Volume 2 — VOYAGES AND TRAVELS (continued 2)

I believe it will not be disputed that the Indian women love their children with as much affection as parents in the most civilized states can boast; many proofs might be adduced to support this assertion. A mother suckles her child till it attains the age of four or five years, and sometimes 97till it is six or seven. From their infant state they endeavour to promote an independent spirit; they are never known either to beat or scold them, lest the martial disposition which is to adorn their future life and character, should be weakened: on all occasions they avoid every thing compulsive, that the freedom with which they wish them to think and act may not be controuled. If they die, they lament their death with unfeigned tears, and even for months after their decease will weep at the graves of their departed children. The nation of Savages called Biscatonges, or by the French, Pleureurs, are said to weep more bitterly at the birth of a child, than at its decease; because they look upon death only as a journey from whence he will return, but with regard to his birth, they consider it as an entrance into a life of perils and misfortunes.^[58]

As soon as a child is born, if in summer, the mother goes into the water, and immerses the infant; as soon as this is done, it is wrapped up in a small blanket, and tied to a flat board, covered with dry moss, in the form of the bottom of a coffin, with a hoop over the top, where the head lies, to preserve it from injury. In winter it is clad in skins as well as blankets. In the heat of summer gauze is thrown over the young Savage, to keep off the musquitoes, which are very troublesome [61] in the woods. The board, on which the child is placed, is slung to the mother’s forehead with a broad worsted belt, and rests against her back.

When the French took possession of Canada, the women had neither linen, nor swaddling cloaths; all their childbed 98furniture consisted of a kind of trough, filled with dry rotten wood dust, which is as soft as the finest down, and well calculated to imbibe the moisture of the infant; on this the child was placed, covered with rich furs, and tied down with strong leather strings. The dust was changed as often as necessary, till the child was weaned.^[59]

Among the Indians who are in any degree civilized, the women feed their children with pap made of Indian corn and milk, if it can be obtained; but in the parts more northern, and remote from Europeans, wild rice and oats are substituted, which being cleansed from the husk, and pounded between two stones, are boiled in water with maple sugar: this food is reckoned very nourishing, and with broth made from the flesh of animals and fish, which they are frequently able to procure, cannot fail of supporting and strengthening the infant. Among several of the tribes of Indians, pap is made of sagavite, from a root they call toquo, of the bramble kind; this is washed and dried, afterwards ground, or pounded, and made into a paste, which being baked is pleasant to the taste, but of a very astringent quality. It is their common bread.

On our arrival at Lac Eturgeon, as the weather was bad, we encamped three days, which gave me an opportunity of making some observations [62] on this Lake, which I could not do when I passed it in my way to Lac la Mort.

This Lake, by the Indian accounts, is about five days journey by water: the width in some parts is about thirty miles. There are a number of small islands on it which abound with hares, partridges, and wild fowl. The 99Indians who frequent it are the Hawoyzask or Musquash, who speak the Chippeway language. They are usually more stationary than the generality of the Chippeways; they seldom leave the inlands, and are excellent hunters. Mr. Carver, in his chart, points out a village leading to Riviére St. Croix, which he says belongs to the roving Chippeways; but I believe all the nation, with very few exceptions, may be called rovers in the strictest sense of the word.^[60]

The first day of our encampment we killed a hare, made fish-hooks of the thigh bones, and baited them with the flesh. The lines were made of the bark of the willow tree cut into slips, and twisted hard together. Success crowned our endeavours, for we not only caught sufficient for present use, but enough for the remainder of the journey to Lake Manontoye.

The day before our arrival we killed two otters, which I intended as a present to Mr. Shaw, not doubting but any animal food would be acceptable from the severity of the season, concluding that his situation was as bad as our own, except in the article of wild oats. When arrived within about six miles of the lake, we met a small party of Indians, who alarmed us by an account of a dreadful confusion among their tribe, occasioned by the Hudson’s Bay Savages having killed three of their [63] band; and they said they believed Mr. Shaw had fallen a sacrifice to their fury, as they had heard them consult 100together to plunder the trader. They lamented exceedingly their inability to assist him, not being even strong enough to resent their own personal injury; however, they promised to accompany me on the way, as near to Mr. Shaw’s house as their safety would admit.

Having taken refreshment, we pursued our journey till within two miles of the house, when they thought it prudent to leave me, and wishing me success, retired into the woods, out of the track, to avoid being seen, where they promised to stay till my return. My Indian and his wife did not choose to proceed any farther, being also afraid of the Hudson’s Bay Savages. I confess my situation was very unpleasant, and I debated in my mind what steps to take to attempt the relief of a brother trader, and at the same time avoid injury myself. Relying on my usual success in suppressing these kind of tumults occasioned by intoxication, and conscious that I knew as well as any man the nature of the Indians when under its pernicious influence, I did not doubt, however unsuccessful my endeavours might prove as to rescuing Mr. Shaw from his perilous situation, but that I should certainly be able to effect an escape myself in case of an attack; and as one favourable suggestion frequently gives birth to another, and establishes by degrees a confidence in the mind, I anticipated Mr. Shaw’s delivery to my entire satisfaction. Fortified by these flattering hopes, I determined to exert my best and speediest endeavours in his behalf, and pursued my journey without delay. When I arrived within a quarter of a mile of the scene of discord, I heard the war-hoop in a manner very loud and clamorous; and though I had been accustomed [64] to such sounds, I was very much alarmed, and felt my resolution rather staggered; sensible that the rage of drunken Indians, 101when it has risen to a certain pitch, knows no bounds, and of the extreme difficulty of reconciling them to any person to whom they had unfortunately taken a dislike. Animated, however, with the idea of behaving like a warrior, and recurring to the time when I was adopted at Pays Plat, I conceived it unmanly to shrink from danger, and pushing through the woods, had soon a full view of the infernal spirits, for I could give them no better name.

I lay some minutes in ambush, listening with great attention, till I heard one of them cry out in the Chippeway language, “Haguarmissey mornooch gunnisar Cushecance;” or, “I do not mean to kill the Cat;” which was a name given to Mr. Shaw by the Indians, from his speaking in a feeble voice. This convinced me he was alive, though in imminent danger. I made all possible haste up to the house, and found the Savages, both men and women, completely drunk. The huts had been knocked down, the canoes adrift, and the whole formed the most dreadful scene of confusion I had ever beheld. There were also an old Indian and a woman, who I afterwards learned was his mother, lying dead upon the snow by the lake side. I made several efforts to get into the house, but was prevented by the Savages, who kept me back, kissing me, and telling me they loved me, but that I must not attempt to relieve the Cat. At last, with inconceivable difficulty, I persuaded them to attend to me, and felt the most extreme satisfaction in having succeeded, at least so far, in an attempt which would have been dangerous to any one to have undertaken who was not fully master of the language and character of the Savages, and [65] at the same time cool and dispassionate enough to hear their nonsense with patience and temper.

I then addressed myself to the most sober of the chiefs, 102and inquired of him the cause of the dispute; he told me Mr. Shaw was a dog instead of a cat, for that he had refused them rum; and that though he and the rest of the tribe were happy to see me, because they had heard I always had a good heart towards the Savages, I should not go in to assist the trader, for they were the masters of the wigwaum, and not he, and that they were resolved to have all the rum in his possession before break of day.

Mr. Shaw’s house might very properly be styled a fort, being secured by high pickets, which made it difficult for the Indians to approach it, and he had taken the precaution to fasten the outer gate as well as the door. I told the chief it was not my intention to interfere, that I passed accidentally in my way to Lac le Rouge, and should only stay to refresh myself. This information pleased him exceedingly, as he knew Mr. Shaw had only one man in the house, the rest, with the interpreter, being out in search of provisions, so that at my departure there would not remain force sufficient to obstruct their proceedings. I perceived them so fully bent on accomplishing their purpose, that had I betrayed the least intention or inclination to relieve the unhappy man, I should most probably have been dispatched without much ceremony. The effects of the rum they had already drank, had so elevated their spirits, that nothing less than the full possession of the whole stock would satisfy them; and I am persuaded that if half of them had perished, the rest would without hesitation have risked their lives in the attempt. To avoid all suspicion, [66] which would probably have been fatal both to Mr. Shaw and myself, I left the chief, and watched an opportunity of returning undiscovered. Fortunately the Indians had not drank all the rum Mr. Shaw had given them, and the chief as soon as I had left 103him went back to his hut to increase his intoxication, and communicate the conversation which passed between us, the rest of the band having retired soon after the conference began.

