.

29th March. Rode to Pehoah, sixteen miles. Travelling alone as I now did, I found the appearance of the country very different to that which it presented when I marched along this same route with the troops. Then all was life and animation—the measured tread of the soldiery—the tramp and neighing of the horses—the heavy step and snort of the elephants and camels—the confused jargon of the immense rabble of camp-followers—the motley sight—the picturesque dresses—the clouds of dust; and, in the midst of all this apparent confusion, the loud, peremptory orders putting all in motion, and keeping all in order, presented an almost inconceivable contrast, to the calm repose of a solitary traveller passing noiselessly along, with his small retinue of twelve or fourteen attendants.

On the 30th, I rode to Khol, fourteen miles, and on the 31st to Suggah, fourteen and a half miles. I have already spoken of these several places, and shall therefore pass them without further mention.

April 1st. Rode to Kurnaul, ten miles. This town is about seventy-eight miles north-west of Delhi. It appears that it was first made a military station in 1806, when a corps of native infantry was quartered here. In 1807, it became the head-quarters of the third or north-west frontier division; Saharunpore and Loodianna being dependent commands. A depôt was also formed here; and in July, 1809, four large platform boats of 700 maunds (25 tons) were established at Khoonda Ghât, for the ferry across the river Jumna. Meerut is seventy miles distant by the road; the Cawnpore road being on the other side of the river. In 1831, H.M. 31st Foot, was sent to Kurnaul, where they encamped till the barracks were built, they being the first European corps stationed there. In 1840, Kurnaul contained a troop of Horse Artillery, a light or horse field-battery, having six guns each, one European regiment of Foot, two regiments of Light Cavalry, and three regiments of Native Infantry, being an establishment of about 5,000 men. It was for many years the head-quarters of the Sirhind division.

A troop of Horse Artillery, on the Bengal system, musters 169 horses, but on detachment the number has been as high as 230. A 6-pounder gun and carriage, with ammunition and stores, loaded and packed ready for service, weighs 23 cwt., not including the wheels, which weigh 238 lbs. each. Each horse carries seven stone of harness, besides the man. The horses are told off as follows, by regulation:

Horses. Total Horses.

6 Pieces of Ordnance 14 each. 84

6 Ammunition Carriages 8 " 48

4 Spare ditto 7 " 28

Staff of the troop . 9

——

169

Their actual distribution, however, is about as under; the four spare waggons being drawn by bullocks.

Horses.

1 Staff-Sergeant. 1

6 Sergeants. 6

2 Trumpeters, 2 Rough-Riders, 2 Farriers, 1 Saddler, and 1 Native Doctor 8

6 Guns, at 13 each. 78

6 Waggons, at 12 each 72

Spare 4

——

169

Six horses to a gun, and four to a waggon, was the order laid down some years ago as the draught power; but of late the weight of the carriages has been so much increased as to equal that of the guns. On the line of march, both guns and waggons have latterly been worked with teams of eight horses, which, although not giving the horses daily relief, answers extremely well, as I am assured by my informant, Major E.J. Pratt, 9th Lancers, Assistant-Adjutant-General of the Cavalry in the Sikh campaign of 1848-49. A 6-pounder takes into action, on its own limber and waggon, 128 rounds in horse draught, besides 96 rounds on its spare waggon, in bullock draught; making 224 rounds present in troop-park.

The remaining stations were: Hansi, 84 miles distant from Kurnaul, where, on the 1st of January, 1849, was the Hurrianah Light Infantry; Loodianna, 120 miles from Kurnaul, containing a Company of Foot Artillery, head-quarters and right wing of 34th Regiment of Native Infantry, and the Sirmoor Rifle Battalion. Ferozepore, 70 miles from Loodianna, to the West, where were stationed, a troop of Horse Artillery, and the 32nd Native Infantry; and lastly, Subathoo in the hills, where there was also, in the same year, a Detachment of the Nusseeree Rifle Battalion.

All these stations had just supplied troops for the Punjaub, and were consequently, at the period of which I am writing, very ill-garrisoned. In the month of January 1840, there were above 13,000 men in the Sirhind division.

At Kurnaul there is a canal, called Ali Merdan Khan's canal, running from the Jumna, which is within three miles of Delhi, and, passing close to the right flank of the old cantonments, near the house built by the late Major-General Sir David Ochterlony; this officer likewise erected a house at Loodianna, and another at Neemuch.

