Book 12 — APPENDIX.
Reading edition
APPENDIX.
No. I.
SECTION 1.—GENERAL STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN THE PENINSULA, EXTRACTED FROM THE IMPERIAL MUSTER ROLLS.
King Joseph commanding, 1st Oct. 1809.
Present under arms Detached. Absent. Effective. Horses.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Hosp. Prison. Men. Cav. Draught.
180,814 28,091 10,407 3,165 46,109 4,124 237,330 23,196 8,060
Deduct for the governments 10,407 3,165
——— ———
Real total 226,927 28,091
——— ———
15th July, 1810.
273,403 52,336 29,462 7,846 47,107 4,915 349,972 41,848 18,334
In march to join
6,121 736 ” ” 636 ” 6,757 736
——— ——— ——— ——— ——— ——— ——— ———
279,524 53,072 29,462 7,846 47,743 4,915 356,729 60,918
——— ——— ——— ——— ——— ——— ——— ———
15th August, 1810.
279,639 52,063 25,340 6,017 46,982 5,995 351,961 41,446 16,634
In march to join 1,957 681 511
——— ——— ———
Total effective in Spain 353,918 42,127 17,145
Troops destined for Spain, quartered on the frontier 16,006 1,447 ”
——— ——— ———
Grand total 369,924 43,574 17,145
——— ——— ———
Note.—By this state it appears that allowance being made for casualties, the reinforcements for Spain, in consequence of the peace with Austria, were not less than one hundred and fifty thousand men.
15th Jan. 1811.
Present under arms. Detached. Absent. Effective. Horses.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Hosp. Men. Cav. Draught.
295,227 52,462 17,780 4,714 48,831 361,838 41,189 15,987
15th April, 1811.
276,575 46,990 15,121 2,166 40,079 331,776 37,855 11,301
These states shew a decrease of nearly thirty thousand men in three months. During this period the siege of Badajos, the retreat of Massena, the battles of the Gebora, Barrosa, and Fuentes Onoro took place. Hence, if the deaths in hospital be added to the losses sustained in those operations we shall find that, at the period of its greatest activity, the Guerilla system was more harassing than destructive to the French army.
SECTION 2.—STATE OF THE ARMY OF PORTUGAL.
April, 1810.—Head-quarter Caceres. Massena, Prince of Esling, commanding.
Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Pris- oners. Effec- tive. Horses.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Men. Cav. Draught.
2d corps d’armée 18,372 4,449 1,119 132 1,628 7 21,126 3,520 1,061
6th Ditto 33,759 10,159 496 110 5,086 349 39,690 3,140 3,129
8th Ditto 28,045 7,070 25 ” 5,976 99 34,145 5,312 1,758
Total active army 80,176 21,678 1,640 242 12,690 455 94,961 15,972 5,948
Imperial guards 17,380 3,800 174 15 733 ” 18,287 2,831 954
Province of St. Ander 13,464 752 276 ” 1,774 377 15,891 15,752 ”
Province of Valladolid 4,509 124 123 ” 859 145 6,136 ” 126
Total under Massena’s command 116,029 26,254 2,213 257 16,056 977 135,275 19,555 7,056
15th May, 1810.
Etat major et gend’armes 229 241 ” ” ” ” 229 241 ”
2d corps Reynier 16,903 2,921 992 231 1,337 42 19,232 2,186 966
6th do. Ney 28,883 5,421 1,224 964 4,940 357 35,067 2,152 4,233
8th do. Junot 30,782 4,228 7 30 5,642 75 2,643 2,142 2,116
Reserve of cavalry. Montbrun 4,776 4,851 246 189 95 ” 5,117 5,040 11
Total active army 71,573 17,662 2,489 1,414 12,014 474 86,076 11,761 7,315
15th August, 1810.
Etat major, &c 199 222 ” ” 3 ” 202 222 ”
2d corps 16,418 2,894 2,494 397 3,006 ” 21,913 1,969 1,304
6th corps 23,456 2,496 1,865 577 5,541 193 30,862 1,701 1,372
8th corps 18,803 1,959 436 169 4,996 98 24,235 2,016 1,112
Reserve of cavalry 4,146 4,322 1,138 831 157 31 5,441 4,907 246
Artillerie et genie et du siege 2,724 2,969 205 159 409 ” 3,339 108 3,128
Total active army 65,746 15,862 6,139 2,119 14,112 302 85,997 10,815 7,162
6th Government Valladolid. Division Serras 12,693 3,045 639 20 1,775 641 15,107 2,931 134
Asturias et St. Ander. Bonet 12,913 ” 1,394 15 1,578 107 14,885 434 ”
Total under Massena 91,352 18,907 8,172 2,154 17,465 1,050 115,989 13,746 7,296
9th corps, Drouet Comte D’Erlon 19,144 2,436 24 ” 3,147 ” 22,315 2,436 ”
General Total 110,496 21,343 8,196 2,154 20,612 1,050 138,304 16,616 7,296
Army of Portugal, 27th September, 1810. The 9th corps to the 15th October.