Observing the coast clear, I walked unobserved to the fort, and spoke loud both in French and English: Mr. Shaw and his man heard me, and recollecting my voice, were transported beyond measure. The man, who was a Canadian, was most delighted, as his fears were very strong, it being the first year he had wintered among the Savages. On my approach, I heard him cry out with the greatest vehemence, “Mon Dieu! que je suis content! Nôtre ami est arrivé, autrement nous serions foutu. Je conte assurément, que nous serons bientôt libre, mon cher bourgeois.” He instantly opened the gate; I entered precipitately, and congratulated him on the prospect of counteracting the designs of the Indians, being resolved to exert my best endeavours, and to live or die with them. Mr. Shaw thanked me for my professions of friendship, and immediately gave me a concise account of the disturbance. He said the Hudson’s Bay Indians had come to him with very little peltry, and after trading for it, he had given them more rum than they had any right to expect; that instead of being content with this, they insisted on more; that in a fit of intoxication they had killed an Indian and his mother; and had attempted to set fire to his house with punk wood, which they shot at it lighted, fixed to the points of arrows. Having heard his story, I encouraged him to keep up his spirits, and advised [67] him, when the Indians returned to execute their purpose, to appear indifferent to their menaces.

Whilst we were in deep discourse, I discovered three chiefs at a small distance from the house, in very earnest 104conversation, and was convinced they were devising some scheme to effect their design. As they approached, I called to them, and desired them to come into the house: they immediately advanced, and walked in one by one, with looks of treachery, which the earnestness of the business to be executed would not allow them to conceal. I talked to them without the least reserve, and in apparent good temper: I asked them if they were sober; but before they could give me an answer, the rest of the band came to the door, but did not enter; the head chief then told me they were very sober, and expressed great concern for their conduct, but that now the strong water had lost its influence, they saw their folly, and were sure the bad spirit had left their hearts.

I told them the Master of Life was angry with them, and that they did not deserve success in hunting, for their bad behaviour to the trader, who had been a kind father to them, and supplied all their wants. I then presented them with some tobacco to smoke in council, which was well received, and looking earnestly at the chief, addressed the band to the following effect.

“Keennerwind Ojemar woke, kee wabindan indenendum kee kee noneydone Kitchee Mannitoo, ojey candan opin weene aighter ojey petoone nowwetting guyack debarchemon kaygait nin oathty hapadgey nee woke keennerwind equoy kee janis goyer metach nogome gudderbarchemon [68] hunjyta O, nishshishshin artawway winnin kaygait nee zargetoone artawway winnin metach kakaygo arwayyor Matchee Mannitoo, guyyack neennerwind oathty mornooch kee appay omar neegee.”

“You chiefs, and others of the tribe whose eyes are open, I hope you will give ear to the words of my mouth. The Master of Life has opened my brain, and made my 105breath blow good words. My heart feels for you, your wives, and children; and what I now speak proceeds from the root of my friend’s sentiments, who owns this house, and who has told me that his heart was opened to you on your arrival; but notwithstanding his kindness, the bad spirit got possession of you, which made him very unhappy, though he hoped the Master of Life would change your dispositions, and make you good Indians, as you used to be.” To this speech one of the chiefs made answer:

“Kaygait Amik, kee aighter annaboycassey omar hapadgey; O, nishshishshin kee debarchemon nogome neennerwind ojey stootewar cockinnor nee doskeennerwaymug kee debwoye neecarnis hapadgey sannegat neennerwind ha nishinnorbay kaygwotch annaboycassey ozome Scuttaywabo ojey minniquy neennerwind angaymer Amik, shashyyea suggermarsh cockinnor nogome mornooch toworch payshik muccuk Scuttaywabo ojey bockettynan Cushshecance warbunk keejayp neennerwind ojey boossin;—haw, haw, haw.”

“It is true, Beaver, you have strong sense, it sweetens your words to us, and we all understand you. We know, friend, your lips open with truth. It is very hard for us Indians, who have not the sense of the white people to know when we have had enough of the strong [69] fiery water; but we hope the Cat will throw off the film from his heart, as ours are clear: we also hope he will open his heart once more, and give us a small keg of the strong water, to drink to the health of our brother and sister, whom we have sent to the far country, and to-morrow at break of day we will depart.”

Mr. Shaw, by my advice, promised to comply with their request, on condition of their being true to their engagements, 106and that they should forbear even tasting the rum while they remained on the ground. This determination I acquainted them with, and they retired to their huts, leaving us in quiet possession of the fort.

The Indians remained quiet all night, which induced me to hope that my promise of rum to them, on their departure, had accomplished the desired effect: but I flattered myself too much, as the storm was not yet even at the height. At break of day they assembled, and asked for the rum, which was immediately given them; and they got into their canoes, and went off without burying their dead. This being very uncustomary, alarmed me, as no people are more particular in paying the greatest respect to the remains of the deceased. Suspecting the bad spirit was still in them, and that they were only gone a short distance to drink the rum, we prepared for an attack, loading twenty eight northwest guns, and a brace of pistols, and sat down by the fire expecting their return to compleat the design my fortunate arrival had hitherto prevented. In about an hour they returned very much intoxicated, singing their dead war songs, and every warrior naked, painted black from head to foot: as they approached the house in Indian file, each one repeated the following words; “Mornooch toworch gunnesar [70] cushshecance neennerwind ojey dependan O wakaygan:” or, “Nevertheless we do not mean to kill the Cat, we only own this fort, and all that is in it.”

Whilst they were singing, we were preparing our guns, and placing them so as to be ready for immediate use, if necessary; being determined to make a vigorous resistance, although there remained only Mr. Shaw and myself, the Canadian having fled to the woods.

I assumed the character of commander in chief, and 107desired Mr. Shaw to obey my orders implicitly, and by no means to fire till I gave the signal; well knowing that the death of one of the Savages, even in our own defence, would so exasperate the rest that there would not be a possibility of escaping their fury. As our situation was truly critical, we acted with as much coolness as men devoted to destruction could. A fortunate thought came into my head, which I instantly put in practice: I went into the store, and rolling a barrel of gunpowder into the outer room, knocked out the head. I had scarcely finished it, before the Savages arrived, and advancing to the door, armed with spears and tomahawks, said to each other, “keen etam,” or, “you go first.” We stood ready to receive them, and gave them to understand we were not afraid of them. One of the band entered the house, and I said to him sternly, “Ha wa neyoe shemagonish equoy kee tertennin marmo?” or, “Who now among you old women is a brave soldier?” and immediately pointing my pistol cocked to the barrel of gunpowder, cried out with great emphasis, “Cockinnor marmo neepoo no gome;” or, “We will all die this day.” On hearing these words they ran from the door, crying, “Kitchee Mannitoo ojey petoone Amik O mushkowar haguarmissey yang:” [71] or, “The Master of Life has given the Beaver great strength and courage.” The women fled with the utmost precipitation, pushed their canoes into the water, and got off as fast as they could: the men, who before were intoxicated, became sober, and making as much haste as possible, paddled to an island opposite the house. Soon after a canoe came on shore with six women, to endeavour to make up the breach; but I refused all reconciliation, telling them that they might have known me before; that my name was Beaver; that all the Indians knew me to be 108a warrior; and that my heart was not easily melted. The women immediately returned, carrying with them the dead, which satisfied me they did not intend to trouble us again.

Thus, by an happy presence of mind, we were saved from almost inevitable destruction, and probably from ending our lives under the most excruciating torture.

It may not be improper to observe the necessity there is for a trader to be cool, firm, and, in case of emergency, brave, but not rash or hasty. The Indians are just observers of the human mind, and easily discover true from affected courage, by that apparent tranquillity which clearly distinguishes the former from the latter. It is well known that no people in the world put courage to so severe a trial, and watch at the executions of their enemies with such savage curiosity, the effects of the tortures they inflict; even the women exult in proportion to the agony betrayed by the unhappy sufferer; though it frequently happens thro’ the same spirit operating on both parties, that the most excruciating torments cannot extort a sigh. An example or two from Mr. Adair’s History of the American Indians, will shew the firmness of an Indian [72] mind, and prove beyond a doubt that such anecdotes are not exaggerated. Truth should be the standard of history, and guide the pen of every author who values his reputation.

Some years ago the Shawano Indians being obliged to remove from their habitations, in their way took a Muskohge warrior, known by the name of old Scrany, prisoner; they bastinadoed him severely, and condemned him to the fiery torture. He underwent a great deal without shewing any concern; his countenance and behaviour were as if he suffered not the least pain. He told his 109persecutors with a bold voice, that he was a warrior; that he had gained most of his martial reputation at the expence of their nation, and was desirous of shewing them, in the act of dying, that he was still as much their superior, as when he headed his gallant countrymen against them: that although he had fallen into their hands, and forfeited the protection of the divine power by some impurity or other, when carrying the holy ark of war against his devoted enemies, yet he had so much remaining virtue as would enable him to punish himself more exquisitely than all their despicable ignorant crowd possibly could; and that he would do so, if they gave him liberty by untying him, and handing him one of the red hot gun-barrels out of the fire. The proposal, and his method of address, appeared so exceedingly bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then suddenly seizing one end of the red hot barrel, and brandishing it from side to side, he forced his way through the armed and surprised multitude, leaped down a prodigious steep and high bank into a branch of the river, dived through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch, amidst a shower of bullets; and though numbers of his enemies were in close pursuit of him, he got into a bramble swamp, [73] through which, though naked and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country.