The barracks for the European Infantry are at right angles with the old cantonments. A Church was also built here in 1836; a neat little structure, with a singular tower, close to the parade ground. In 1828, this station was considered very unhealthy, in consequence, it was said, of malaria, generated by the grass growing on the banks of the canal, yet from 1829 to 1836, it was as salubrious as Meerut. In proof of this, it may be stated that H.M. 31st Foot, lost fewer men at Kurnaul, than at Meerut, their next quarters. Now Meerut is reckoned one of the healthiest military stations in the Bengal Presidency.

Whether the malaria which appeared at Kurnaul, in the autumn of 1842, was owing to the clearing out of the great canal, which runs through the city, or whether it was merely a passing evil, confined to a particular quarter, is still an open question; so much is certain, that it broke out among the European troops, and was confined to one locality, precisely where their barracks were situated. Kurnaul has now, unfortunately, ceased to be a military station.

The extensive cantonments, as well as numerous elegant bungalows and villas, in the midst of parks and gardens, stretch in a semi-circle of three miles around the town, and present a unique and extremely picturesque tout ensemble. The cantonments are traversed in every direction by good roads, shaded by avenues of trees.

At the time of my visit, in April 1846, the barracks were deserted; the roofs, in many instances, had fallen in, the frame-work with the doors and windows had been removed, and the compounds were overgrown with weeds and jungle. The only exceptions are the houses built by Sir David Ochterlony, both of which are the property of Brigadier-General Thomas Palmer, commanding the Cawnpore division of the army. These two houses are in fine preservation; one, called the banqueting-house, is a noble building, situated in the midst of English park-like grounds, with coach-houses, etc., in good taste and perfect keeping. The other, the dwelling-house, is built somewhat after the Eastern style; the garden surrounding it is most delightful, being filled with a luxuriance of the richest shrubs and flowers I ever saw, its gallant owner being one of the best botanists in India.

The town of Kurnaul is dirty and closely built. The houses are chiefly of brick; and, like most of the old Indian towns, it has a dingy look, and is surrounded by a high wall.

During the time of the Earl of Ellenborough's government, the station was so sickly, that his lordship, ever alive to the well-being and comfort of the army, peremptorily ordered it to be abandoned.

Being situated so near to the frontier, only fifty-three miles from Umballa, it was the practice, during the Sikh campaign of 1845-46, for reinforcements, marching up from Meerut, Delhi, and other stations, to assemble at Kurnaul for the purpose of forming depôts, etc., and then to march forward in a body.

Officers were frequently sent up by Dâk, at the expense of government (at a cost, it is said, of about £20,000), to join their corps, from every part of the Bengal presidency, particularly from Calcutta. They were often detained here twelve or fourteen days, waiting for a convoy for protection.

A re-mount depôt was established at Kurnaul, about nine years ago, by Viscount Gough, which imparted some signs of re-animation to this station, which, in my estimation, is one of the most pleasant quarters in India. The head-quarters of the Sirhind division have been removed to Umballa.

On the 3rd of April I struck my tent and rode to Gurounda, a distance of twelve miles, in a dense jungle, through which a road had been cut. After leaving Kurnaul, the distance was marked at every two miles by the celebrated ancient minarets, which were erected by Akbar the Great, from Delhi to Cashmere. These elegant mile-stones, tapering from their circular pediments to a height of twenty feet, are, notwithstanding their age, kept in a tolerable state of preservation by the inhabitants, from a religious feeling. After a ride of six miles, I came to a handsome bridge, which was built over the canal by the emperor Humayoon. It is lofty, and arched; and looks all the more picturesque from a remarkably large cotton-tree which grows close beside it, and seems to have had its origin about the same time as the bridge. Gurounda itself is an insignificant place, presenting nothing of interest, except the ancient caravansary. It is large, and has lofty turreted gates, which are in fair preservation.

On the 4th I rode to Somalka, twenty-two miles, having passed through Paniput, the scene of two of the fiercest encounters which this country ever witnessed. Paniput is about ten miles from Gurounda, and, like the majority of the cities and towns in this part, a mass of ruins. The road again lay through a tract of jungle, and the greater part was ankle deep in sand. I pitched my tent in the area of a large and once elegant serai; but now, alas! in a state of dilapidation. These serais are public buildings, erected for the convenience of Eastern travellers, where they may eat, drink, and repose, and then go on their way with a thankful heart.

Paniput is a spot of too much celebrity to be silently passed over; for both in a military and political point of view, it fills an important place in the annals of India. It is about forty-eight miles from Delhi, the capital of the emperor of Hindoostan. It was formerly surrounded by a brick-wall, and at its greatest extent is little more than four miles in circumference. Paniput is famous as the scene of two great battles, which were attended with most decided effects upon the fate of Hindoostan. The first took place in the year 1525, between the Sultan—more usually called the Emperor Baber—and the Delhi Pathan emperor, Ibrahim Lodi; the latter was slain, and his army totally routed, which put an end to the Pathan dynasty of Lodi, and introduced the Mogul empire of Timoor, of whom Baber was the great grandson.

