Volume 2 — VOYAGES AND TRAVELS (continued 3)

I questioned him concerning his hunting grounds: he told me he was from Hudson’s Bay, and had come so far, hearing some traders were settled at Skunk’s Lake, and as he knew there were plenty of animals, he expected to get a great many skins. This I was convinced was false, and I immediately considered him as a straggler, or he certainly would not have travelled so far, unless he had done something to displease the servants at the Company’s forts, and could not obtain credit. Looking at me very earnestly, he asked me to trust him a gun, blanket, and ammunition; but I refused him: this displeased him; and going out of the house, one of them called him, the other followed him out, and said something to him in a low tone of voice: this appeared to me like a confederacy, and put me on my guard. In a few minutes he returned, and renewed his solicitations; saying, “Are you afraid to trust me forty skins? I will pay you in the spring.”—I told him I never gave credit to any but good hunters, and I was sure he was an idle straggler, who lived without industry, and advised him to return to his own tribe, and solicit their assistance who knew him better than I did. So severe a check to his application (and which I was afterwards sorry for) seemed to rouze the bad spirit in his heart, and he left me under the influence of the Matchee Mannitoo, and went down to his canoe, seeming to be in deep discourse with his wives.

[115] My man observing them, watched them very narrowly, and saw the Indian endeavouring to file off the end of his gun, to make it convenient to conceal under his 153blanket; having shortened and loaded it, he returned with it hid under his dress. This transaction being a convincing proof of his diabolical intention, I directed my man to stand on one side of the door, and I took my post on the other, waiting his entrance into the house. Just as he passed the threshold, I knocked him down with a billet of wood, and taking his short gun from him, beat him so much that we were obliged to carry him down to his canoe, where his family were waiting for him, and ordered them all off the ground, threatening that in case of refusal his canoe should be instantly broken to pieces, and his family turned adrift. The squaws and children appeared very much distressed, and with great reluctance obeyed my orders. Thus I got rid of an unprincipled set; and, as will soon appear, escaped a danger which was certainly intended to involve me and my men in utter ruin.

A few days after their departure, an Indian arrived and informed me that Mr. Joseph la Forme, a brother trader who was settled at Lac le Sel, was killed by a Savage, and described his person. I had no doubt but he was the same man who attempted to destroy me. I communicated every circumstance of his conduct, and the revenge I took on the occasion. The Indian congratulated me on my happy escape, as he was known to be a bad man by all the tribe, having killed his brother and one of his wives last fall, which was the reason that the band he belonged to would not suffer him to stay among them. As I was anxious to know the particulars, I desired him to relate them. He told me that he was informed by a Savage whom he accidentally met, and [116] to whom the murderer had revealed the particulars, that the Indian being disappointed in his design against me, pursued 154his journey with the bad spirit in his heart, and arrived at Joseph La Forme’s house, which he entered, and asked for rum and tobacco, which was given him; but observing he had not any thing to trade with, La Forme was suspicious of him: whilst he was smoking he asked for credit, but was refused, and told that he was not only a bad hunter, but that he had a heart of lead. This imprudent reproach incensed him, and observing no one in the house but the trader, (the men being fishing) he watched a convenient opportunity, and when La Forme stooped to light his pipe, shot him through the head, plundered the house of a few things, and went off.

On this information I dispatched six Indians, with a trusty Canadian, to endeavour to secure the property, in which they fortunately succeeded, and brought away all the peltry, merchandise, &c. and the deceased trader’s men, whom I engaged in my service. About six weeks after, one of the tribe whom he had formerly offended, and who had heard of this recent act of villainy, after repeated reproaches for his baseness, tomahawked him, cut off his head, and brought it to my house to shew my Indians.

The unhappy fate of Joseph La Forme affords a melancholy example of the precarious situation of all Indian traders; and furnishes a useful lesson of instruction to those who may in future be engaged in commerce with the Savages—that it is frequently more prudent to conceal resentment than to gratify it.

155[117] We are reduced to great Hardships for want of Provisions;—relieved by the fortunate Arrival of some Indians.—Narrative of a most shocking Transaction perpetrated by one Janvier, belonging to a Mr. Fulton, a Trader—Mr. Fulton takes Means to induce a Confession, and punishes him accordingly.—Visit from a Trader belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company—some Observations concerning that Trade, and the Conduct of the Company towards their Servants.

The latter end of January, 1779, a band of the Rat Nation arrived, belonging to Shekarkistergoan, or the Skunk’s-head Lake, which is between Lake Nipegon and Lake Manontoye. They brought me provisions and furs, which I bartered for; giving them rum, as usual, of which they drank freely without doing any mischief. After their departure we were short of provisions, having a larger household to provide for, by taking La Forme’s men into my service. We were reduced to a few fish and some wild rice, or menomon (which are kept in muccucks, or bark boxes), to support myself and seventeen men; the allowance to each being only a handful of rice and a small fish, about 2lb. weight, which is boiled together and makes pleasant soup. I have often been surprised that fish-broth is not more generally used, as it is certainly very palatable; but I am not sufficiently informed in medical knowledge to speak either of its wholesomeness or nutritive qualities. Sturgeon broth is delicious, and leaves a pleasing taste on the tongue; but as it rather increases the appetite for food, [118] as I have experienced, it should not be taken but when there is plenty of meat to be got. This fish is very common in Albany, and is sold at 1d. per lb. York currency. The flesh is called Albany beef.

156The frost continuing very severe, and no appearance of Indians to supply our wants, we were obliged to take off the hair from the bear skins, and roast the hide, which tastes like pork. This, with some tripe de roche boiled, was all our nourishment.^[79]

Tripe de roche, or hawercoon, is a weed that grows to the rocks, of a spongy nature, and very unwholesome, causing violent pains in the bowels, and frequently occasions a flux. I am informed the traders in the Northwest, have often experienced this disorder; and some of them, in very severe weather, have been compelled to eat it for fourteen days successively, which weakened them exceedingly. When the disorder does not terminate in a flux, it occasions a violent vomiting, and sometimes spitting of blood, with acute spasms in the bowels.

After suffering great hardships, I advised my men to make marten traps, and set them in the woods as they did last winter at Lac la Mort, which supplied us occasionally, but very short of our real wants. At last a band of Indians arrived with ten slay load of meat and furs, which relieved us, and gave us fresh spirits. My men discovered them at a distance, and, though much enfeebled by severe hunger, put on their snow shoes to meet them.

It is surprising what efforts nature makes to support distress, and how cheerfully she struggles when the prospect of relief is near at [119] hand; every painful recollection of past sufferings quickly vanishes, and new life seems to breathe through every vein. Those who live in constant luxury, and are ignorant of the meaning of the bread of carefulness, are strangers to the joy arising from an unexpected supply, and sitting down to a table 157in the wilderness. Hunger needs not the borrowed aid of sauce; and, in the language of Pope, “To enjoy, is to obey.”—How delightful is such obedience!

The Indians seeing our distress by our looks, which were very meagre, gave us all their provisions, consisting of bear, racoon, and moose. The kettle was soon put on the fire, and we made a comfortable repast, with cheerful hearts; the Indians during the time enjoying the happiness of relieving our wants.

Notwithstanding the cruelty of Savages, they possess virtues which do honour to human nature, and exhibit instances of generosity and kindness which the most philanthropic soul cannot exceed. They are ignorant of those mean sordid sentiments which disgrace many more enlightened, and more wealthy; and from the knowledge I have of their disposition, I am sure they would blush at the parsimonious conduct of those whom Providence hath blessed with affluence.

After the repast, the chief (not willing to disturb us before) asked for some tobacco, and having smoked some time, said he had bad news to tell me, which some Indians had informed him of, concerning Mr. Fulton, then at Shekarkistergoan, and which he was sorry to relate, as it affected him exceedingly. I desired him to finish his pipe, and drink a glass of rum before he began the story; and at the same [120] time mentioned my surprise at not hearing of any remarkable circumstance, having traded with a band of the Rat nation within a few days, who came from that Lake. He told me he had met the band, and related the affair to them, who were much astonished; but as Mr. Fulton’s men were not returned from fishing when they left the place, the transaction was not known till after their departure.

158Mr. Fulton being obliged to divide his men into two parties, which is called the cawway, or casting lots, which party shall hunt and fish, and which shall stay with the master, did so accordingly. The fishing party consisted of Charles Janvier, François St. Ange, and Lewis Dufresne, all natives of Canada, who, being provided with axes, ice-cutters, and fishing materials, set off, and at the expiration of eight days arrived at a convenient place, where they built a hut, in which they lived for some time tolerably well; but fish failing them, and having no success in hunting, they were almost starved. In this situation, said the chief, the bad spirit had entered into the heart of Janvier, and he being the strongest man, supported hunger better than his companions, by which he was enabled soon after to effect a diabolical purpose he had formed, of killing the first Indian who should come in his way, and which he had declared he would do. In the height of their distress Janvier perceived a Savage at some distance, with a load at his back, and instantly returning to the hut, told his poor dispirited partners of their approaching relief. They instantly got up, though very weak, and came out of the hut as fast as their feeble limbs would allow them. The Indian arrived, took off his load, which was only two otters, and two hares, and gave them to Janvier, who received them with great satisfaction; and when he had skinned them, boiled [121] them in the kettle without cleansing them, so extreme was their hunger. This seasonable relief was soon devoured, and from the eagerness with which Janvier eat, and the satisfaction which appeared in his countenance when he looked at the Savage, the men were in hopes he had forgot the rash determination he had formed, and flattered themselves his mind was not so 159depraved as to entertain a thought of doing an injury to the man whose timely assistance had saved their lives. The next morning the Indian told them he was sorry he could not assist them further, having no ammunition, but that he was going to Mr. Fulton for a supply.