The Shawano Indians also captured a warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and put him to the stake, according to their usual cruel solemnities: having unconcernedly suffered much torture, he told them, with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted enemy; therefore he was willing to teach them, and would confirm the truth of his assertion if they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and some tobacco, which 110was given him; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat down, naked as he was, on the women’s burning torches, that were within his circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure: on this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws; however, though he was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it should be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was marked with war streaks at the cost of many of the lives of their beloved kindred; and then, by way of favour, he with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all his pains. Though the merciful but bloody instrument was ready some minutes before it gave the blow, yet I was assured, the spectators could not perceive the sufferer to change either his posture or his steadiness of countenance in the least.

Death, among the Indians, in many situations is rather courted than dreaded, and particularly at an advanced period of life, when they [74] have not strength or activity to hunt: the father then solicits to change his climate, and the son cheerfully acts the part of an executioner, putting a period to his parent’s existence.

Among the northern Chippeways, when the father of a family seems reluctant to comply with the usual custom, and his life becomes burdensome to himself and friends, and his children are obliged to maintain him with the labour of their hands, they propose to him the alternative, either to be put on shore on some island, with a small canoe and paddles, bows and arrows, and a bowl to drink out of, and there run the risk of starving; or to suffer death according to the laws of the nation, manfully. 111As there are few instances where the latter is not preferred, I shall relate the ceremony practised on such an occasion.

A sweating house is prepared in the same form as at the ceremony of adoption, and whilst the person is under this preparatory trial, the family are rejoicing that the Master of Life has communicated to them the knowledge of disposing of the aged and infirm, and sending them to a better country, where they will be renovated, and hunt again with all the vigour of youth. They then smoke the pipe of peace, and have their dog feast: they also sing the grand medicine song, as follows.

“Wa haguarmissey Kitchee Mannitoo kaygait cockinnor nishinnorbay ojey kee candan hapadgey kee zargetoone nishinnorbay mornooch kee tarpenan nocey keen aighter, O, dependan nishinnorbay, mornooch towwarch weene ojey mishcoot pockcan tunnockay.—The Master of Life gives courage. It is true, all Indians know that he loves us, and [75] we now give our father to him, that he may find himself young in another country, and be able to hunt.”

The songs and dances are renewed, and the eldest son gives his father the death-stroke with a tomahawk: they then take the body, which they paint in the best manner, and bury it with the war weapons, making a bark hut to cover the grave, to prevent the wild animals from disturbing it.

Thus do the unenlightened part of mankind assume a privilege of depriving each other of life, when it can no longer be supported by the labour of their own hands, and think it a duty to put a period to the existence of those to whom they are indebted for their own, and employ those arms to give the fatal stroke, which, in more civilized countries, would have been exerted for their support.

112I remained with Mr. Shaw until the return of his men, and took an Indian slay, loaded with wild rice and dried meat, and two of his Canadians to assist me. In my way I called at the place where I left the Indians who communicated to me the first account of the tumult at Mr. Shaw’s but they were gone. My Indian and his wife waited for me, and were rejoiced to see me again. On my return to Lac la Mort, I found all my men in good health and spirits, having been well supplied with provisions by the Savages, during my absence, and had increased my stock of peltry by barter. Mr. Shaw’s men rested at my house one night, and the next morning set off for Manontoye.

113[76] Indian Manner of going to War, &c.

Lake Manontoye, where Mr. Shaw wintered, is not so large as Lac Eturgeon: it abounds with excellent fish and wild fowl; and oats, rice, and cranberries, grow spontaneously in the swamps. There are very few islands on it. There are about three hundred of the Chippeway nation who resort to it; they are very wild, and delight in war, which they sometimes wage against the Sioux, on the Mississippi; and they are frequently absent from their families fifteen months, scarce ever returning without a prisoner or a scalp.^[61]

It is very strange that the thirst of blood should stimulate the human mind to traverse such an amazing extent of country, suffering inexpressible hardships, and uncertain of success, to gratify a passion, which none but an infernal spirit could suggest; and when success has crowned his labours, that he should return with inconceivable satisfaction, and relate the transactions of his journey, with the greatest exultation, smiling at the relation of agonies which he alone occasioned. The most dreadful acts of a maniac cannot exceed such cruelty: happy those, who enjoy the benefits of society, whose civilization, and whose laws protect them from such detestable outrages.

Previous to their going to war, the head chief calls a council, and each chief has a belt of wampum, and a war pipe: the belt to remind [77] them of former transactions relative to the nation they intend to commence hostilities against, and the pipe to smoke at the council fire. When 114they have determined to make war, they send the belts and pipes to their enemies; and if a similar compliment is returned, they instantly prepare for blood, with the most steady and determined resolution.

The novel of Emily Montague affords a striking example of this strong propensity for blood, which I shall relate in the author’s own words.

“A Jesuit missionary told me a story on this subject, which one cannot hear without horror. An Indian woman with whom he lived on his mission, was feeding her children, when her husband brought in an English prisoner; she immediately cut off his arm, and gave her children the streaming blood to drink. The Jesuit remonstrated on the cruelty of the action; on which, looking sternly at him—I would have them warriors, said she, and therefore feed them with the food of men.”

When I was at Cataraqui, the capital of the Loyalist settlements in Canada, a party of Mohawks and Messesawgers accidentally met, and having bartered their skins and peltry with the traders, sat themselves down to drink the rum their merchandize had produced. As the liquor began to operate, their imaginations suggested to them that they were of different nations, and as the Mohawks always claimed a superiority, intoxication made them proud: at last a dispute arose, and a Messesawger Indian was killed, and his heart taken out, which the [78] Mohawks intended to have broiled, but they were prevented by a gentleman who accidentally passed by their hut, and prevailed upon them to give it up.

It seems to be the constant attention both of the male and female part of the Indians to instil ideas of heroism into the minds of the rising generation, and these impressions they carry far beyond the line of reason or of 115justice. Is it then surprising that every action of their lives should tend to satisfy their thirst for revenging offences committed against them, and that these sentiments should operate so powerfully in directing their future conduct? There is, nevertheless, one exception to these observations—their conduct to traders, who are obliged on some occasions, when intoxication runs high, to beat them very soundly;—to their credit, in these instances, I must confess I never knew them to resent this severity when sober. The only remark they have made has been—“Friend, you beat me very severely last night—but I do not mind, I suppose I deserved it—it was the liquor made me offend.” Or if they betray any dissatisfaction, one glass of rum will reconcile all differences. With regard to severity when they are perfectly sober, I am convinced it would be highly dangerous, and should be cautiously avoided.

But although they often express these blood-thirsty sentiments, and too frequently put them in execution, yet there are occasions when they exercise both temper and reason.

When I was at Pimistiscotyan Landing, on Lake Ontario, I had a large dog, to protect myself and property; an Indian came in rather [79] in liquor to ask for rum, and probably might strike the animal; the dog instantly seized him by the calf of the leg, and wounded him dreadfully. He returned to his hut, and made no complaint till the next morning, when he desired to speak with me: I went to him, and he told me how the dog had used him, saying, he hoped I would give him a pair of leggons, to supply those which the dog had torn; but that with regard to his leg, he did not trouble himself much about that, as he knew it would soon be well. I immediately 116granted his request, and added a bottle of rum, with which he seemed well pleased, and I heard no more of it.

But to return to the subject of going to war. The women and children sometimes go forward in their canoes singing the war songs, and encamp every evening at sunset, having a great dislike to travelling in the dark. Forty-eight young warriors are placed, in four divisions, to keep guard at night, armed with guns, bows and arrows, and some scotté wigwas, or fire bark, to light in case of sudden surprise.

This bark is taken from the birch tree, and being properly dried, is used by the Indians to light them to spear fish: it is fixed on a stick about seven feet long, and either put at the head of the canoe, or carried by the person who attends upon the man that spears, and whose business it is also to steer the canoe.

At day break the Indians depart, and pursue their journey regardless of the weather, till they arrive in the enemy’s country, when the utmost precaution is adopted that it is possible for human invention to suggest.