The life of the Emperor Baber was written by himself, a beautiful translation of which has been made by Mr. Erskine, formerly of Bombay. This illustrious conqueror was king of Cabool, and equally famous as a warrior, poet, and historian. At the battle of Paniput Baber's army consisted of only 12,000 men, including followers; whereas Ibrahim had 100,000. The former, however, had guns, the latter had none; and we must conclude that the artillery greatly contributed to secure the victory for Baber.

I must not omit the mention of Nadir Shah's invasion of India, in 1739, which preceded the second great battle to which I have alluded. Nadir Shah, having plundered Delhi of several millions sterling of property, retired through the Khyber Pass, where he paid a lakh of rupees as a security against plunder. Being assassinated by one of his attendants, Ahmed Shah Abdallah seized a convoy of treasure on its way to Candahar, and, raising the standard of rebellion, proclaimed himself king of Affghanistan.

It appears, that about A.D. 1720, the Affghans conquered Persia, but were expelled by Nadir Shah, who in turn subjugated their dominions; and in 1739, after the capture of Delhi, annexed Affghanistan to the Persian empire. Ahmed Shah Abdallah, in 1748, occupied the Punjaub and invaded India, but being repulsed, renewed his attempt in the year 1751. In the declining state of their empire, the Moguls called in the Maharattas, a sure sign of weakness in a Mahomedan government, when it craves the aid of the Hindoos to assist in settling its disputes.

Ahmed Shah again invaded India, in 1756, when he took Delhi. He invaded India for the fourth time in 1759, which brings us to the second great battle of Paniput; which was fought on the 6th of January, 1761, between the Maharattas and the army of Ahmed Shah. The Maharatta cavalry, commanded by the Bhow, consisted of 55,000 troops, in regular pay, with at least 15,000 predatory Maharatta cavalry,—the Pindarries,—and 15,000 infantry, of whom 9,000 were disciplined Sepoys, under the command of Ibrahim Khan Gardee, a Mussulman deserter from the French service. He had besides 200 guns, numerous wall pieces, or "zumbooruks," fired from the backs of camels, and a great supply of rockets, the rocket being a favourite weapon with the Maharattas. This army of 85,000 men, with its innumerable followers, made the number within his lines amount to 300,000 men.[44]

Ahmed Shah, on the other hand, had about 40,000 Affghans and Persians, 13,000 Indian Horse, and a force of Indian Infantry, estimated at 38,000, of which the division, consisting of Rohilla Affghans,[45] would be very efficient; but the great majority consisted of the usual rabble of Indian foot soldiers. He had also thirty guns, of different calibre, chiefly belonging to his Indian allies, and a number of wall pieces.

Now, if we reckon the Maharatta force at 70,000 regular troops and 200 guns, and the Dooranees[46] at 44,000 regulars and thirty guns, there will appear great odds against the Dooranees. The Dooranees estimated the number of the army that crossed the Indus at 63,000 men; but Mr. Elphinstone thinks this force is exaggerated, considering that there were only 40,000 Affghans, and 2,000 horse and 2,000 infantry, furnished by the Indian allies.

The camp followers were in overwhelming numbers.

The Shah pitched his camp eight miles from the enemy, and his small red tent was placed at the head of the army, in order that he might see every movement in the enemy's front. At night he surrounded his camp with an abattis of felled trees. At one time flour sold in the Shah's camp for two rupees, or 4s. a seer (2 lbs.), owing to the Maharattas having intercepted the supplies.

The Maharattas, as usual, took the field after the Dusserah,[47] the 17th of October, in 1760; and three actions, of partial success, were fought before the great battle. The two armies daily turned out in battle array; but at length the Hindoostanee allies of Ahmed became impatient and urged him to engage. Then it was that Ahmed Shah gave them the memorable rebuke, "This is a matter of war with which you are unacquainted. Military operations must not be precipitated. At a proper time I will bring the affair to a successful termination."[48] He was resolved to have no councils of war, and used to say to his Hindoostanee allies, "Do you sleep; I will take care that no harm befalls you."

Ahmed Shah was a cautious and vigilant general. Taking with him forty or fifty horsemen, he used, in company with his son, Timoor Shah, to visit daily every part of his army, and reconnoitre the enemy's camp. At night, a body of 500 horse advanced as near as possible to the enemy's position; remaining under arms till daybreak; whilst other bodies went the rounds of the whole encampment. On the day of the great battle, the Dooranees marched from their camp to the attack, when objects were only just visible. The Maharatta army was drawn up facing the east, a great mistake on their part, as they thus had the sun in their eyes; whilst the Dooranees fronted the west.