Janvier’s heart being inexorable even to the kindness he had received, desired the Savage to assist him in placing a large log of wood on the fire, as his companions were unable to do it. The Indian cheerfully complied, and stooping to take it up, Janvier knocked him down with an axe and dragged him to the door of the hut, cut him up, and with the most unfeeling barbarity put as much of the flesh of his deliverer into the kettle as he thought sufficient for a meal. When it was dressed, he compelled François St. Ange, and Louis Dufresne, to partake of it, and obliged them to kiss the cross which hung at his breast, and swear by all the saints never to reveal the transaction; threatening, at the same time, that if they did they should share the same fate. Intimidated by his threats, and the certainty that he would fulfil them, they solemnly promised perfect compliance with his injunctions. Having overcome their first aversion, which extreme hunger had occasioned, they ate immoderately of the horrid meal, and soon after fell sick, with violent reachings. During their indisposition they complained to each other softly, that it was eating the Indian’s flesh [122] which had occasioned their sickness: Janvier overhearing them, called them fools and rascals, and asked them if they were afraid the Savage would come to life again; and with an insolent sneer desired them to tell him which they thought the best part of a man? The poor fellows only replied they were very sick and could not tell the cause. In a few days (having no other provision) 160the Indian was eaten up, and Janvier determined to have human flesh if no other could be obtained. To this end he sought an opportunity to quarrel with St. Ange—Dufresne not daring to interfere in the dispute. Janvier willing, however, to appear as plausible in the eyes of Dufresne as possible, widened the breach very artfully, till pretending he was no longer able to contain his anger, asked Dufresne if he did not think St. Ange deserved the Indian’s fate, for daring to say he would reveal the circumstance he had so solemnly sworn to conceal. Dufresne dreading the consequences of differing with him in sentiment, said he thought St. Ange was to blame; upon which reply, Janvier immediately struck him with an axe, and killed him: he then cut him up, and boiled a part, of which he obliged Dufresne to partake, he not daring to shew any reluctance. Fortunately for Dufresne the weather became more moderate, and having caught plenty of fish, they proposed to return to their master. Janvier, intoxicated with ideas of his superiority, obliged Dufresne to drag him in an Indian slay to Mr. Fulton’s house—a cruel imposition upon him, and a dreadful service to a weak emaciated man! but knowing he was unable to resist, he made a virtue of necessity, and obeyed the tyrant with seeming cheerfulness. On the journey he was frequently reminded of his oath, and the fatal consequences that would attend him if he should ever divulge the secret, which Janvier assured him would produce instant death.

[123] Mr. Fulton was much rejoiced at their return, being in want of his men, as the Indians were daily coming in with their winter hunt. Soon after their arrival he made enquiry after St. Ange—but no answer was given. He then addressed Janvier directly upon the subject, who 161said he was gone on the hunt with a chief of the name of Onnemay, or the Sturgeon, whom Mr. Fulton knew, and that he would soon return. One of the Canadians contradicted him by saying that could not be true, as Onnemay left Mr. Fulton’s house the day before their return. Janvier then said he might be mistaken in the chief’s name, as he was not well acquainted with the Indian language, and Dufresne, for fear of a discovery at that time, changed the conversation in hopes of pleasing Janvier.

Several days elapsed, and St. Ange not returning, Janvier was again questioned, who told them as before, and appealed to Dufresne for the truth of his assertions, which he was obliged to confirm.

Mr. Fulton not being perfectly satisfied, examined them apart; from Janvier he could not get any information, but Dufresne hesitated, and at last said he had sworn not to reveal—but that St. Ange would never return.—Mr. Fulton endeavoured to convince him that the breach of an oath, so imposed, was no crime; and in the end he convinced the Canadian that it was so far from being obligatory in the sight of God, that it would be a sin of the most heinous nature in him to conceal the truth; artfully adding, as an additional argument to induce him to reveal the transaction, that if he had no doubt he was himself perfectly innocent, he could not have any honest motive for secrecy, and that he had no occasion to dread the resentment of Janvier, as he would engage to [124] protect him from all hazard by the discovery. Thus persuaded and encouraged, Dufresne disclosed the whole affair, but requested Mr. Fulton’s secrecy, which he promised until the conversation should be renewed, when it was agreed that he should relate every particular 162in Janvier’s presence. Janvier was repeatedly urged by the rest of the men to give them some information respecting the absence of St. Ange, but he remained obstinately silent: some of them went so far as to accuse him in pretty plain terms of knowing too much about him, but he treated their insinuations with indifference.

Mr. Fulton having disposed of all his goods, prepared to leave his wintering ground, and every thing being properly arranged they departed. The first night after their departure Mr. Fulton loaded a brace of pistols, and having previously acquainted his men with the discovery Dufresne had made, and the punishment he intended for the villain, came out of his tent and stood by the fire round which the Canadians were seated. The conversation about St. Ange being purposely renewed, Mr. Fulton remarked it was cruel to leave him in the woods with the Indians, and blamed Janvier particularly, as he was the foreman of the party, and therefore the more responsible. Janvier nettled at the repetition of the subject, (for guilt is soon angry) replied that St. Ange was able to take care of himself, and that he had not any controul over him. Dufresne was then censured; upon which, agreeably to the plan settled with Mr. Fulton, he divulged the whole transaction, and gave a full account of every particular of Janvier’s conduct. Janvier attempted to take instant revenge for the aspersion, as he called it, and denied the charge with the most hardened effrontery and solemn asseverations. Mr. Fulton then thought it a proper time [125] to interfere; and to cover him if possible with confusion, asked him “which was the best part of a man?” Janvier replied, with ready insolence, that those who had eaten human flesh could easily tell: but being repeatedly urged, and at length thrown 163off his guard, he replied in great wrath, the feet. The party encouraged by this confession, pressed the charge, till at last he confessed the facts he was accused of, and declared that in a similar situation he would kill his brother.

Mr. Fulton could no longer suppress his resentment, and going up to Janvier, told him he was an abandoned villain, first for killing a harmless Indian who had generously relieved his wants, and afterwards eating him like a cannibal; that not content with these atrocious acts, he had encreased his guilt by another deliberate murder on a defenceless man, his companion, his fellow-labourer, and friend; that he was a disgrace to human nature, and ought not to be suffered to live a moment longer; and without allowing him time to reply, shot him through the head. The men were ordered to bury him, and in the morning Mr. Fulton continued his journey to Michillimakinac, where on his arrival he surrendered himself to the commanding officer, who on a close examination of the men, honourably acquitted him; but recommended him not to venture again into those parts, where the Indian was killed, lest the Savages should hear of the transaction, and resent the death of one of their tribe, whereby the innocent might suffer for the acts of the guilty.^[80]

In the month of February I had a visit from a trader, dressed in a smoked leather shirt; who was accompanied by three Indians, and had been absent five days from Fort Albany.^[81] He said he was induced to come [126] 164from a motive of curiosity to see me, not having heard of any person wintering so far inland before, except the servants belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company. At that time I had very little provisions, and eight men to maintain, besides Mr. Joseph La Forme’s Canadians; our chief food was tripe de roche; on his arrival the kettle was on the fire with the leaves: he asked what food I had; I ordered some to be taken out of the pot, and put into a bark dish, which he tasted, but could not swallow. I informed him that it had been a principal part of our diet for many days, and in the best of times we had nothing but wild animal food, and seldom any flour, as the quantity of Indian corn we were able to bring along with us from Pays Plat was not sufficient to last the winter. When I had given him a description of my mode of living, which he confessed was very different from the comforts he enjoyed, I took him into my store, and shewed him the packs of beaver I had collected: this increased his surprise, as he could not conceive how it was possible to transport a sufficient quantity of goods to barter for the value I seemed to be in possession of. He asked me to return with him, and promised to supply me with provisions; but I told him I was engaged in an employ, and had supported the same disagreeable situation the preceding winter at Lac la Mort; and as I could not expect to pass my life among the Indians with so much ease as in England, my duty obliged me to remain till the season was over, when I should return and endeavour to make myself some amends for the hardships I had endured, by 165giving a good account of the merchandise intrusted to my care, and receiving a reward for my labours. In the morning he took his leave, wishing me the speedy arrival of some Indians who might be able to relieve me from such pressing necessity by supplying me with plenty of more nourishing and palatable food.