[80] When war is made against the Mississippi Indians, they endeavour to kill the men and women, and bring away the children to dispose of to the traders, who send them down to Montreal for servants. The boys are not so much to be depended upon as the girls, being more stubborn, and naturally disdaining the idea of slavery; they are also full of pride and resentment, and will not hesitate to kill their masters in order to gratify their revenge for a supposed injury. The girls are more docile, and assimilate much sooner with the manners of civilization. Being unaccustomed to domestic life, they are at first sick and unhealthy; but the change soon becomes 117familiar to them, and they then prefer it to the uncultivated manner of living in which they were brought up.^[62]

A few days after my return to Lac la Mort, a band of Savages arrived from the Red Lake, called by the Indians, Misqui Sakiegan, and some from Lake Shabeechevan, or the Weed Lake, about five days march beyond Lake Manontoye. Red Lake is so called on account of a remarkable circumstance which happened to two famous warriors of the Chippeway nation, who were hunting by the lake side, and as they were looking out for game, perceived at some distance an enormous beast, that appeared much larger than any animal they had ever seen; his pace was slow and heavy, and he kept constantly by the water side. They followed him as close as they thought prudent, determined at all hazards to use their best endeavours to kill him. As they approached, they had a clearer view, and discovered that his body was covered with something like moss; this increased their surprise, and after consulting together, they continued advancing towards the beast, and fired large shot, without appearing to make any impression. They [81] fired again with as little effect as before; then retreated some distance, sat down and sung their war songs, addressing themselves to the Master of Life, and desiring his assistance to enable them to conquer it, as they believed it to be the Matchee Mannitoo, or bad spirit, in the shape of this monster. They then got up and pursued him, both firing at the same time: the shot proved successful, 118and caused the animal to turn round, which induced them to keep up their fire till the beast jumped into the water, and they lost sight of him. From the circumstance of his blood dyeing the water red, this lake has ever since been called the Red Lake.

Fish is caught here in great abundance, and wild rice grows in very great plenty in the swamps. The country likewise abounds with all sorts of animals for hunting. There are several rivers and falls of water on the northwest part. The Indians are very fond of fishing and hunting here during the winter season, as they are generally very successful even in the most severe weather. From Red Lake to Lake le Sel, or Salt Lake, by the Indian accounts, there are fourteen short portages, and twenty-two creeks. Lake le Sel is very small, and the water shallow and muddy. It does not exceed three miles in length. There are few fish except eels, cat fish, and pike; but it abounds with musquashes and wild fowl. From this lake to Lake Caribou, or Rein deer Lake, is eight days march across five creeks and three portages.

Lake Caribou, or, in the Indian language, Ateeque, is about thirty miles long, with several small islands, resembling the Mille Isles, in the River St. Laurence, above Montreal. The water is deep and clear, [82] and the bottom hard. It abounds with large trout, white fish, pickerill, pike, and sturgeon. It is surrounded by a chain of high mountains. Some years ago a French trader settled here, but of late it has been deserted. The Indians reckon it ten days march to Lake Schabeechevan, across thirteen portages, and as many creeks; but as I wintered here the following year, though I went to it by a different track, I shall not describe it till I give an account of the occurrences of that time. From Lake Schabeechevan to 119Lake Arbitibis are three small lakes, eight creeks, and five portages. Lake Arbitibis is very large, and the surrounding land rocky and mountainous. This Lake furnishes the Indians with fish and wild fowl. The aquatic race abound in this part of the world, doubtless so appointed for the support of the numerous tribes of Savages, who are obliged to resort to the lakes for food. At the northern extremity of this Lake is a large fall of water, which flows from a river whose current is rapid for about twenty miles. On this river there are also dangerous rapids; the land upon its banks is low, and the beach sandy. From Lake Arbitibis to Crow’s Nest Lake, called by the Indians, Cark Cark Sakiegan, is a short distance. The utmost circumference of Crow’s Nest Lake scarcely exceeds two leagues, and is only remarkable for a small island in the middle, with about forty high palm trees, where the crows build their nests, which is called Cark Cark Minnesey. The fish in this Lake are very indifferent, being mostly of the sword-fish kind, which the Indians seldom eat. From this Lake is a long portage, and about half way a high mountain. At the end of the carrying place is a river called Cark Cark Seepi, or Crows’ River, which runs with a strong current for about thirty miles, from Neeshshemaince Sakiegan, or the Lake of the Two Sisters; so called from the meeting of two currents, which form one grand discharge into [83] the lake. The Hudson’s Bay Indians hunt here with great success. At the end is a carrying place about a quarter of a mile long, that leads to a remarkably narrow river, which runs with a strong current for about fifty leagues: the land on each side being very high, makes the navigation dark. The Indians in going up this river travel as light as possible, to enable them to combat the strong current. 120The Hudson’s Bay Company are supplied with a considerable quantity of peltry from this river.

As the description of this country, hitherto so little explored, is a principal part of what I intended in this publication, I have described it either from my own knowledge, or the most authentic information I was able to procure from the Savages. In this respect I have followed Carver, who on his arrival at the grand portage, met a large party of Killistinoe and Assinipoil Indians, from whom he received accounts of several lakes and rivers, which he describes agreeable to the information he obtained.

It is necessary to observe, that though the Indians are very expert in delineating countries upon bark, with wood coal mixed with bears’ grease, and which even the women do with great precision, the length of a day’s march is very uncertain, and consequently cannot afford any geographical information. This remark, I trust, will be found to want no farther proof than the consideration that their drafts consist principally of lakes and rivers, as they seldom travel much by land; and when their track over land is described, it is perhaps only a short portage which they cross, in order again to pursue their journey on their favourite element. But as few persons will probably read this account [84] with a view of going into this country, the description I have been able to give will be sufficient for the generality of my readers. I lament exceedingly my inability to make this work more perfect, but trust that it will be found highly useful to those whose avocations may induce them to have recourse to it for information and guidance in commercial pursuits. If an Indian goes with the stream, or against it, from sunrise to sunset, it is called a day’s march. This uncertainty makes it very difficult for any one who travels as a 121trader to ascertain any thing more than the Indian distance from one lake to another. As Mr. Carver, in his map, says that the branches which run from Riviére St. Louis, at the end of West Bay, in Lake Superior, are but little known, I can with equal propriety observe that those from Lake Alemipigon, or Nipegon, both east and west, are very difficult to describe geographically. The known candour of my countrymen, will, I am persuaded, pardon any errors of this sort, as I can assure them I have exerted my best endeavours to render the description of places, with respect to distances and situation, as clear as possible, which the chart I hope will more fully explain.^[63]

122[85] Further Transactions with the Indians; their Superstition, Jealousy, &c.

Having given an account of the different lakes, rivers, &c. from Lac la Mort, I shall continue the narrative from my return from Lake Manontoye, where I relieved Mr. Shaw.

A few days after, another band of Savages arrived with skins, furs, and some provisions; they stayed with me two days, making merry with what rum I could spare them, without doing any mischief, and departed at last very peaceably. On the twenty-third of February another band came in, consisting of about eighty, men, women, and children, who brought dried meats, oats, bears’ grease, and eight packs of beaver, which I purchased, giving them rum, as usual, with which they got intoxicated. In this frolic one woman was killed, and a boy terribly burnt. On the third day they departed, well pleased with their reception, leaving us plenty of provisions. The weather being more moderate, I sent my men to the lake to look after the nets, which had been under the ice a considerable time, the severity of the season not having allowed us to examine them for near a month, when, to our great mortification they were found almost rotten, and not a single fish; but as one of the Canadians could make nets as well as myself, we repaired the damage; and caught plenty of fish to support us till April.

The severity of the season was sensibly felt by Mr. James Clark, belonging to the same company, who had five men starved at Lake Savan, [86] a bad lake for fish, about three hundred and fifty miles from my wintering 123ground;^[64] the Indians being obliged to hunt so far back in the woods that they could not give him any assistance; and from the concurrent accounts of the traders in the northwest, as well as from the Savages who resorted to my house, it was the hardest winter they ever remembered.

About this time a large band of Chippeways arrived, traded with me for their hunt, and finished their frolic in a peaceable manner. While this band was with me, a curious circumstance occurred, which I shall relate.

One part of the religious superstition of the Savages, consists in each of them having his totam, or favorite spirit, which he believes watches over him. This totam they conceive assumes the shape of some beast or other, and therefore they never kill, hunt, or eat the animal whose form they think this totam bears.

The evening previous to the departure of the band, one of them, whose totam was a bear, dreamed that if he would go to a piece of swampy ground, at the foot of a high mountain, about five days march from my wigwaum, he would see a large herd of elks, moose, and other animals; but that he must be accompanied by at least ten good hunters. When he awoke he acquainted the band with his dream, and desired them to go with him: they all refused, saying it was out of their way, and that their hunting grounds were nearer. The Indian having a superstitious reverence for his dream (which ignorance, and the prevalence of example among the Savages, carries to a great height), thinking himself [87] obliged to do so, as his companions had refused to go with him, went alone, 124and coming near the spot, saw the animals he dreamed of; he instantly fired, and killed a bear. Shocked at the transaction, and dreading the displeasure of the Master of Life, whom he conceived he had highly offended, he fell down, and lay senseless for some time: recovering from his state of insensibility, he got up, and was making the best of his way to my house, when he was met in the road by another large bear, who pulled him down, and scratched his face. The Indian relating this event at his return, added, in the simplicity of his nature, that the bear asked him what could induce him to kill his totam; to which he replied, that he did not know he was among the animals when he fired at the herd; that he was very sorry for the misfortune, and hoped he would have pity on him: that the bear suffered him to depart, told him to be more cautious in future, and acquaint all the Indians with the circumstance, that their totams might be safe, and the Master of Life not angry with them. As he entered my house, he looked at me very earnestly, and pronounced these words; “Amik, hunjey ta Kitchee Annascartissey nin, O Totam, cawwicka nee wee geossay sannegat debwoye:”—or, “Beaver, my faith is lost, my totam is angry, I shall never be able to hunt any more.”