The reserve of cavalry, and the artillery of siege to the 1st September only.
Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Effective. Horses.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Cav. Draught.
Etat major 192 219 ” ” 4 196 219 ”
2d corps 16,575 2,921 2,397 287 2,214 21,186 1,872 1,336
6th do. 23,224 2,478 1,708 600 5,418 30,350 1,730 1,348
8th do. 18,807 2,958 663 140 4,656 24,126 2,027 1,071
Reserve of cavalry 4,146 4,322 1,138 831 157 5,441 4,907 246
Artilleries of siege 3,022 3,115 206 159 409 3,637 146 3,128
Battalion of march which quitted Bayonne the 2d of October ” ” 474 16 ” 474 16 ”
Total 65,966 16,013 6,586 2,033 12,858 85,410 10,917 7,129
9th corps 19,062 2,072 413 ” 3,516 22,991 1,755 317
Division Serras 8,586 1,015 269 35 1,750 10,605 1,050 ”
Grand Total 93,614 19,100 7,268 2,068 18,124 119,006 13,722 7,446
Army of Portugal—1st January, 1811.
Head-quarters, Torres Novas.
2d Corps, Head-quarters Santarem.
Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Effective. Horses.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Cav. Draught.
Merle’s division, 9 battalions 4,368 ” 150 ” 1,549 6,067 ” ”
Heudelet’s do. 12 do. 5,718 ” 451 ” 2,646 8,815 ” ”
Lt. cavalry, Soult, 15 squadrons 1,146 993 523 537 231 1,900 1,530 ”
Artillery and engineers 1,284 1,121 52 9 189 1,425 112 1,018
Total 12,516 2,114 1,176 546 4,515 18,207 1,642 1,018
6th Corps, Thomar.
Marchand, 11 battalions 4,987 28 529 ” 1,121 6,637 28 ”
Mermet’s, 11 do. 6,252 ” 743 ” 1,077 8,104 ” ”
Loison, 12 do. 4,589 ” 1,037 ” 3,291 8,917 ” ”
Light cavalry, Lamotte, 7 squadrons 652 651 663 663 117 1,432 1,314 ”
Artillery and engineers, 28 companies 1,769 1,372 47 78 165 1,981 52 1,398
Total 18,272 2,051 3,019 741 5,771 27,094 1,394 1,398
8th Corps, Pernes.
Clausel, 11 battalions 4,007 18 484 ” 3,989 8,627 18 ”
Solignac, 14 do. 4,997 ” 1,953 ” 3,337 10,346 ” ”
St. Croix’s dragoons, 12 squadrons 981 1,024 698 698 238 1,917 1,722 ”
Artillery and engineers 1,106 859 24 4 359 1,522 151 712
On leave ” ” ” ” ” 206 ” ”
Total 11,108 1,901 3,159 702 7,956 22,605 1,191 712
Montbrun, Ourem.
Reserve of cavalry 24 squadrons with artillery 2,729 2,871 1,486 1,466 178 4,533 4,337
Artillery, engineers, and equipage of the army 1,546 614 ” ” 283 2,090 614
9th Corps, Leiria.
Claparede, 15 battalions, Almeida 7,863 11 369 ” 432 8,714 ”
Couroux, 12 battalions, Leiria 7,592 27 447 ” 1,299 9,338 27
Fournier’s cavalry, 7 squadrons at Toro 1,698 1,591 60 67 114 1,872 1,658
Artillery and engineers, Ciudad Rodrigo 670 464 ” 72 742 ” 464
Total 17,823 2,093 876 139 2,637 19,924 2,149
Note.—Salamanca constituted a government containing the towns of Alba de Tormes, Penaranda, and Salamanca, in which were deposited the sick men, stragglers, equipages, and depôts, of the army of Portugal. The total amounting to 2,354 men and 1,102 horses.
Present under arms.
Men. Horses.
General Total of the army of Portugal in the position of Santarem 46,171 9,551
9th Corps 17,823 2,093
——— ———
63,994 11,644
Deduct troops of the 9th corps not in Portugal 10,231 2,066
——— ———
Real numbers under Massena 53,763 9,578
——— ———
Army of Portugal—1st April, 1811.
Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Effective.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Horses.
8th corps, Junot 13,448 ” 992 ” 5,719 20,159 ”
6th do. Marmont 13,984 ” 1,374 ” 1,576 16,934 ”
2d corps, Reynier 10,837 ” 1,350 ” 4,318 16,505 ”
Montbrun
{ Dragoon, 23 squadrons 4,173 4,404 ” ” ” 4,173 4,404
{ Light cavalry, 14 squadrons 3,636 3,906 ” ” 38 3,636 3,906
{ 1 squadron of gens-d’armes 190 72 ” ” 5 102 72
Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Effective.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Horses.