[127] This civility from one of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s servants leads me to make some few observations in vindication of that respectable body, whose character has been so severely, and I think so unjustly, censured.

Mr. Joseph Robson, one of the company’s servants, who resided in their factory six years as surveyor and supervisor of the buildings, in a work published by him some years since,^[82] animadverts in very strong terms on the mode in which the governors of forts exert what he calls their uncontroulable authority, and asserts that their extreme tyranny is a perpetual source of personal disgust. He also says, that “the overplus trade is big with iniquity, and no less inconsistent with the company’s true interest, than it is injurious to the natives, who by means of it are become more and more alienated, and are either discouraged from hunting at all, or induced to carry all their furs to the French.” It may be necessary here to observe, that the overplus trade arises from the peltry which the company’s servants obtain in barter with the 166natives beyond the ratio stipulated by the company, and which belongs to themselves.

This is a heavy charge, and, if true, a very proper cause of complaint; but it should seem there is not sufficient ground for the accusation, for Mr. Robson afterwards says that this overplus trade is of little advantage to them, for “that part of it, they always add to the company’s stock, for the sake of enhancing the merit of their services, and apply the remainder to their own use, which is often expended in bribes to skreen their faults, and continue them in their command.” What a strange degree of folly, as well as of guilt! that the governors are so [128] weak and so wicked as to commit enormities only to make a temporary advantage, and are obliged to distribute the wages of iniquity in order to skreen themselves from its consequences among the company, and their confederates in vice; whereas by a contrary conduct they would be equally rich, more respected, and also feel an inward satisfaction of mind from the consciousness of having discharged their trust with integrity; ideas too absurd to be admitted. With regard to the company, it cannot be supposed they are ignorant of this “overplus trade,” or the means by which their servants obtain the advantages arising from it; if they are not, and no impartial person will suppose they are, they not only allow but approve of the conduct of their governors, from a conviction of its being beneficial to the interests of the company; a proper reward for the labours of their servants, or from some other motive, which because it is adopted by men so respectable, and so much above reproach, must be allowed to be wise and prudent.

In the next place, I believe it will be very difficult to prove that the conduct of the governors has “alienated 167the natives from the company’s interest, and discouraged them from hunting.” The former is at present by no means clear, as I am credibly informed the New Northwest Company,^[83] whose trade extends to the boundaries of the settlements of the Hudson’s Bay Company, find very little encouragement from the Indians; if therefore the natives were disgusted, they would embrace the first opportunity of shewing their dislike, by carrying their peltry to the new traders; nothing can be more natural than to expect that this would be the consequence; but as they have not done so, the inference is fair that they are not disgusted.

[129] Another observation is, “that the cruel and oppressive behaviour of the governors and captains towards the inferior servants, not only deters useful people from engaging in the company’s service (a circumstance they should attend to for their own interest), but furnishes one pretext for the bad character that is given of the company.”

Though in the particular department in which I have been many years engaged as an Indian interpreter and trader, I have had few opportunities of a personal and intimate acquaintance with many of the company’s servants (having been in a commerce in direct opposition to their interest), yet I can speak with confidence in regard to some of them whom I have conversed with; that in every point of view I believe them to be useful servants, and well skilled in the language of the natives.—So far in answer to the assertion “that useful people are deterred from entering into the service.” And by way of refuting the charge of “cruelty and oppression,” I 168need only add, what none I think will deny, that they have been so well satisfied with the conduct of their superiors, that many of them have continued in the service more than twenty years.

I believe, upon the whole, it will appear that the conduct of the governors at home and abroad, is perfectly consistent with the true interests of the company, and that any other mode of behaviour would tend to anarchy and confusion; and I must declare for my own part that I never heard of that personal disgust which Mr. Robson so much complains of, but have rather found an anxious solicitude to be employed in their service.

[130] Mr. Carver, in his history of North America, observes, “that on the waters which fall into Lake Winnepeek, the neighbouring nations take a great many furs, some of them they carry to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s factories, situated at the entrance of the Bourbon River, but this they do with reluctance on several accounts; for some of the Assinipoils and Killistinoe Indians,^[84] who usually traded with the company’s servants, told him that if they could be sure of a constant supply of goods from Michillimakinac, they would not trade any where else; that they shewed him some cloth, and other articles purchased at Hudson’s Bay, with which they were much dissatisfied, thinking they had been greatly imposed on in the barter.”

169To this Mr. Carver adds, “that allowing their accounts true, he could not help joining in their opinion; but afterwards he admits that this dissatisfaction might probably proceed, in a great measure, from the intrigues of the Canadian traders; and that the method they took to withdraw the Indians from their attachment to the Hudson’s Bay Company, and to engage their good opinion in behalf of their new employers, was by depreciating, on all occasions, the company’s goods, and magnifying the advantages that would arise to them from trafficking entirely with the Canadian traders: in this they too well succeeded; and from this, doubtless, did the dissatisfaction which the Assinipoils and Killistinoes proceed.” But, says he, further, “another reason augmented it, the length of the journey to the Hudson’s Bay Factories, which they informed him took up three months during the summer heats to go and return, and from the smallness of their canoes they could not carry more than one third of the beaver they [131] killed, so that it is not to be wondered at that the Indians should wish to have traders come to reside among them.” As Mr. Carver did not travel in the interior parts as a trader, he could not have any interested commercial motives; on that account he is certainly entitled to credit as an impartial observer: the public will judge of his remarks, and how far they tend to censure, or approve, the conduct of the Hudson’s Bay Company.

I am induced to indulge this digression in consequence of a new publication on the present state of Hudson’s Bay by Mr. Umfreville.^[85]

170It has unfortunately happened that the company’s enemies have been frequently of their own household, persons in whom they placed confidence and to whom they entrusted the mysteries of their commerce. Differences will naturally arise, and doubtless have arisen between the governors and their servants, in which case no man is, or ought to be, obliged to stay in a service that is disagreeable to him; but then it is certainly sufficient to leave the employ, and highly improper to endeavour to prejudice the interest he once thought and felt it his duty to promote; and I am of opinion that not a single transaction, or circumstance, should be revealed that has not an immediate reference to the cause of the disagreement, or is necessary to support or vindicate a reputation. The present governors are men of great probity, and probably may not condescend to take notice of these heavy charges against them; but as the most exalted virtue may be injured by groundless assertions, I trust the public will not be displeased with any endeavours, however feeble, to vindicate the character of so respectable a body. As I do not intend to enter on the subject more fully, I shall only entreat the reader, if [132] he wishes further satisfaction on this head, to peruse the publication of Mr. Robson, who was one of the company’s servants, and who, Mr. Umfreville acknowledges to be a true and impartial writer. From his account the reader will judge of the propriety of Mr. Umfreville’s censures on the conduct of the governors of the Hudson’s Bay Company. A more copious examination of Mr. Umfreville’s publication would exceed the limits I have prescribed to myself; and I cannot but think that those who peruse it will readily perceive how much injustice he has done to the governors and the company.

171[133] Arrival of more Indians.—Rum gets short; adopt the usual Mode to encrease the Stock, which enables us to conclude our Traffic for the Season.—Take leave of the Indians, and proceed on our Journey homewards.—Account of an Indian Courtship.—Servile State of the Women after Marriage.—Observations on the Confidence which the Indians put in the Master of Life,—&c.—Arrive safe at Pays Plat.

Soon after the departure of the trader, a large band, consisting of about 100, came in; my stock of rum was very small, which was a misfortune, as rum is too important in treaties with the Indians to be easily dispensed with. On their arrival they wished to drink, but I continued to barter for all their furs before I gave them any rum: having finished the business, they grew clamorous, when I gave them as much rum as I could spare, upon receipt of which they embarked in tolerable good humour.

In the month of April the last band came in, and I was extremely perplexed how to act, having a very small portion of rum, and no prospect of encreasing my stock; I was therefore obliged to dilute it so as to make it about one-fifth part weaker than usual, which made twenty gallons of very passable Indian rum. Having supplied them [134] with wearing apparel, &c. and received their peltry, I gave them a taste of the scuttaywabo, and just before my embarkation made the following speech:

“Haguarmissey cockinnor an Nishinnorbay kee wabindan cawwickcar nin serpargussey nee zargetoone, keennerwind kaygo kee cushkendum webatch neennerwind tercushenan nepewar annacotchigon nin ojey petoone. Wa haguarmissey cockinnor meenwendesay bazam Ebeckcheck 172megoyyack debwoye neegee kaygo arwayyor matchee oathty, kee cannawendan cockinnor, mokoman, baskeyzegan goyer becka, kee minniquy kaygo arwayyor annascartissey woke, mornooch kee permartissyan cockinnor an Nishinnorbay nogome debwoye negee nepewar artawway winnin ojey zargetoone an Nishinnorbay, keshpin suggermarch wennewar metach nin ojey debarchemon kitchee ojemaw awassa woity kitchee wakaygan Michillimakinac metach kaygoshish ween ojey bockettywaun keennerwind.