This idea of destiny, or, if I may be allowed the phrase, “totamism,”^[65] however strange, is not confined to the Savages; many instances might be adduced from history, 125to prove how strong these impressions have been on minds above the vulgar and unlearned. To instance one, in the history of the private life of Louis the XV. translated by Justamond, among some particulars of the life of the famous Samuel Bernard, the Jew banker, of the court of France, he says, that he was superstitious [88] as the people of his nation are, and had a black hen, to which he thought his destiny was attached; he had the greatest care taken of her, and the loss of this fowl was, in fact, the period of his own existence, in January, 1739.

Dreams are particularly attended to by the Indians, and sometimes they make an artful use of the veneration that is paid to them, by which they carry a point they have in view: I shall relate an instance for the satisfaction of the reader.

Sir William Johnson, sitting in council with a party of Mohawks, the head chief told him, he had dreamed last night, that he had given him a fine laced coat, and he believed it was the same he then wore; Sir William smiled, and asked the chief if he really dreamed it; the Indian immediately answered in the affirmative: Well then, says Sir William, you must have it; and instantly pulled it off, and desiring the chief to strip himself, put on him the fine coat. The Indian was highly delighted, and when the council broke up, departed in great good humour, crying out, who-ah! which is an expression of great satisfaction among them.

The next council which was held, Sir William told the chief that he was not accustomed to dream, but that since he met him at the council, he had dreamed a very surprising dream; the Indian wished to know it; Sir William, with some hesitation, told him he had dreamed that he had given him a tract of land on the Mohawk River to 126build a house on, and make a settlement, extending about nine miles in length along the banks: the chief smiled, and looking very cheerfully at Sir William, [89] told him, if he really dreamed it he should have it; but that he would never dream again with him, for he had only got a laced coat, whereas Sir William was now entitled to a large bed, on which his ancestors had frequently slept. Sir William took possession of the land by virtue of an Indian deed signed by the chiefs, and gave them some rum to finish the business.^[66] It is now a considerable estate, but since the war the Americans have deprived him of it, with all the buildings, &c. which are very valuable. It lies on the opposite shore to the German Flats, but the land is by no means equal in goodness with the soil there. Perhaps no part of America produces land better calculated for cultivation than the German Flats.

During the American war, the best Loyalist troops were collected from the Mohawk River, and it was agreed on all hands that for steadiness, bravery and allegiance, they were not to be excelled. Government has done its utmost to reward many of them for their services, by giving them land in Canada and Nova Scotia; and to those whom poverty obliged to solicit them, implements of husbandry. They are now in a very flourishing state, and there is no doubt but they will prove valuable friends and supporters of Great Britain on any future emergency.

During the severe weather, I had a narrow escape from a contrivance of the Indian who was occasionally with me, and whom I employed in hunting, and making marten 127traps: this was occasioned by jealousy, on account of his wife, who was a pretty young Squaw, of the Rat nation, and whom he suspected of infidelity.

[90] Being short of provisions, and having only one faithful Canadian in the house, except the Indian and his wife, I desired him to make a number of marten traps, and set them in two different roads, called a fork. Having finished about two hundred, and set them in the woods, baited with fish heads, which these animals are very fond of, he returned, and I gave him some rum for his trouble. Every day, for a considerable time, he went regularly to examine them, and when successful, was always rewarded to his satisfaction. Having been unfortunate several days, I charged him with doing other business, instead of examining the traps, to which he made no reply. I communicated my suspicions to my man, and desired him to watch the Savage. The next day the Canadian discovered him in the woods dressing some partridges:^[67] when he returned home in the evening he asked for rum, which I refused, telling him he did not deserve any. This answer displeased him; and looking earnestly at me, he replied, that I did not use him well; for though he had been unsuccessful with his traps, his trouble was the same; and that he generally found them out of order, which obliged him to set them right, and employed him the whole day. This excuse did not make any alteration in my conduct, and I told him the weather was too bad to get at any rum. He then began to imagine that I suspected him, and knew of his laziness, and immediately opened his mind, telling me very frankly that 128he was jealous of me; and that his reason for not going to examine the marten traps, was to prevent any communication between me and his wife, which, had he been far distant from home, might have been easily effected; and for this reason he kept near the house to watch her, knowing that she was fond of me; but that if I would give him some rum, to drive away the bad spirit from his heart, he would endeavour to forget the injury I had done him.

[91] Judging it prudent to remove his suspicions, I gave him two gallons of rum, a carrot of tobacco, a shirt, a pair of leggons, a scalping knife, &c. and several articles to his wife. Having received the presents, he called her to drink with him, and thank the trader with a cheerful heart for his great kindness. When they were a little merry he began to sing, and I heard him repeat these words: “Mornooch Amik kee zargetoone mentimoyamish;” or, “I do not care though the Beaver loves my wife.” This did not please me, as I knew his jealousy would increase in proportion to the quantity of liquor he drank. However, I used the utmost precaution, securing his weapons to prevent his doing me any injury. His wife hearing him repeat the words so frequently, began to be angry, and pulled his hair and scratched his face. I thought this a favourable opportunity to express my dislike, and told him he was a fool to be jealous; that I gave him the rum to drive away the bad spirit, but it had a contrary effect; that I never wanted any thing of his wife but to make or mend snow shoes, and always paid her for her trouble. Yes, cries the wife, he is a fool, Beaver, and I will beat him; which she instantly did, and cut his head with a glass bottle. I then interfered, and parted them.

The moment I was gone, he began the old song, and 129continued singing till he was sober; when getting up, he came to me and said, “Beaver, I have seen the bad spirit in my dream, who told me that the trader had robbed me.” Irritated at the expression, I told him his lips never spoke truth, and that he had no sense; and thinking it right to suppress this humour, beat him very severely. When he had recovered his reason, he said to me, “Beaver, you have sense, though you have spotted my carcase.” I then remonstrated with him on the great [92] folly of being jealous; but he was sullen, and made no reply. He then called his wife, but she being asleep did not hear him; he called a second time, and asked for his gun, tomahawk, and scalping knife; but not receiving any answer, he was very angry, and said to me, “Beaver, I will throw away my body;” to which I did not think it prudent to make any reply. He then laid himself down on the ground, and called his wife a third time. She came to him, and observing displeasure in his countenance, told him not to be angry with the Beaver, for he was a great warrior, and always opened his heart to them. He ordered her to bring him a bark bowl full of water, and set it down carefully between the Beaver’s legs. Whilst she was gone for the water, he said to me, “Come here, Beaver, and I will shew you that I have nothing sweet on my lips, but will speak the truth.” The wife returned and placed the bowl of water as her husband directed; when it had stood some time he said, “Beaver, put your finger in the water, and let it remain till I tell you to take it out.” I obeyed him with the utmost cheerfulness, and in a few minutes, by his desire, withdrew it. He then said, “Beaver, you know that a husband is so called because he is the master of weakness, and for that reason he should protect his wife; and at the same time, you, as a trader, 130should not injure me: but that I may not accuse you unjustly, I will try you by my own thoughts. Beaver, look at my wife, and look at the water, and tell me where you put your finger; if you cannot tell, you have certainly robbed me.” I then put in my finger again, and pointed out the place. “No;” said he, looking earnestly at me and his wife, “as you cannot be certain that it is the exact place where you first put in your finger, neither can I be certain that you have robbed me; though I as much believe it, as you do that the place you pointed out was the exact spot.” I [93] confessed myself surprised at his disbelief; but not willing to incense him, I told him I was sorry he should imagine me capable of such wickedness as to be guilty of injuring him, for my mind was as calm as the water in an undisturbed state; and after giving him a few presents, sent them away, injoining him to use his wife well, as she was perfectly innocent. As they departed, he said to me smiling, “Beaver, you must get somebody else to look after your marten traps.”

Adultery among the northern Savages is generally punished in a summary way by the husband, who either beats his wife very severely, or bites off her nose. It is extremely dangerous for a trader to be suspected, for when the husband is intoxicated, his jealousy rises into madness; and revenge, whether the party suspected be innocent or guilty, is continually to be expected. When the mind of an Indian is once affected, his passion increases in proportion to the quantity of rum which he drinks, though he has the art to conceal it when he is sober. It is the baneful effects of rum which puts every jealous thought in motion, and then it knows no bounds, till intoxication completely overpowers him, or returning sobriety restores his lost reason.