The Maharattas entered the field with determined courage, each having taken a betel-leaf in the presence of all his comrades, and sworn to fight to the last extremity.

The Shah ordered his trumpets to sound to battle. Breast works of sand had been thrown up, under cover of which the Nawab Vizier's troops advanced; upon which the bildars, or pioneers, proceeded half musket-shot in advance of the cover and threw up another; and in this manner the troops progressed about two miles, until they were within long musket-shot of the enemy. The Rohillas fired volleys of rockets,[49] as many as 2,000 at a time, which not only terrified the horses by their dreadful noise, but did so much execution, that the Maharattas could not advance to charge them. The Mussulmans did not make much use of their guns.

The Dooranees were men of great bodily strength, and their horses, which were of the Toorkee breed,[50] were rendered hardy by constant exercise.

Casi Rai Pundit, who was an eye-witness and attached to Ahmed Shah's allies, says: "About noon, the Shah received advice that the Rohillas and the Grand Vizier's division had the worst of the engagement, upon which he sent for the Nesuckchees—a corps of horse, wearing a peculiar dress and arms, and who were always employed in executing the Shah's immediate commands—2,000 being assembled, he sent 500 of them to his own camp to drive out all the armed people and fugitives whom they should find there, that they might take part in the action; the remaining 1,500 he ordered to meet the fugitives from the battle, and to kill every man who should refuse to return to the charge. This command they executed so effectually that, after killing a few, they compelled 7,000 or 8,000 men to return to the field."

Meanwhile the Shah sent for the reserve corps, of these he despatched 4,000 to cover the right flank, and 10,000 to support the Grand Vizier, with orders to charge the enemy sword in hand, in close order, and at full gallop; at the same time he gave directions to Shah Pussund Khan and Nujeeb-ud-Dowlah that as often as the Grand Vizier should charge the enemy, those two chiefs should at the same time attack him in flank. The advantage still inclined to the side of the Maharattas, when Ahmed, after successfully rallying the fugitives, gave orders for an advance of his own line, at the same time ordering the division on his left, to take the enemy in flank. The manœuvre was decisive, and a terrible conflict ensued, especially in the centre, commanded by the Bhow and Biswas Row. The latter was wounded and unhorsed, which being reported to the Bhow he ordered him to be taken up, and placed upon his elephant,[51] when the Bhow himself continued the action at the head of his men. They fought fiercely on both sides with spears, swords, battle-axes, and even daggers; when Biswas Row expired from his wounds. Suddenly, as if by enchantment, the whole Maharatta army turned and fled at full speed, leaving the battle-field covered with heaps of the dead and dying.

The victors pursued the flying Maharattas with the utmost fury; and, as they gave no quarter, the slaughter was terrific, the pursuit being continued in every direction for fifteen or twenty miles. According to Grant Duff, the whole number of the slain is said to have amounted to 200,000 men, which must have included the losses in both armies, as well as the followers; for the highest numbers given were 176,000 fighting men, which we find reduced to 114,000, including both sides. Never was a defeat more complete. Grief, despondency, and despair spread over the whole Maharatta people. The wreck of the army retired beyond the river Nerbudda, evacuating all their acquisitions in Hindoostan.[52]

The battle lasted about nine hours. Besides the loss in slain and wounded, 40,000 were taken prisoners, and the plunder was enormous. In front of the door of each tent, except that of the Shah and those of his principal officers, an immense pile of heads was placed as a trophy.

Ibrahim Khan Gardee, the Mussulman General of the Maharattas, having, on one occasion during the action, ordered his men and musketry to cease firing, advanced with seven battalions of disciplined Sepoys, to attack Doondy Khan and Hafiz Rahmut Khan's divisions with fixed bayonets. The Rohillas received the charge with great resolution, and fought hand to hand. About 8,000 Rohillas were killed or wounded; and the attack told so severely upon them that a few only remained with their chiefs. Their force originally consisted of 15,000 foot and 4,000 horse. In this action, however, six of the seven battalions of Ibrahim Khan were entirely cut to pieces. This gallant general was covered with wounds, and being taken prisoner, afterwards fell a sacrifice to Ahmed Shah's vengeance, for fighting against his own faith.

Nearly all the great chiefs were either killed or wounded. Malhar Rao Holcar, who was accused of too early a retreat, was wounded. Sindiah, afterwards the founder of a great state, was lamed for life; and Nana Furnavese, who long averted the downfall of the Peishwah's government, narrowly escaped by flight.