“Now, my friends, take courage, I have always shewn you a good heart, and you all know I am full of pity for you, your wives, and children; therefore do not be uneasy, or think the time long I shall be absent from you. I hope the Master of Life will give me courage and strength to return to you, and bring you goods. Now, as you know I have no sugar on my lips, nor any spear at my tongue, and that my ears are not stopt, nor my heart bound up, I hope you will deliver up your knives, guns, and tomahawks, and have no bad heart before you begin to drink, so that on my return I may find you all well. I shall speak with [135] courage to the great English chief, at Michillimakinac, and he will open his heart to you.”

Having finished my speech, the weapons were collected and delivered to me. I then gave them a considerable quantity of rum, after which I returned their knives, &c. to convince them of the good opinion I entertained of them, and that I had no doubt but they would attend to the advice I had given them. I then got into my canoe, and waving my hand, was saluted by a discharge of 200 guns, which I returned by one volley, and pursued my journey in good spirits, heartily pleased at leaving my winter quarters.

173We continued our voyage without meeting with any occurrence worth relating till we arrived at the Skunk’s River, where I had unfortunately shot off a chief’s ear, as I have before related. Here I met with the new married couple, and some of the same band to whom I was so much obliged in the preceding December for singing the love-songs; and being desirous of obtaining a perfect knowledge of their manners and customs, I made many inquiries, and among other knowledge gained information of the Chippeway form of courtship, which I presume will be acceptable to those who have as much curiosity as myself.^[86]

INDIAN COURTSHIP

When an Indian wishes to take a wife, and sees one to his mind, he applies to the father of the girl, and asks his consent in the following words:

[136] “Nocey, cunner kee darmissey kee darniss nee zargayyar kakaygo O waterwarwardoossin cawween peccan weettey gammat ottertassey memarjis mee mor.”

“Father, I love your daughter, will you give her to me, that the small roots of her heart may entangle with mine, so that the strongest wind that blows shall never separate them.”

If the father approves, an interview is appointed, for which the lover prepares by a perspiration; he then comes into her presence, sits down on the ground, and smokes his pipe: during the time of smoking, he keeps throwing small pieces of wood, of about an inch in length at her one by one to the number of one hundred. As many as she can catch in a bark bowl, so many presents her lover 174must make to her father, which he considers as payment for his daughter. The young warrior then gives a feast, to which he invites all the family—when the feast is done, they dance and sing their war songs.—The merriment being over, and mutual presents exchanged between the lover and her relations, the father covers them with a beaver robe, and gives them likewise a new gun and a birch canoe, with which the ceremony ends.

When the French became masters of Canada, the ceremony of marriage between the Savages was very fantastical.

When a lover wished his mistress to be informed of his affection, he procured an interview with her, which was always at night, and in [137] the presence of some of her friends; this was conducted in the following manner:

He entered the wigwam, the door of which was commonly a skin, and went up to the hearth on which some hot coals were burning; he then lighted a stick of wood, and approaching his mistress, pulled her three times by the nose, to awaken her; this was done with decency, and being the custom, the squaw did not feel alarmed at the liberty. This ceremony, ridiculous as it may appear, was continued occasionally for two months, both parties behaving during the time in all other respects, with the greatest circumspection.

The moment she becomes a wife, she loses her liberty, and is an obsequious slave to her husband, who never loses sight of his prerogative. Wherever he goes she must follow, and durst not venture to incense him by a refusal, knowing that if she neglects him, extreme punishment, if not death, ensues. The chief liberty he allows her is to dance and sing in his company, and is seldom known to take any more notice of her than of the most 175indifferent person: while she is obliged to perform the drudgery of life, which custom or insensibility enables her to do with the utmost cheerfulness.

A circumstance of this kind I recollect reading which happened at Beaver Creek, about twenty-five miles from Fort Pitt. An Indian woman observing some white men to carry fire-wood on their shoulders, took up her hatchet, and brought them in a short time a great burden on her back; and throwing it down by the fire, said, she not only pitied [138] them, but thought it was a great scandal to see men doing that which was properly the work of women.

The men consider women as of no other use but to produce them children, and to perform the drudgeries of life; as to the offspring, he prefers the sons to the daughter, because he expects they will all prove warriors. The daughters they do not value for the same reason that they subjugate their wives, deeming them worthy only to wait on warriors and do those things which would disgrace the male sex.

We pursued our journey to Lac le Nid au Corbeau, where we killed some wild geese and ducks, which at this season of the year have a fishy taste. Here we rested two days to enable us to pursue the remainder of our voyage with greater vigour. The third morning, at daybreak, we embarked, and arrived at La grande Côte de la Roche, where we were fortunate enough to kill two bears, which eat remarkably fine, and having some leisure time to spare in the cookery, we enjoyed them with as high a relish as in better situations we had done more luxuriant meals.

We proceeded to Cranberry Lake, where we caught some fish, and picked as many cranberries as we could 176conveniently carry; from thence we continued our route to Portage la Rame, where we were again wind-bound for some days; but during our stay we had not a single visitor to disturb us. At length the wind proving favourable, we proceeded to Riviére la Pique; on my arrival I was immediately struck with the remembrance of the escape I had from Payshik Ogashey [139] last year; but my mind was almost as instantly relieved by the recollection of his being killed, and no longer a terror to traders.

This was one among many instances in which I found that when the heart is oppressed with unpleasant recollections, or forebodings, the Author of our Being conveys relief to the mind very unexpectedly. This sudden transition we are too apt to impute to our own wisdom, and to attribute the escape from dangers we have experienced, or the hopes of deliverance which we form, entirely to our own sagacity and foresight. The Indians, on the contrary, think more properly; they say it is the Master of Life from whom we derive that presence of mind which has extricated or procured us relief. To the Master of Life the Indian addresses himself even for his daily support.—To him he imputes his victories and his success; and when subdued, and fastened to the stake, he thanks him for giving him courage to open his veins.—It is this confidence which enables him to bear the severest tortures with composure, and in the height of anguish, to defy the utmost malice of his enemies.

Notwithstanding the Chippeways, as well as the greater part of the Indian nations, of North America, think so justly, it is to be lamented that it is not universally so. The Mattaugwessawauks, it is said, do not worship a Supreme Being, and that when success attends them in 177war, they attribute the merit of the victory to their own valour and skill. But notwithstanding their disbelief of a Master of Life, in some respects, they are not less superstitious than other Savages, for they think that certain places are haunted by evil spirits, whose power they dread, and impressed with these ideas cautiously avoid them. Another proof [140] of their superstition is, if one of their people is killed by accident, they preserve a hand or a foot, which they salt, and dry, and keep as a charm to avert calamities; by which it appears, that although they do not acknowledge a dependance on a good spirit, they entertain fears and apprehensions of a bad one; which induces one to hope that such a deviation from the common belief of mankind may never be confirmed, as it would stamp human nature with an odium too horrid to think of. But to conclude this digression—we continued our voyage to Pays Plat, where we stayed some days in the society of traders, who had also wintered in the inlands, and others who arrived with goods to supply those who were engaged to return; but as my time was expired, I returned to Michillimakinac. After waiting on the commanding officer, and giving an account of my stewardship to my employers, I retired to Chippeway Point, a spot of ground out of the Fort, where I lived with an Indian family, who occasionally made me mackissins, and other parts of Indian dress.^[87]

178

THIRD EXPEDITION

[141] Remain some Time at Chippeway Point.—Account of a whimsical Circumstance, whereby I had nearly incurred the Displeasure of the Commanding Officer.—Narrative of the fortunate Escape of a Mr. Ramsay, a Trader.—Undertake to escort a Quantity of Merchandise from the Mississippi to Michillimakinac, which I perform with Success.—Return to Montreal; from thence to Quebec, where I engage with a new Employer.

During the time I remained at Chippeway Point, I had frequent offers from the officers to sleep at their quarters within the fort; but being accustomed to lie in the woods, I generally preferred that situation. A circumstance happened soon after my arrival, which I shall relate.

In consequence of Indian treachery in the year 1764, (when the Savages, commanded by Pontiac the chief, under the pretence of a game at ball, formed a plan to destroy the inhabitants, and take possession of the fort, and in which they unfortunately succeeded, to the extreme mortification of the English), there was a standing order that no Indian should be permitted to enter the fort with fire arms; nor any squaw, or Indian woman, allowed to sleep within the walls of the garrison on any pretence whatever; and for the better security of the inhabitants, when a council is held with the chiefs, double sentries are always placed.^[88]

[142] Having a strong desire to introduce a great 179chief’s daughter and her sister, (notwithstanding the governor’s orders) I communicated my intentions to an officer, and desired his assistance to complete the plan. He very politely told me that he could not appear to countenance my scheme, but would give me every possible assistance consistent with his station. I assured him that they were a great chief’s daughters, and that I would be answerable for their conduct.