131Early in the month of April, I received a letter from Monsieur Jaques Santeron at Lake Schabeechevan, in the same employ as myself, to inform me that he was tired of being a servant, and thinking his labours not sufficiently rewarded, had determined to make a grand coup, having a number of fine packs which he purposed selling to the Hudson’s Bay Company: that he should leave his wintering ground next morning with four birch canoes, and would write further particulars on bark, which he should nail against one of the crooked trees at the foot of [94] the Grand Rapid, in case I should be disposed to come that way, and concluded with great gaieté de cœur, wishing me and all my friends very well.

I was greatly surprised on receiving this unpleasant intelligence, and particularly as I had never heard of his integrity being impeached in the smallest degree; and I was disappointed, as I expected him to pass my wintering ground on his return to Pays Plat.

Conceiving it my duty to exert my best endeavours to prevent the loss of so much property to my employers, I engaged Kesconeek the chief, and twenty Savages, under promise of being satisfied for their trouble, to conduct me to the crooked trees. We went off with the utmost expedition, and in a few days arrived at the spot, where I saw the piece of bark, as he described, and the following words written with charcoal, “Adieu, mon cher ami, je prends mon départ avec courage, et j’attends une bonne vente pour ma pelleterie. De bon cœur je vous souhaite la prosperité; faites mes complimens à tous mes amis—au revoir mon cher companion.”

Having perused it, and explained it to the chief; he said he was a bad spirit, and that as he had been gone six days before our arrival, it would be impossible to overtake 132him, as he could not be far from the entrance of the North River, leading to Hudson’s Bay, and if I pursued him, I should not get back in time to trade with the Indians for their great hunt. We therefore returned, after a fruitless expedition, extremely mortified at the disappointment, as I was very sensible he would never return to Canada, to make satisfaction to his employers.

[95] Soon after my return the grand band came in with all their winter’s hunt, which they call Kitchee Artawway. They consisted of about thirty families, of twenty in each. He who has most wives is considered the best hunter, being obliged to provide for their maintenance by his own industry. The Indians laugh at the Europeans for having only one wife, and that for life, as they conceive the good spirit formed them to be happy, and not to continue together unless their tempers and dispositions were congenial.

Having bartered for their skins and furs, they asked for rum; I told them I had only one small keg left, which I would give them at their departure, which satisfied them: and when they were ready to embark, I ordered a Canadian to put it into the chief’s canoe.

Having disposed of all my merchandise except a few articles, and a small quantity of rum, to barter with any Indians I might happen to meet with in my return to Pays Plat, we baled up our peltry, and on the 23d of May left Lac la Mort, with four small birch canoes richly laden with the skins of beavers, otters, martens, minx, loup serviers, beaver eaters, foxes, bears, &c.^[68]

Before I proceed to relate the particulars of my voyage, 133I shall mention the Indian manner of killing the white bear and the buffalo. The large white bear, commonly called the grisly bear,^[69] is a very dangerous animal; when the Indians hunt it they generally go six or eight in a band; the instant they see one, they endeavour to surround it, by forming a large circle: if it is on the march they fire at it;—but it is most frequently discovered in the winter season sucking its paws; in [96] that case they approach nearer, and form a double row for the animal to run between. One of the party is then sent out, who fires at the bear and generally wounds it: this rouzes it to pursue the Indian, who runs between the ranks, and the rest of the band fire and soon dispatch it.

The buffalo I need not describe; it is well known to be a remarkably strong animal; the Indians say its head is bullet proof, and therefore they always fire at the body, endeavouring to hit the heart. When they are in pursuit of this animal they make up small huts of snow in different places, for near a mile in length on each side of the road; in each of these huts an Indian stands with a bow and arrow, to shoot at it as it passes, preferring that mode to powder and ball, as it does not alarm the rest of the herd. The snow prevents the buffalo from smelling the Indians, though their scent is very strong and quick. The instant the animal drops they tomahawk it.

On the 2d of July we arrived at Portage Plain, so called on account of its being a barren rock, near a mile long, joining to Lake Alemipigon: it was sunset when we encamped. Besides the sixteen Canadians, our party was increased considerably by about twenty of the Sturgeon 134and Nipegon Indians, who accompanied us according to the usual custom of following the trader to assist at the carrying places. The day previous to our departure some traders overtook us, and encamped also. They informed us of a band of Indians who were enemies to the Nipegons being near at hand, and desired me to acquaint the Savages with it. Before their arrival the Sturgeon Indians left us, and the other band would fain have quitted the ground; but upon telling them I wanted [97] their assistance on my journey, they agreed to stay, though I thought very reluctantly.

We soon discovered several canoes, and in about half an hour the Indians landed. They were of the nation of the Wasses, and always at war with our Savages.^[70] Being a select people, they seldom associate with other tribes, and are continually on the hunt, only making their appearance in spring and autumn. We received them very cordially, and after the usual forms of salutation, made mutual presents to each other: they told me they had heard of me by some Indians at Lac la Mort, and were desirous of seeing me before my return to Michillimakinac, or in their language Tecodondoraghie.

I soon perceived the uneasiness of my Indians, and was careful to keep them at some distance from each other; but all my precaution was ineffectual, and before my departure a most dreadful catastrophe was the consequence of their mutual hatred.

135Our Indians having made up huts, began to sing their medicine songs to induce the Wasses to partake of a feast which they said they intended to make, with a view of preventing any dispute with them; but knowing that the Nipegons had no provisions but what I found them, I suspected their intentions were not so pacific as they pretended: this induced me to ask a boy belonging to the band, why they pretended to make a feast, without having any provision to do it; he replied, that the Wasses had made them a present of dried meat, and with this and some huckle berries they had saved, they intended to make their visitants merry. This answer confirmed my suspicions, as no feast is [98] ever made, where friendship is intended, without inviting the trader; and as no notice was sent me, I dreaded the evil consequence of their meeting.

Deliberating with myself on the unpleasant prospect, and considering how to act to prevent mischief, I was interrupted in my meditations by a Savage (Ayarbee, or the big man), who came to give me intelligence of an intended plan to destroy the Nipegon Indians, and which was communicated to him by an old woman who belonged to the band of Wasses.

In about an hour the Nipegon huts were in order to receive their intended guests, who were encamped in a hollow, surrounded with cedar trees and bushes, close to the lake side. The Nipegons being determined to counteract the designs of their deceitful visitors, and punish their intended perfidy, made holes in the bark of their huts, in which they placed their guns, loaded with swan shot. Each man taking his station; the Wasses, to the number of eighteen, ascended the hill, and were coming prepared to partake of the feast, with knives and 136wooden bowls, intending to overpower the Nipegons on a given signal; but they were fatally disappointed, for when they got within thirty yards of the Nipegon huts, they were fired at, and all the band, except a girl about fourteen years of age, killed on the spot; she was dangerously wounded, but advanced with a gun, which she snatched from an Indian who was preparing to dispatch her, and shot Ayarbee through the head, and was herself soon after tomahawked and scalped by a Nipegon boy about the same age, who at such an early period of life displayed all that ferocity which marks the most determined chief.

[99] Thus was treachery rewarded: and though in my heart I could not but approve of the conduct of the Nipegon Indians, I was afraid of trusting to them, and had resolved on taking my leave of them, when the chief came up and informed me, he was very sorry that his band could not accompany me any farther, for being afraid of the resentment of the nation of the Wasses, when they came to hear of the transaction, notwithstanding they had done it in their own defence, they had determined to depart; and soon after pushed off their canoes, and left me, a circumstance which pleased me exceedingly. The next day a party of Indians met us, to whom I related the disaster. They were very much shocked, and said the Nipegon Savages might repent their rash conduct, though at the same time they acknowledged them right in guarding against the designs of the Wasses. They asked me if I had got their packs, as they assured me they had made a good hunt, and had rich peltry. This information vexed me exceedingly, as I should certainly have increased my cargo had not the affair happened, and likewise have 137given more satisfaction to my employers, though I had already a large quantity of goods, and had every reason to be pleased with my success. The Nipegons made up fourteen bales of dried meat, which they took with them; but the furs and skins were hidden in the woods, and never afterwards found that I heard of.

We continued our journey to Lac Eturgeon, where soon after our landing, we killed a great many wild fowl, and caught plenty of fish. Here we met about fifty of the Hawoyzask or Rat Nation Indians,^[71] with whom I made a small barter, chiefly with rum, having disposed of all my Indian goods.