The confederacy of the Mahomedan powers dissolved on the cessation of these common dangers. Ahmed Shah returned to Cabool without attempting to profit by his victory; nor did he ever afterwards take any share in the affairs of India. This victory, however, put an end to the Mogul empire.

"Most of the Maharatta conquests," says Mr. Elphinstone, "were recovered at a subsequent period; but it was by independent chiefs, with the aid of European officers and disciplined Sepoys."

The Mogul empire, which had now received its death-blow, had been in a tottering state for more than half a century; for its decline commenced with the death of Aurungzebe, in 1707. Having been viceroy in the Deccan, which he left to proceed to Agra, for the purpose of dethroning his father, Shah Jehan, he assumed the royal authority in 1661, with the arrogant title of "Alumgeer," or "Conqueror of the World." From the death of this crafty and cruel man, in 1707, till 1760, no less than six emperors of Delhi had been dethroned, assassinated, or poisoned, besides two children, who reigned only a few months. This proves the state of the Delhi empire at that period; and it was this internal weakness which allured Nadir Shah, in 1739, to advance to the capital and plunder Delhi. Elphinstone[53] says, "The divided government would have fallen an easy prey to the Maharattas, had not circumstances procured it a respite from the encroachments of these invaders."

The Maharattas, whose early history is involved in much obscurity, were a warlike race, inhabiting the mountain provinces as far as Guzerat and the Nerbudda, a large tract of country on the west coast, between Surat and Canara. In 1720, they were invited by the governor of the Deccan, who aimed at the establishment of an independent monarchy in India, to ravage the territories of the Mogul, and attack the city of Delhi. This predatory race gladly undertook a task which offered such a prospect of booty. They committed great ravages throughout the country, and finally attacked the city of Delhi. Although they sustained a defeat, they so far succeeded in spreading the terror of their name, that the generals of the Mogul army, concluded a dishonourable treaty with them. The Governor of the Deccan, disappointed in his expectations, readily found cause for a quarrel with the Court of Delhi, and induced the disaffected nobles, who were disgusted at the treaty concluded with the Maharattas, to call in the aid of Nadir Shah, the usurper of the throne of Persia.

Nadir Shah, one of the most distinguished, but at the same time most atrocious, men recorded in history, was born in 1687. While General of the Persian forces, he quitted the military service, and became leader of a formidable band of robbers. His military talents, however, were so distinguished, that the king of Persia, not only pardoned this audacious step, but took him again into his service, and gradually raised him to the office of Commander-in-Chief of the Persian forces, with the title of Khan, being the highest dignity he could bestow.

By his intrigues, Nadir Shah soon succeeded in gaining the whole army, and when the Shah of Persia concluded a peace with the Turks without his advice, Nadir basely dethroned his sovereign, seized the regency in the name of the infant prince, who was still in his cradle, and, after a sanguinary victory over the Turks, he was, on the death of his Ward, chosen king of Persia, in 1735. From that day he adopted the name of Nadir Shah. His arms were everywhere victorious; but he shed torrents of blood, and inflicted even upon his own subjects, the most unheard-of cruelties. His soldiers, whom he had enriched with the splendid spoils of many a victory, were so devoted to him, that none of his disaffected subjects, durst place himself at their head. Even the priests, who were incensed at his oppression and cruelty to their own body, and at his attempt to establish the Soonie creed instead of the Shiah form of Mahomedanism, which was the national religion, were utterly powerless, and every conspiracy that was formed to hurl the usurper from the throne, was crushed in its birth. His greatest, but at the same time his most cruel, campaign, was that against the Great Mogul, in 1739, of which we have already spoken.

Being invited by the Grand Vizier, and by those nobles who were indignant at the ignominious treaty concluded by their sovereign with the Maharattas, whom he had induced by a large bribe to retire from the capital, and the promise of an annual tribute in money and treasure, on condition of their not renewing their assault, or plundering the territories of the Great Mogul, Nadir Shah, who was bent upon revenge for the protection afforded to some of his Affghan enemies, lost no time in obeying the summons. He placed himself at the head of his army, and crossed the Indus before Mahomed Shah, the emperor of Delhi, had even heard of his impending approach. Mahomed immediately collected his army, and fortified his camp, near Paniput, but hearing of Nadir's approach, he went out to meet him, and offered him battle in open field. It was a bloody contest. Both sides fought with desperate valour, but Mahomed Shah was beaten; 20,000 of his valiant men were wounded or slain, and Mahomed, to stop the sanguinary strife, went with his chief men, and offered himself and his treasures to appease the conqueror.