With his consent I applied to two soldiers, and asked them if they could spare time to roll a large hogshead of bottled porter from Chippeway Point to the Fort; they told me whenever it suited me they would be ready to assist. Having purchased the hogshead, and got it rolled down the hill whilst the officers were at dinner, I told the squaws of my plan, and having knocked out the head and bung, and bored several holes to admit as much air as possible, desired them to get in, which with some difficulty I persuaded them to do. I then replaced the head, and ran immediately to the soldiers to acquaint them that the porter was ready, and desired their assistance without delay, as I was afraid some of the bottles were broken, and it would be proper to examine them as soon as possible.

The soldiers immediately returned with me, and applying their shoulders to the cask, rolled it up the hill with great labour and fatigue, continually observing that it was very heavy. Just as they arrived at the gate, the commanding officer and the commissary were coming through, and seeing the hogshead, asked the soldiers what they had got there? they replied it was bottled porter for a trader, who had desired them to roll it from the Point. As a vessel had just then arrived from the Détroit, [143] the commanding officer was so satisfied with 180the account the soldiers gave, that he observed it was very fortunate, for they now should have plenty of good beer to drink. The soldiers had scarcely rolled another turn, when unluckily one of them kicked his foot against a stone, who with the extreme pain he suffered, fell down. The other, not being able to sustain the whole weight, let go his hold, and the hogshead rolled down the hill with great velocity. Just as it came to the bottom the head fell out, and the squaws exhibited the deception. Unfortunately the commanding officer was near at hand when the accident happened, and though it was a manifest breach of his orders, he could not help smiling at the conceit; and looking at the imprisoned females, said to them, “pretty bottled porter indeed!” The squaws were so confused that they ran with the utmost precipitation into the woods, and did not make their appearance for several days.

On the commanding officer’s return to the fort, enquiry was made for me, and I was under the necessity of obeying his summons, although I confess my situation was very unpleasant. As soon as I came into his presence, assuming a look of displeasure, he asked me how I could dare to disobey the orders of the garrison, which I knew were issued to prevent the most serious consequences; that I was more culpable than another person, knowing the nature and disposition of the Indian women, and the impropriety and danger of confiding in them, adding that for the sake of example, and to prevent others from acting so inprudently, he believed he should send me down to Montreal in irons.

Alarmed at my situation, I made the best apology in my power, and assured him I was extremely sorry for my conduct, but hoped he would [144] pardon it. This 181acknowledgment of the offence induced him to forgive me, and as he said he considered it a frolic of youth, he would pass it over, but cautioned me against playing such tricks again. I felt myself extremely obliged by his lenity, and promised to conduct myself with more propriety in future, which promise I faithfully kept: for though the experiment to admit the squaws would not have been attended with any bad consequences, I did not chuse again to risk the commanding officer’s displeasure.

On the 11th of August, the traders arrived from the Mississippi, and brought an account of an extraordinary escape which a Mr. Ramsay and his brother had from a tribe of the nation of the Poes, in their way to St. Joseph.

The Poes are a very wild savage people, have an aversion to Englishmen, and generally give them as much trouble as possible in passing or repassing the Fort of St. Joseph’s, where some French traders are settled by their permission.^[89]

It seems the Canadians were invited by the Savages to land, and Mr. Ramsay supposing they had some furs to dispose of, ordered his men to go on shore; when standing up in his canoe just before his debarkation, three of the warriors waded through the water neck-high, dragged him out of his canoe, and carried him on shore. Mr. Ramsay’s men immediately landed, and were preparing to follow their master, but observing eleven Indians near at hand, and perceiving the bad intention of the chiefs, got again into their canoes, leaving the one in which Mr. Ramsay and his son were, on the beach, and 182paddled to an adjacent [145] island, waiting the event of a circumstance which threatened death to their masters.

Mr. Ramsay being tied to the stump of a tree, and his son narrowly watched, the Indians rummaged the canoe, and brought up as much rum as they thought they could drink; they then began to sing their war songs; and making a large fire near the stump to which Mr. Ramsay was tied, they sat down on the ground, and began to insult him, telling him he was an old woman, and obliged his brother to join in the derision.

The usual mode of execution among the Savages, is as follows:

When a warrior is taken, he is brought into a hut, and tied with small cords made of the bark of trees, about the size of a cod-line: he is then fastened to a stump, and a small rattle put into his hand, called chessaquoy, which he shakes while he sings the dead war song:

“Wabindan payshik shemagonish kitchee mannitoo; nee wee waybenan nee yoe Matchee Mannitoo.”

“Master of Life, view me well as a warrior; I have thrown away my body against the bad spirit.”

When the song is finished, the prisoner is untied, and made to run the gauntlet through two ranks of women, who are provided with small sticks to beat him. After this punishment a dog-feast is prepared with bear’s grease and huckleberries, of which he is obliged to eat. He [146] is then brought again to the stake, when wood is placed round him. He now sings his war song, and the women set fire to the pile, the prisoner singing as it burns. The bones are then collected and fixed to the war-standard, which is a high pole painted with vermillion.

It is said that the nation of the Followens, or Wild 183Oats,^[90] kill their wives and children before they go to battle, that in case of a defeat the enemy shall not have any prisoners of their nation.

The Poes, beginning to feel the effects of the rum, examined the cords, which were made of the bark of the willow tree, and ordered some wood to be put round the stump, to be ready when they should find themselves disposed to burn him. Soon after they untied him, and brought him to the war-kettle to make his death-feast; which consisted of dog, tyger-cat, and bear’s grease, mixed with wild oats, of which he was compelled to eat. Mr. Ramsay, knowing the nature of Indians, complied with seeming cheerfulness, and said he was satisfied. He was taken back to the intended place of execution, and tied again to the stump, from which, with great composure, he desired permission to make his speech before he changed his climate, which being granted, he immediately spoke to them to the following effect:

“It is true the Master of Life has sent me here to those Indians whose hearts are full of poisoned blood, and as they mean me to change my climate, I shall go with courage to a better trading ground, where I shall find good Indians. They have always known me to have had pity on them, their wives, and children, since I have been 184a trader, and to have opened my heart to them on all occasions; but now the [147] bad spirit has joined his heart with theirs, to make me change my climate, which I am glad of, for I am better known in the country I am going to, and by greater warriors than ever these were. I now look on all the chiefs as old women; and as I am the Peshshekey (or buffalo), I shall drink my last with them, and carry the news to the warriors in the other climate.”

Having attentively heard his speech, they prepared for his death; which he perceiving, immediately told his brother not to be disheartened, as he had hopes of overcoming their fury, and desired him to ply them with rum, and keep their kettles constantly filled. His brother followed the instructions he gave him, and distributed the rum among them very plentifully. When Mr. Ramsay discovered that they were sufficiently intoxicated to be incapable of doing mischief, he desired his brother to cut his cords; and being released, assisted in pouring rum down their throats till they were quite insensible. Fired with resentment at their intended barbarity, he and his brother cut all their throats, loaded his canoe with the articles they had taken out, and paddled from shore as fast as they could. The men hailed him at some distance, and were rejoiced to see him safe; and after arranging their cargo, pursued their journey into the Indian country, by a different course.

I was informed Mr. Ramsay returned afterwards to Michillimakinac, where he was congratulated by the commanding officer on his fortunate escape; but he never thought it prudent to go that route again.

About this time the Indian traders formed a company of militia, which I joined with the rank of adjutant and 185lieutenant, under Captain [148] John Macnamara. In the month of June 1780, news was brought from the Mississippi, that the Indian traders had deposited their furs at La Prairie des Chiens, or Dogs’ Field, (where there is a town of considerable note, built after the Indian manner) under the care of Mons. Longlad, the king’s interpreter;^[91] and that the Americans were in great force at the Illinois, a town inhabited by different nations, at the back of the Kentuckey State, under the Spanish government, who have a fort on the opposite shore, commanded by an officer and about twelve men, to prevent illicit trade.^[92]

The commanding officer at Michillimakinac^[93] asked me to accompany a party of Indians and Canadians to the Mississippi, which I consented to with the utmost cheerfulness. We left the post with thirty-six Southern Indians, of the Ottigaumies and Sioux nations, and twenty^[94] Canadians, in nine large birch canoes, laden 186with Indian presents. After a march of three days I was taken ill, which I attributed to hard living in the Nipegon Country; considering, however, the urgency of the business, and that there was not any one of the party capable of acting as interpreter, I struggled with my indisposition; apprehending, also, that if I could not pursue the journey, I should be exposed to great inconveniences; and therefore I encreased my endeavours, determined to risk my life at all hazards.

The fourth day we encamped at Lac les Puans, so called, I apprehend, from the Indians who reside on the banks being naturally filthy^[95]—here we got plenty of 187deer and bears, Indian corn, melons and other fruit. The Southern Indians have more villages, and are better civilized than the Northern, the climate being warm, and nature more prolific, which [149] enables them to raise the fruits of the earth without much labour. Their houses are covered with birch bark, and decorated with bows and arrows, and weapons of war. Their beds are bark and matts made of rushes.