[100] Our journey was retarded for some time in order to gratify my curiosity. A young Indian girl fell sick, and the chief desired me to stay to see the wonderful effects of their medicines, as she was very bad, and without immediate assistance, he said, must soon change her climate. The physician who attended her said, that the Matchee Mannitoo, or bad spirit, had put the bear’s claws into her, and his medicines would remove them. A hut was prepared, and the girl stripped to her matcheecoaty or under petticoat; she was then painted with vermilion, and daubed over with soot and bears’ grease, and profusely sweated, which soon relieved her pain. During the operation, the physician addressed himself to the Master of Life, begging his assistance, and thanking him for giving knowledge to restore health: then giving her a decoction of roots, he made a perfect cure. I could not help admiring his skill and manner of proceeding, 138though I attributed her recovery solely to the plentiful perspiration she underwent.^[72]

Previous to our departure, one of their women was delivered of a fine boy, and I was highly delighted with the mother’s tenderness, as the infant sucked the milk, which in their language is called tootooshonarbo, or the sap of the human breast, an expression which struck me forcibly. The husband was also very attentive, and performed the part of an affectionate parent, which induced me to give him some rum to cheer his heart, and drink my health. He seemed pleased with the present, and addressing himself to the Great Spirit, thanked him for the safe delivery of his mentimoye:—then looking very earnestly at me, told me how much he was indebted to me for the comfort that I had afforded him, and that he was sure that I was a brave warrior, for my generosity to him and his wife, when they so much wanted assistance. When the young [101] warrior cried, he observed, that he wished to be grateful to me for my attention to his parents, and that it was only the echo of his breath, (meaning his voice) to praise the goodness of the Saggonash, or Englishman. As I got into my canoe, he said, “Beaver, be strong, you will always have a public road among the Nipegon Indians, therefore return as soon as you can; in the mean time, I shall take care to acquaint all the Indians with your goodness, and I hope when we see you again, we shall have had a good hunt, and be able to give you furs and skins to repay your kindness.” I told him I always loved the Indians, that I was adopted by the Chippeways, and considered myself as one of their tribe; that I would 139return as soon as possible with plenty of goods for their families; that my heart was melted by his regard for me, and giving him and his wife each a parting glass of the strong water, took my leave, and pursued my journey.

We arrived at Pays Plat on the 10th of August, where I met some brother traders, who had been in different parts of the inlands, particularly the Northwest. Here we waited for fresh goods from our employers, and enjoyed ourselves with the remains of our different provisions, which we threw into a common stock, and made ourselves merry with the scanty pittance, recounting our several adventures: but none of them had suffered the difficulties I had experienced, except Mr. Shaw, whom I happily relieved at Lake Manontoye; the rest of the traders having wintered very remote from me, by the way of the Grand Portage.

Soon after our arrival, our employers sent their agents with a fresh assortment of merchandize and provisions, which rejoiced us exceedingly, [102] having been a considerable time without corn or grease, and absent from Michillimakinac about fourteen months. I delivered my cargo of furs, consisting of about one hundred and forty packs, in good condition,^[73] and loaded the canoes with the fresh goods; then taking leave of my companions, prepared for my departure for the Inlands, to winter another year among the Nipegon Savages. But before I begin to relate my second adventure, I cannot forbear making some observations on the hardships attending an Indian life, particularly as an interpreter and trader.

My salary was about one hundred and fifty pounds per 140annum, which I certainly deserved, considering the knowledge I had of the Chippeway language.

I was sent into the Inlands with only corn and hard grease, without any other provisions I could rely on; for as to fish and other animal food, the former in a great measure depends on the season, the latter on the arrival of Savages; and though in general I was successful in aquatic pursuits, and received frequent supplies from the Indians, it was a precarious mode of subsistence, and at Lac la Mort I suffered great hardships.

I had sixteen men, and an Indian and his wife occasionally with me, to feed and govern, and on the continuance of their health my existence in a great measure depended. As it was my constant duty to be in the way, in case of the arrival of Savages, being the only one who could talk their language, I had few opportunities of hunting, neither could I go far abroad to examine whether the Canadians did their duty or not: I [103] was therefore always full of anxiety, and rejoiced when the spring returned to set me free.

The constant attention necessary in taking care of the goods to prevent depredations, the continual fears and apprehensions of being plundered by a set of intoxicated beings; always liable to insults, without daring to resent them; and when I had bartered all my merchandize, and made a successful trip—feeling a painful solicitude till the fruits of my labours were safely delivered to my employers. Upon the whole, perhaps no situation can be more distressing, and it has often filled my mind with surprise when I reflected on the engagement I entered into, which consumed the prime of my days in a traffic, the dangers and fatigues of which scarce any salary could compensate. I believe nothing but the flattering idea 141of thinking myself superior to others as an interpreter, prompted me to continue in a station so fatiguing to support, and so difficult to execute; and I cannot but conclude with this observation:—That however censurable a man may be for indulging even this degree of pride, the liberal mind will easily pardon the presumption, as they know he alone is the sufferer; and as self-opinion governs the pursuits of mankind, the individual who is most influenced by it, must stand or fall by the consequences.

142

SECOND EXPEDITION

[104] Proceed to winter again among the Nipegon Indians;—Design of an Indian to plunder us;—unfortunate Accident happens to an Indian Chief;—narrowly escape being assassinated by an Indian Straggler; Murder of Joseph la Forme, a Trader.

On the 15th of August I left Pays Plat, with four birch canoes, and the same men who wintered with me at Lac la Mort, and arrived at Riviére la Pique, which runs into Lake Superior: this river is very crooked for about seven miles, and extremely deep; it abounds with fish, particularly pike, from which it takes its name.^[74] On our landing, we found a large band of Chippeways, and some of the Rat nation, who immediately prepared a feast for us of dried meat, fish, &c. Among them was an Indian named Ogashy, or the horse; he was reckoned, even by his own tribe, a bad Indian, which put me on my guard during my encampment there. I traded for their skins and furs, and gave them some rum, with which they had a frolic, which lasted for three days and nights; on this occasion five men were killed, and one woman dreadfully burnt. When the fumes of the liquor had evaporated, they began, as usual, to reflect on the folly of their conduct, and all except Ogashy expressed great concern; he seemed rather to be pleased at the mischief which had happened, and before my departure, I was informed that he intended to destroy me, and plunder the property. To frustrate his villainous intention, I kept him in good humour, and made [105] him sleep in my hut, 143a compliment he seemed highly pleased with, and which I believe for the time diverted him from his purpose; and though by no means fond of his company, I judged it most prudent to have my enemy in sight. In the morning I gave him a glass of rum, and promised him a two-gallon keg to carry off the ground, which, as the Indians express themselves, drove the bad spirit from his heart. When my men had prepared every thing for embarkation, I gave the chief of the band the liquor, and a single bottle of rum more than I promised to Ogashy, unknown to the rest, in which I had infused a considerable quantity of laudanum. Unsuspicious of what I had done, he put the bottle to his mouth, and shaking me by the hand, said to me, “Kee talinimanco negee,” or, “your health, friend,” and immediately took a hearty draught which soon stupified and lulled him into a profound sleep, in which, I was afterwards informed, he remained twelve hours, depriving him of the power of doing harm, and that soon after, an Indian who had an antipathy against him, and only sought an opportunity of gratifying his resentment, tomahawked him. His eldest son burnt him, and fixed his bones on a high pole, as he was the head chief of the tribe.

We proceeded on our voyage, and arrived at a short carrying place, called Portage la Rame, where we encamped for nine days, being wind bound; here we found a number of Indians in the same situation.

As soon as Lake Superior was passable with safety, we continued our journey through strong and dangerous rapids, which kept us continually in the water, and very sensibly affected our limbs; on these occasions, [106] where great exertion is necessary, all distinction is laid aside, and it is tel maitre, tel valet, the bourgeois must 144work as hard as the engagés, to encourage them to do their duty with more alacrity, and avoid all cause of complaint.

The wind proving favourable, we proceeded to Cranberry Lake, so called from the great quantity of cranberries growing in the swamps. We stopped here two days to refresh ourselves after the great fatigue we had undergone in struggling against the rapids. Being sufficiently recovered, and having nothing to detain us, we proceeded to a short carrying place called La grande Côte de la Roche, near the entrance of the Nipegon River, which is a high ridge of rocks that must be passed to avoid the great cataract which I mentioned in my former voyage. At this time we had very little animal food, but fortunately killed three large bears in the middle of the portage, which supported us several days, besides which, we reserved some of the meat we had smoked and dried to carry with us.^[75]

From La grande Côte de la Roche we proceeded to Lac le Nid au Corbeau, or Crow’s Nest Lake, which is about two hundred miles in circumference, and supplied by a number of small rivers; there are also several islands on it which furnish the Indians with great plenty of wild fowl: bears are also found here in abundance, and a surprising number of beaver dams, running in a crooked direction about ten miles. The Chippeways hunt here, and find a great deal of game.

The reader will observe that in the first voyage I gave an account of another Crow’s Nest Lake, which is very small, with an island in the [107] middle with high palm 145trees: in such an extent of country it is not surprising that there should be two places of the same name.^[76]

During our stay a band of Indians arrived from Lake Arbitibis, who probably were dissatisfied with the trader they dealt with, and intended to go to Michillimakinac, but finding that I understood their language, they bartered with me, and made me a present of meat and fish. An accident happened here which had nearly proved fatal, and which was of infinite service to me ever after, by putting me more on my guard in all transactions with the Savages.