We pursued our voyage to Ouisconsin, a fine River, with a strong current for about sixty leagues, which our canoes ran down in a day and a half; and upon which we saw an immense quantity of ducks, geese, and other fowl. On this river we were obliged to unload our canoes, in order to transport our goods across the portage, about two miles in length. We encamped on the banks, and intended setting off at break of day, but one of the Indians was bitten by a rattlesnake, which Mr. Adair calls the bright inhabitant of the woods, and which had fourteen rattles.

Mr. Beatty relates that as he was preaching to the Indians and others, at a small house near Juniata River, a rattlesnake crept into the room, but was happily discovered and killed; and before the people could well recover themselves, a snake of another kind was discovered among the assembly, which was also killed without any other detriment than disturbing the congregation, which surprised him very much, as it was a matter of astonishment how these reptiles could crawl into the house without 188being offended by some one, and which also excites them to bite.

The Indians say that when a woman is in labour, holding the tail of a rattlesnake in her hand, and shaking the rattles, assists her delivery. It is always observable that the Indians take out the bag which contains [150] the poison of this venomous reptile, and carry it alive in their medicine box when they go to war.

This unfortunate accident retarded our journey till the unhappy sufferer relieved himself by cutting out the wounded part from the calf of his leg, and applying salt and gunpowder, and binding it up with the leaves of the red willow tree; he was soon able to proceed, bearing the pain with that fortitude for which the Savages are so eminently distinguished.

At the close of the next day we encamped near the river, and it rained very hard: the Indians made some bark huts. One of them walking some distance in the woods, discovered a small loghouse, in which he found a white man, with his arms cut off, lying on his back. We conjectured he had been settled at the spot, and killed by a bad Indian, which must have happened very recently, as he was not putrid. Before our departure we buried him.

The next day we arrived at the Forks of the Mississippi, where were two hundred Indians of the nation of the Renards, or Foxes, on horseback, armed with spears, bows and arrows. They did not seem pleased with our appearance, which Warbishar, the chief of our band, told me.^[96] Just before we landed they dismounted, and surveyed 189us. The Sioux asked me if I was afraid; I told them I had seen a greater number of Savages before, and more wild than any of the Southern Indians. Warbishar gave orders to strike ashore. As soon as we landed, the Renards took our Indians by the hand, and invited them into their camp. In the space of an hour they prepared a feast, which consisted of five [151] Indian dogs, bear, beaver, deer, mountain cat, and racoon, boiled in bear’s grease, and mixed with huckleberries. After the repast, the Indians danced and sung. A council was then held, when the chief of the Renards addressed Warbishar to this effect.

“Brothers, we are happy to see you; we have no bad heart against you; although we are not the same nation by language, our hearts are the same: we are all Indians, and are happy to hear our great Father has pity on us, and sends us wherewithal to cover us, and enable us to hunt.”

To which Warbishar made answer.—“It is true, my children, our great Father has sent me this way to take the skins and furs that are in the Dog’s Field, under captain Longlad’s charge, least the Great Knives (meaning the Americans)^[97] should plunder them. I am come with the white man (meaning me) to give you wherewithal to cover you, and ammunition to hunt.”

When the speech was finished, we immediately distributed 190the presents, got our canoes into the water, and left the Renards in the most friendly manner.

After seven days journey we arrived at La Prairie des Chiens,^[98] where we found the merchants’ peltry, in packs, in a loghouse guarded by captain Longlad and some Indians, who were rejoiced to see us. After resting some time, we took out about three hundred packs of the best skins, and filled the canoes. Sixty more which remained, we burnt, to prevent the enemy from taking them, having ourselves no [152] room to stow any more, and proceeded on our journey back to Michillimakinac. About five days after our departure, we were informed that the Americans came to attack us, but to their extreme mortification we were out of their reach. Seventeen days after leaving La Prairie des Chiens, we arrived at Lac les Puans, where we found a party of Indians encamped. The next day we embarked, and arrived at Michillimakinac, after an absence of eighty days. Soon after my return, I waited on the commanding officer, expecting payment for my services; but was referred for satisfaction to the Indian traders, from whom I never received any compensation.

By this means I was left destitute even of the necessaries of life; but I did not remain long in this uncomfortable situation, for I soon found protection and support among the Indians; but as their assistance would not afford the means to appear in civil society, I was under the necessity of soliciting friendship from the merchants, to enable me to return to Montreal, which I fortunately obtained. I 191left Michillimakinac in the beginning of September, and arrived at Montreal on the 27th of the same month.

I embraced the first opportunity to call on my old master, expecting to find him in good health, but alas! he had paid the debt of nature, and was succeeded by his nephew, who had been cotemporary clerk with me. He permitted me to lodge at his house for a fortnight, but a few days after my abode with him, my situation being different from what I had experienced during the life of my old master, I asked him to fit me out with an assortment of goods for the Indian trade, and promised to remit him payment in furs. He told me I was welcome to any [153] goods he had in his store that would suit me, but on examining the stock, all the merchandise proper for the Savages was disposed of, and nothing left that would answer any profitable purpose.

I then left his house, returning him thanks for his civility; and having procured pecuniary assistance from a friend, took lodgings in the town, where I stayed some time. I then went to Quebec, where a gentleman accidentally hearing that I was out of employ, and knowing that I could speak the Indian languages, sent for me and engaged me in his service, to go among the Indians at Lake Temiscaming,^[99] or any other situation I might think most eligible for commerce.

192[154] Leave Quebec—Description of the Loretto Indians; some Remarks relative to an Assertion, that the American Indians have no Beards.—Mistake the Mercury Packet of Quebec for an American Privateer.—Proceed on our Journey, and arrive at our Winter Residence.—Description of several Sorts of Snakes.—Meet with great Success, and soon complete our Traffic.—Return to Quebec.

Being furnished with a proper assortment of merchandise, I left Quebec, and proceeded to Tadousac,^[100] which is at the end of the Saguenay River, near the River St. Laurence. About nine miles from Quebec there is a village inhabited by the Loretto Indians, who are properly of the nation of the Hurons.^[101] They embraced Christianity, through the means of the Jesuits, and follow the Catholic religion. The women have remarkable good voices, and sing hymns in their own language most charmingly. They cultivate the ground, and bring the produce to market; and in their manners they are the most innocent and harmless of all the Savages in North America. Their houses are decent, and built after the Canadian fashion; they are an exception to the generality of Indians, seldom drinking any spirituous liquors; they are for the most part tall, robust people, and well shaped; have short black hair, which is shaved off the forehead from ear to ear, and wear neither caps nor hats. With 193regard to their beards, though they are scarcely visible, they have them in common with all the tribes of Savages; but having an aversion to excrescences, they carefully pluck [155] out every hair from the upper jaw and chin with brass wire, which they twist together in the form of pincers; and it is well known that all traders carry out that article of commerce for this express purpose.

Baron de la Hontan seems to have been much mistaken when, in speaking of the Savages, he says that they have no beards. Lord Kaims was also in the same error, when he asserted there is not a single hair on an Indian’s body, excepting the eyelashes, eyebrows, and hair of the head, and that there is no appearance of a beard.

This observation Mr. James Adair remarks is utterly void of foundation, as can be attested by all who have had any communication with them; and major Robert Rogers,^[102] who certainly knew the Indians as well as any man, says that they totally destroy their beards; which proves beyond a doubt that they are not naturally imbarbes.

I have been led into these observations from the perusal of Lord Kaims’s Sketches of the History of Man,^[103] who not only insists that the Indians have no beards, but builds on the hypothesis to prove a local creation.

Tadousac is on the sea side, north of the River St. Laurence, and inhabited by a few Indians called mountaineers, who live chiefly on fish;^[104] and one trader, clerk to the gentleman in whose service I was engaged.

194There is a French clergyman and a church for the Indians, who are all Catholics. At this village I remained a fortnight, during which [156] time the American privateers were continually cruizing about. One morning there was a great fog, but we could just discern at a small distance a vessel: this alarmed the priest and the Indians. My brother Englishman (the trader who was settled here) joined with me in soliciting the Indians to stand their ground, which the priest strongly opposed, though paid by the British government. This incensed me, and I insisted on taking some of his flock with me to reconnoitre, and endeavour to discover what vessel she was, though I had strong suspicions she was an American privateer. We went towards the shore, but could not discover the number of guns she mounted; we returned to our camp, and all the Indians at my request accompanied me to attack her. We embarked in canoes, dressed alike, and as we approached perceived she lay at anchor, and was a vessel of inconsiderable force, mounting only eight small swivels. I immediately went on one side of her, and directed the Indians to the other, to inclose her as much as we could. Having reached the vessel, I took hold of a rope and went on board; the captain was alarmed, and his fears were increased when he saw himself surrounded with canoes, filled with Savages armed with guns and tomahawks; however, he advanced towards me, and clapping me on the shoulder, asked what I wanted? I was too politic to make any reply at that time. He then asked me, if I would have some biscuit? I replied, caween, or no. He shook his head, as much as to say, I 195wish I could know what you want. The Indians then came on board, and the captain having only seven men; and our number being upwards of forty, well armed, did not know how to act, but, probably willing to please me, ordered his men to get some biscuit and rum. Whilst the sailors were gone, I perceived she was an English vessel, and then asked the captain in English to whom she belonged; he was very agreeably surprised, [157] told me his name was Allcrow, and that he commanded the Mercury Packet of Quebec. This information gave me occasion to rejoice we did not take rough means; and when I communicated the intelligence to the Indians they were highly pleased, and shook hands with the captain.

The captain then accompanied us to shore in our canoes, and we landed at our encampment. We afterwards went to the priest’s house, where we dined. Mr. Martin, the priest, and myself were invited on board the next day, when we had an excellent repast, with plenty of wine and other liquors. Unfortunately we drank too freely, and returning in the evening, the priest began to be very angry with me for encouraging the Savages; this reprehension, with his former conduct, incensed me exceedingly, and in the heat of passion I threw him overboard, but by the assistance of the sailors he was saved. On our landing, our contest led us to blows, but we were soon parted. When we were recovered from intoxication, we shook hands, and afterwards remained good friends.

The next day the Indians were seized with an epidemic fever, which deprived them of the use of their limbs, and occasioned a delirium. The disorder attacked me very severely, but by the friendly assistance of Mr. Martin, who had a medicine chest, in about three weeks I recovered.

196The winter now advancing very rapidly, and the unavoidable delay at this post, obliged me to proceed on my journey on snow shoes, carrying all my goods on Indian slays, through the woods, and over [158] high mountains.

We travelled twenty-one days, on a deep snow, about one hundred leagues through the Saguenay country, which was very fatiguing, till we arrived at a place called Checootimy;^[105] about half way up the river on which it stands the salt water ebbs and flows. Only a few Indians reside here, and one Indian trader, with whom I wintered, and hunted, killing a great many animals. Early in the spring I took my leave of him, and being furnished with canoes, pursued my journey to St. John’s Lake; from thence to Panebacash River, to Lake Shaboomoochoine, which lies northeast of Lake Arbitibis about the distance of seven days Indian march.^[106]

Near the Falls of Panebacash River I landed, and ascended a high mountain, to survey a large cave, about two hundred yards deep, and three yards wide at the mouth. Here I picked up a piece of ore, about three inches square; the exterior crust was black and very thin, and when broke, appeared yellow. I brought it to Quebec, but by some accident lost it, which I lamented exceedingly, 197as some of my friends to whom I shewed it were of opinion that it was very valuable.

This journey was farther inland, by near eighty leagues, than any trader had ever been, the only settlement in that part of Canada being at St. Peter’s Lake, where a French house was formerly established, and where an English trader, who was employed by the merchants in whose service I was engaged, resided.

I arrived at Lake Shaboomoochoine on the 26th of May, 1781, where I intended only to stay a few days; but some Indians arrived who assured me that it would answer my purpose to winter, and promised [159] to supply me with fish, furs, and skins. This induced me to remain here; and I built a house suitable for my business, and kept two Indians with their wives to hunt for me.

On the 29th we set our nets, and in about four hours caught abundance of large trout, pike, maskenonjey, pickerill, and white fish, and as the country abounded with wild fowl, we were never without two courses at table, with roots for garden stuff.

On the 17th of June a band of Indians arrived, who were agreeably surprised to see a trader at a place where no one had settled before, and they were particularly delighted when they heard me speak their own language.

During my residence here I saw a great many snakes; and one day in particular as I was walking in the woods, I discovered one of those reptiles in the grass; the instant I perceived it, I cut a long stick and dropt it gently on the snake’s head; it immediately moved, and I could hear the rattles very distinctly. Whilst I was surveying the brightness of its colours, which were inexpressibly beautiful, it was coiling itself round like a rope to dart at me; 198this warned me of my danger, and I took the taper end of the stick, and let the heavy end fall on its head; the weight of the blow stunned it, and seizing this opportunity, I struck it again, which killed it. I measured it, and judged the length to be at least five feet and an half, and the thickest part about four inches in circumference, with nine rattles on the tail, which agreeable to the general observation, made his age nine years; but I believe this is not an established fact, as it is uncertain at what time the rattle begins to appear.

[160] The flesh of this reptile is delicious, and I have frequently eaten of it with great goût. I have seen the Indians poison it with the juice of tobacco.

Whilst I am on the subject, though not quite connected with it, I shall make some observations on the turkey and black water snake.

The turkey snake is longer than the rattle snake, with stripes on the back, and a spear at the end of its tail like an anchor, and a double row of teeth in each jaw. It takes its name from its voice, which resembles the note of a wild turkey. In the Mississippi it feeds on wild rice, which grows among long grass, bearing its head frequently erect, and makes a noise like a turkey to decoy it; as the bird approaches, the snake darts its tail into it, and makes it an easy prey.

The black water snake is used by the Indians when they go to war; they pull out the teeth, tie the head and tail together, and fasten it round their bodies, which soon kills it. They take it off every night, and put it on every morning.

In travelling from Toniata Creek, on the River St. Laurence to Pimetiscotyan Landing, on Lake Ontario, I saw one of these snakes swimming with a flat fish in its 199mouth, which I had the good fortune to shoot, and released the prisoner from the jaws of death.^[107]

I kept a flag constantly flying at my little fort, which the Indians paid respect to by a salute from their guns. The band who were at this time with me held a council, and made me a present of two very large [161] beaver robes, and several valuable skins, with plenty of provisions, for which I supplied them with tobacco, rum, trinkets, and ammunition. Two days after they left me, and desired me to wait their return, which I promised, provided they would bring me furs and skins to load the canoes, and they should be repaid with Indian goods. As I depended on their punctuality, I remained perfectly satisfied.

I was then left with two white men, and two Indians and their wives. We passed our time in hunting and fishing; and as there were a great many small islands near us, we made frequent trips to shoot wild fowl, which enabled us to keep a good table. On one of the islands we discovered two Indian huts, but from their appearance no person had visited them for a length of time. About half a mile from the place we saw a high pole, daubed over with vermilion paint; on the top were placed three human skulls, and the bones hung round: the Indians supposed it had been erected many years. About an hour before sun set we returned to our wigwam. The next morning, in the absence of the Indians, the Canadians assisted me in mixing the rum, and assorting the goods, to be prepared against the arrival of the 200Savages, and to fill up the time, which hung heavy on our hands.

On the 24th of June, a band of Indians arrived from Lake Arbitibis, who brought a considerable quantity of excellent furs and skins, with dried meat, which I bartered for. When the bargain was made, I gave them some rum, as usual upon such occasions, which, after their long march, highly delighted them. They drank very plentifully, as I had exceeded the common donation, but their cargo deserved it; and I always found it my interest to be generous to them upon a barter.

[162] On their departure, taking an Indian for my guide, I made a visit to a brother trader, one hundred and fifty miles from my settlement. I stayed with him about a fortnight, and was on the point of returning, when two Indians came to inform me, by the desire of my Canadians, that a band of Savages waited for me. In about five days we returned, and I bartered for all their furs.

On the 16th of July, about fifty Savages came with their spring hunt, which I also bartered for, though the peltry was very inferior to what is collected in winter; but as I was determined to make as good a season as possible, I was eager to avail myself of every opportunity to increase my stock.

The latter end of the month, the band who had promised to return came in, and fulfilled their promise, bringing a large quantity of furs, which, with the stock I had collected during their absence, was as much as my canoes would hold. They also brought intelligence that the Hudson’s Bay Company had been pillaged of their furs by the French.^[108]

201Early in the month of August I made up my packs, and embarked for Quebec, where I arrived in about six weeks, to the great joy of my employers, who, from my long absence, were very uneasy; however, the cargo fully satisfied them, and convinced them of my industry and integrity in their service. Being persuaded I had undergone great fatigue, they made me a handsome present above my salary, and I quitted their service, and the Indian life, with a resolution to endeavour to procure an employ less hazardous, and where I could partake [163] of the pleasures of society with less fatigue both of body and mind.

I remained some time at Quebec, and intended to pass my winter there, but my money being nearly exhausted, and my mind not reconciled to another Indian voyage, I returned to Montreal, where I found friends to supply my wants till the spring following.

202[164] Visit Fort George.—Remarkable Instance of Courage in a Mohawk Indian.—Return to England.—Enter into a new Engagement, and return to Canada, with Merchandise for the Indian Commerce.

In May I took a trip to Fort George, situated on a lake of the same name, called by the French, Saint Sacrement, where I stayed with some of the Mohawks, who were encamped there.^[109] In the beginning of the French and Indian war in 1757, there was a remarkable instance of resolution and cool deliberate courage in one of these Savages, occasioned by a sentence being passed upon a soldier to receive five hundred lashes for intoxication.