Some of the chiefs being desirous of seeing my Northwest guns, I was obliged to open a case for their inspection; this I did unwillingly, as the weather was fine, and I was extremely anxious to get to the wintering ground before a heavy fall of snow: having shewn them the guns, they loaded four, and laid them down by the cases, intending to try them; during the time they were thus employed I was busy in arranging the goods that had been displaced in getting at them; but as soon as I was at leisure, I took up one of the guns in a careless manner, not knowing it was charged, and snapped the lock, which most unfortunately shot off the ear of one of the chiefs, and I also received some injury by the powder flying in my face, and almost depriving me of sight. The discharge was so instantaneous, and appeared so premeditated that the chief reproached me in very severe terms for the injury I had done him, and threatened revenge; however, I soon convinced him it was an accident, and giving him some presents, he consoled himself for the loss of his ear, which was very large and handsome, and 146without a single break, which made it very valuable in his estimation. It was fortunate [108] I did not kill him, as in all probability we should have been sacrificed to the resentment of the band.

The Indians pride themselves in having large ears, and extended as wide as possible, which renders them liable to be pulled off. It is very common in drunken frolics to lose them; but when they are only torn, they cut them smooth with a knife, and sew the parts together with a needle and deers’ sinews, and after sweating in a stove, resume their usual cheerfulness.

The next day we took our leave, and pursued our journey to Shecarke Sakiegan, or the Skunk’s Lake, which runs with a strong current. In the fall it abounds with geese and ducks: here we hunted one day, and with good success. The next morning at break of day we embarked, and had favourable weather till we arrived at Lake Schabeechevan, or the Weed Lake. This lake is about one hundred and eighty miles in circumference, and full of small islands; it abounds with fish, and the swamps are full of wild rice and cranberries; it is about six days march from Lac la Mort.

This lake was an unfortunate situation to my employers last year, when one of their servants, Jaques Santeron, went off with a valuable cargo. On my arrival, I looked out for the house he had erected, but could not discern the least trace of it; probably he was so elated that he made a feu de joye on the prospect of being his own master. At the extremity of this lake is a fall of water, which runs from a river of the same name, and has a direct communication with the waters leading from Fort Albany, within the boundaries of the Hudson’s Bay territories: [109] it is about thirty days march across 147nineteen portages and creeks, besides fourteen rapids, which are a great hindrance to the journey. The Indians run down the strong currents without the least fear, and seldom meet with any accident, performing the voyage in one third part of the time they take in ascending, and without any damage to their canoes, which in going against the stream are frequently rendered useless, and they are obliged to make new ones, before they can pursue their voyage; but it is a most convenient circumstance that they are no where at a loss for birch bark, and being also very expert, they will make a canoe in three days sufficiently large to carry three people with necessaries for their support, and room to stow their furs and skins.^[77] On this lake there are about one hundred and fifty good hunters, who make a great many packs of beaver, &c. and this was one inducement for settling here, which was increased by the prospect of a plentiful supply of fish, rice, and cranberries, which are winter comforts of too great consequence to be slighted.

Having secured the canoes, and refreshed my men with good soup, I left them in charge of the goods, and took two Indians to shew me a convenient place to build a house, which having fixed on, a building was erected, fifty feet long, and twenty feet wide, divided into two separate apartments, one for merchandise, and the other for common use. The rum being concealed in the woods, and every thing properly arranged, we put the fishing tackle in order; and as the lakes began to freeze very fast, I divided my men into two parties, one half to be employed in fishing, the remainder (except one man whom I always kept in the house) in providing fuel for winter. 148In about three weeks a sufficient quantity of wood was piled near the house, and the wood [110] cutters joined the fishing party: they proved very successful, so that our minds were more at ease than in the preceding year, not having the dread of famine.

In about ten days a numerous band of Indians arrived with their fall hunt, none of whom I had ever seen, not having wintered so far inland before. They seemed well pleased to find a trader settled among them, and particularly as I spoke the language; but when I informed them that I was a brother warrior, and shewed the marks of adoption in my flesh, they were highly delighted. The women were immediately ordered to make up huts, and prepare a feast; whilst this was doing the Indians came into my house, one by one, and seating themselves on the floor, began to smoke, and looked very cheerful. When I had given them tobacco and other Indian goods, the old chief, whose name was Mattoyash, or the Earth, took me round the neck, and kissed my cheek, then addressed me in the following words.

“Meegwoitch kitchee mannitoo, kaygait kee zargetoone an Nishinnorbay nogome, shashyyar payshik artawway winnin tercushenan, cawween kitchee morgussey, an Nishinnorbay nogome cawwickar indenendum. Kaygait kitchee mushkowway geosay haguarmissey waybenan matchee oathty nee zargetoone Saggonash artawway; winnin kaygait hapadgey kitchee morgussey an Nishinnorbay; kaygwotch annaboycassey neennerwind mornooch towwarch nee zargey debwoye kee appay omar, cuppar bebone nepewar appiminiqui omar.”—“I thank the Master of Life for loving us Indians, and sending us this day an English trader, who will open his heart to me and my young men. Take courage, young men, suffer not your 149hearts to be bound [111] up, and throw away the bad spirit from you: we all love the English traders, for we have heard of their pity to Savages; we believe that they have an open heart, that their veins run clear like the sun. It is true we Indians have but little sense when drunk, but we hope you will not think of this, and if you will stay with us, we will hunt with spirit for you.”

When he had finished his speech they all got up, and taking me by the right hand, conducted me to their hut; immediately on entering, one of the warriors placed me on a large beaver robe which was prepared for me, and put a wampum belt round my neck, singing all the time to the Master of Life, while myself and the chief were eating. When the feast was over, I took two of the Indians to my house, and gave them two kegs of rum, and ten carrots of tobacco, with other articles, for which they gave me all their peltry. They then began to frolic, which continued three days and nights: the only accident which happened was to a little child, whose back was broke by the mother. When they had rested a day after intoxication, I supplied them with plenty of ammunition for their winter’s hunt, and they departed perfectly satisfied with their reception. I cannot help relating the method I was obliged to adopt to quiet an old Indian woman, who was more troublesome than the rest, and continually importuned me for liquor.

I infused forty drops of the tincture of cantharides, and the same quantity of laudanum, into a glass of rum, and when she came to me soliciting very earnestly for the strong water, I gave her the dose which was prepared for her: she drank it without hesitation, and being already much intoxicated, it made her stagger. But this did not satisfy her, and [112] she still asked for more; I then repeated 150the dose, which she also drank, and then fell on the floor. I ordered my Canadian to carry her out of the house, and lay her carefully near her own wigwaum, where she remained twelve hours in a deep sleep, to my entire satisfaction. I have always found laudanum extremely useful; in general it may be considered an essential article in the commerce with the Indians, as it proves the only method of overcoming their intoxicated senses, and making the life of a trader more tolerable, by putting a stop to their impertinence.

On the 19th of November a band of about forty Indians came in with a few skins and a great quantity of dried meat, with some bears’ grease, which I purchased for a little rum, and advised them to carry it along with them off the ground; they complied with my wishes and embarked perfectly sober.

It was always my custom to endeavour to persuade them to take away the rum, though I seldom succeeded. The fatigue of watching them when the liquor begins to operate is inconceivable, besides the risk of our lives and property.

After their departure I was left for near a month with only one man, the rest being employed in fishing and watching the marten traps: in both pursuits they were successful, but particularly in the former, having brought home near eight thousand, trout, pike, pickerill, and white fish, which we hung up as usual to freeze. When the severe weather sets in every man has his allowance served out twice a day, and this rule is constantly adhered to even though the stock be very considerable.

[113] In the beginning of December a new married couple arrived, and having given them a little rum, they got very merry; and perceiving the woman was in great 151good humour, I desired her to sing a love-song, which she consented to with cheerfulness.

THE SONG

“Debwoye, nee zargay ween aighter, payshik oathty, seizeebockquoit shenargussey me tarbiscoach nepeech cassawicka nepoo, moszack pemartus, seizeebockquoit meteek.”

“It is true I love him only whose heart is like the sweet sap that runs from the sugar-tree, and is brother to the aspin leaf, that always lives and shivers.”

I thanked her for her song, and giving the husband a bottle of scuttaywabo,^[78] left them together to enjoy their hearts’ delight; and as there was not sufficient to intoxicate them, I was not afraid of a jealous fit. I always bore in mind the circumstance at Lac la Mort, and my fortunate escape. In the morning they departed, paying me well for my presents with some beaver, bear, and otter skins.

A few days after an Indian arrived, with his two wives and three children; they immediately came into my house, and sat down by the fire. I thought I discovered deceit in his countenance, and watched him very narrowly. I asked him what success he had met with in his hunt? He told me he believed the Master of Life was angry with him, for he had fired at several animals, and expended all his ammunition, without doing execution. This was a figurative mode of expression, [114] and convinced me that he was lazy, and could not get credit for what he wanted: he added, that his family had been without provisions some days, and hoped I would cheer their hearts, and be a friend to them. I then ordered a 152large kettle to be put on the fire, and boiled some fish, which they ate of very heartily, particularly the women and children.