An Indian known by the name of Silver Heels, from his superior agility, as well as his admirable finesse in the art of war, and who had killed more of the enemy than any one of the tribes in alliance with Great Britain, accidentally came into the fort just before the soldier was to receive his punishment, and expressed his displeasure that a man should be so shamefully disgraced. He went up to the commanding officer, and asked him what crime the soldier had committed: the officer not chusing to be questioned, ordered one of his men to send Silver Heels away, and to inform him that the company of Indians 203was not agreeable on such occasions; Wa! wa! or, Oh! oh! replied the Savage, but what is the warrior tied up for? For getting drunk, answered [165] the soldier:—Is that all? said Silver Heels, then provide another set of halberts, and tie up your chief, for he gets drunk twice a day. Having said so, he instantly left the fort, telling the soldier he should quickly return, to endeavour to prevent the punishment being inflicted. Soon after the delinquent was tied up, and the drummers in waiting to obey orders, Silver Heels returned; and going up to the officer, with a tomahawk and scalping knife, said to him, Father, are you a warrior, or do you only think yourself so? If you are brave, you will not suffer your men to strike this soldier whilst I am in this fort. Let me advise you not to spill the good English blood which to-morrow may be wanted to oppose an enemy.—The officer, turning upon his heel, answered with an indignant look, that the soldier had transgressed, and must be flogged.—Well! replied Silver Heels, then flog him, and we shall soon see whether you are as brave a warrior as an Indian.

About two days after the officer was riding some distance from the fort, and Silver Heels was lying flat on his stomach, according to his usual custom when he watched to surprize an enemy. The officer passed without perceiving him, when he instantly sprung up, and laying hold of the horse’s bridle, told the officer to dismount and fight him. The officer judging it improper to risk his life against a Savage, refused to dismount, and endeavoured to spur his horse. Silver Heels perceiving his intention, tomahawked the horse, who fell down suddenly, and the officer rolled on the ground without being hurt. Now, says Silver Heels, we are on equal terms, and, as you have a brace of pistols and a sword, you cannot have any objection 204to fight me. The officer still refusing, Silver Heels told him, that he thought himself a warrior when he ordered one of his white slaves to be flogged for a [166] breach of martial law, but that he had now forgot the character he then assumed, or he certainly would have fought him: and looking very sternly, added, that he had a great mind to make him change his climate; but as that mode of proceeding would not answer his purpose, and sufficiently expose him among his brother warriors, he might walk home as soon as he pleased; and that to-morrow morning he would come to the fort with the horse’s scalp, and relate the circumstance. The officer was rejoiced to escape so well, though he was obliged to walk a distance of three miles.

The next morning Silver Heels arrived, and asked to see the officer, but was denied admission into his presence. Some of his brother officers came out, and enquired his business; he related to them the circumstance between the officer and himself, and exhibited the trophy; adding, that to-morrow he intended going to war, and should make a point of taking an old woman prisoner, whom he should send to take the command of the fort, as the great chief was only fit to fight with his dog, or cat, when he was eating, lest they should have more than him. Then asking for some rum (which was given him), he left the fort to fulfil his promise, but was soon after killed in an engagement, fighting manfully at the head of a party of Mohawks, near the Bloody Pond, joining to Lord Loudon’s road, in the way to Albany.

Just before the frost set in, I returned to Montreal, and visited my old Cahnuaga friends, where I amused myself in the Indian way, as I always preferred their society to the Canadians; notwithstanding, I occasionally mixed in 205more civilized amusements, and as I danced tolerably well, my company was generally sought after.

[167] The Canadians are particularly fond of dancing, from the seigneur to the habitant; and though the meaner sort of people do not excel in it, there is a peculiar ease, and careless indifference, which, though it appears too rustic, is far from being disagreeable. The beverage on these occasions is sour Spanish red wine, called black strap; and this, homely as it would be thought in more refined assemblies, is there considered as a very handsome manner of treating their friends.

The winter being passed, I determined to go to Quebec, and endeavour to get a passage to England, not having any prospect of a permanent settlement in Canada. On my arrival I put up at a tavern, and lived as moderately as possible, from necessity more than inclination; for every one knows that Indian traders, like sailors, are seldom sufficiently prudent to save much money. Fortunately for me, I met with an old school-fellow at Quebec, a captain of a ship, whom I had not seen for sixteen years. To him I communicated my distressed situation, and by him was generously relieved. In addition to this act of kindness, he promised me a free passage to England on board his vessel, which offer I accepted with pleasure and gratitude.

Having fixed the time of his departure, I took the post, and went to Montreal to settle my affairs: I then returned to Quebec, from whence we sailed the 11th day of October, 1783, and put into Newfoundland. When we came in sight of harbour, several of us requested permission to take the long boat, and row on shore, which was granted; but it being a dead calm, we made very little way. We had not left the ship more than a league, when a southwest 206wind sprang up, and retarded us considerably. In the evening the wind abated, and with hard rowing [168] we reached the shore about midnight, both fatigued and hungry. Early in the morning the ship came into harbour, and had suffered some damage by beating about in the night, which induced the captain to dispose of the cargo. On the 9th of November we left Newfoundland, on board another vessel: our passage was favourable, without any remarkable occurrence, and we arrived in London the 30th of the same month.

My native city, upon my arrival, appeared like a new world to me, having been absent from England fifteen years; and it was with difficulty I found any of my old friends, the greatest part of them in such a length of time being dead.

In February, 1784, I entered into an engagement with a relation to return to Canada; and being furnished with a cargo, left London on the 15th of April following. On the 20th we got under weigh, and put into Portsmouth, to take in wines. After a bad and tedious passage of eleven weeks, we arrived safe at Quebec, from whence my goods were sent to Montreal in small craft. Unfortunately the season was too far advanced to suffer me to attempt going to Michillimakinac, and wintering in the inlands, as I had no prospect of providing suitable canoes; nor were my goods properly assorted, and there was not time sufficient to arrange them, so as to make the intended voyage. This induced me to consult a friend upon the occasion, who advised me to dispose of my goods at public vendue, which I did, at very great loss, so that I could only remit my friend in London a very small sum in part of payment. In this adventure nothing succeeded to my wishes, for by my credulity, and being willing 207to retrieve, if possible, the loss I had sustained, I soon [169] increased my difficulties, so that in a few months after my arrival, all my schemes failing, I was left totally destitute.

In February, 1785, I quitted Montreal, and walked from La Prairie to St. John’s,^[110] where I accidentally found a friend who supplied me with money to go to New York. I proceeded to Stony Point, where I stayed two days with some loyalist officers, some of whom accompanied me to Crown Point, where we also stayed three days.^[111] We then parted company, and I hired a slay, which carried me safely to New York, where I took a lodging, and lived as moderately as I could.

During my residence there, I met a Loretto Savage, called Indian John, who had been in the American service all the war, and who waited to receive a reward for his fidelity, as the Congress were then sitting. He told me he had been at war for them nine years, had killed a great many of their enemies, and had only received a gun, two blankets, three pieces of Indian gartering, and one hundred dollars in paper money, which he could not make use of; and as I understood his language he desired me to render him service by interpreting for 208him to the governor. I desired him to call at my lodgings, and in the mean time I wrote down the circumstances he had related to me, that I might be prepared, in case I was sent for at a short notice.

A few days after he explained to me more fully the nature of his claim, and how he had been trifled with by Congress. I asked him his reasons for engaging in the American service; he told me that at the commencement of the war, the Big Knives (meaning the Americans), had advised him to turn his heart from the English, and promised to supply all his [170] wants; and, as an additional inducement, that they would pay a better price for a scalp than had been usually given, and at the close of the war he should have land and stock sufficient to maintain himself and family: but he was now convinced they only meant to serve themselves, as he had frequently applied for a performance of their promises without success; and that he was determined to get satisfaction some way or other.

I told him I was not sorry for his disappointments; that he was a bad Indian for deserting his good father, who lived on the other side the great water, and who was universally beloved by all who knew him, particularly by the Loretto nation; and as the subjects of this great and good father lived near his village, and gave every proof of their love and friendship to his nation, which he could not be ignorant of, I was surprized that he should suffer his heart to be moved by the changeable winds, and was sorry to add, that I believed he was the only Loretto Indian with two minds, and therefore I was unwilling to say any thing in his behalf before Congress.

These remarks on his conduct seemed to affect him, 209and he replied, that he hoped, notwithstanding he had deserted the cause of his great father, he should find me his friend to attend him when his affair should be taken under consideration by Congress, as he had not any one in New York who could serve him so essentially. I told him, that in spite of my just displeasure, his situation had melted my heart, and I would not refuse his request.

In about four days he came to acquaint me that Congress were then sitting, and he believed they would pay his demand if I would go [171] with him, and interpret to the governor; but having taken an active part against the Americans during the war, I would willingly have been excused. On his urging my promise to him, I could not resist, and immediately accompanied him to the council, where Governor Franklin was president, who asked me if I knew Indian John; I told him, only by seeing him at New York, and that I came at his particular request to speak in his behalf. He desired me to assure the Indian that he might depend on having his demand satisfied in a few days, and to make his mind easy: this I communicated to him, with which he seemed perfectly satisfied.

Soon after he was sent for, and he received an order on a merchant for one hundred dollars, which being presented for payment, was not honoured: this incensed John, and he desired me to tell the merchant, that the Congress and their agents were all thieves. The merchant excused himself by saying that the treasury was very poor, and could not immediately satisfy every demand.