Artillery and Engineers
{ Foot artillery. Almeida and Rodrigo 936 ” ” ” 88 1,055 ”
{ Horse artillery 410 425 ” ” 23 453 425
{ Artillery of the train 2,181 2,378 ” ” 237 2,448 2,378
{ Workmen 259 ” ” ” 25 295 ”
{ Engineers 1,448 60 ” ” 140 1,623 ”
{ Military equipage 596 897 ” ” 60 668 897
Total artilleries, engineers, &c. 5,969 3,335 ” ” 573 6,542 2,760
Total of infantry 37,269 ” 3,716 ” 11,613 53,598 ”
Total of cavalry 7,999 8,382 ” ” 43 7,911 8,382
General Total 51,237 11,717 3,716 ” 12,229 68,051 11,142
Note.—In the imperial rolls there was no state of the army of Portugal for May. Two divisions of the 9th corps, directed to be added to the army of Portugal, are included in the state for April, and the prince of Esling was empowered to distribute the cavalry as he pleased, provided the brigade of general Fournier, from the 9th corps, was kept in the reserve. The detached men were in the government of Salamanca. On the 1st of June, however, the army of Portugal is returned as present under arms 44,548 men, 7,253 horses, and 4,620 men detached. Hence, I have estimated the number of fighting men and officers, including the imperial guards, at Fuentes Onoro at 45,000, a number, perhaps, too great, when the artificers, engineers, &c. are deducted.
SECTION 3.—ARMY OF THE SOUTH, SOULT, DUKE OF DALMATIA, COMMANDING.
Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Effective. Horses.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Cav. Draught.
1st of January 55,602 12,092 5,744 1,999 6,412 67,758 10,868 3,223
15th May 75,133 13,124 3,915 1,336 11,420 90,468 12,156 2,304
Deduct the troops of the 9th corps in march from the north
11,917 1,619 ” ” ” 13,310 1,220 399
Real total of the army of the South
63,216 11,505 3,915 1,336 11,420 77,158 10,936 1,905
SECTION 4.
5th Corps, 15th January.
Under arms. Detached.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses.
18,766 6,158 3,035 640
16th December, 1810, le Duc de Dalmatie, va faire le siège de Badajos, avec tout le 5em corps d’armée, 8 régimens de cavalerie formant 2,600 chevaux pris dans les lere et 5em corps d’armée sous les orders de general Latour Maubourg, 900 hommes du 63em regiment de ligne, 2 compagnies d’artillerie légère, 4 compagnies de sappeurs, 1 compagnie de mineurs, et trois escadrons de cavalerie Espagnols.
SECTION 5.
1st Corps before Cadiz.
Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Effective. Horses.
Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Cav. Train.
15th February, 1811 20,572 1,886 1,331 681 1,254 23,457 1,495 1,072
Reinforcement on the march from the Governments
5,209 775 ” ” 743 5,952 712 62
Total 25,781 2,661 1,331 681 1,997 29,409 2,407 1,035
4th corps, 15th Feb. 16,706 4,007 741 397 1,699 19,143 3,618 793
Reinforcement on the march from the Governments
6,620 1,457 ” ” 878 6,854 1,451 ”
Total 22,726 5,464 741 397 2,577 25,998 5,069 793
Note.—A reinforcement of more than one thousand men likewise joined the 5th corps while in front of Badajos.
SECTION 6.—ARMY OF THE NORTH—BESSIERES, DUKE OF ISTRIA, COMMANDING.
Under arms. Detached. Hosp. Effective. Horses.
Men. Horses. Men. Men. Men. Cav. Train.
1st February, 1811 58,515 8,874 1,992 6,860 67,767 7,979 1,079
15th April, 1811 53,148 6,930 2,221 5,350 60,719 6,065 879
SECTION 7.—ARMÉE IMPÉRIALE DU MIDI DE L’ESPAGNE 1me CORPS.
Situation des présens sous les armes à l’époque du 22d Mars 1811.
Etat des Dans les Emplacement des Troupes Dispos-
presens Forts et dans les Forts et Redoutes. eables.
Designation des sous les Redoutes.
Division Regimens armes.
Division 1.
9me Infantrie ligne 1,000 1,000 Sta Maria.
24me do. do. 800 400 Depuis et compris le Fort St. Catherine jusqu’au Rio St. Petro 400 Do.
96me do. do. 1,100 1,100 Do. San Lucar, Esta, Chipiona, la Viala Atta.
Division 2.
16me do. do. 350 350 Xeres et la Cartuxa
8me do. do. 713 713 Port Reale au Trocadero.
45me do. do. 1,072 744 Depuis et compris le Fort Napoleon jusqu’à Chiese fe 328 Port Reale.
54me do. do. 820 820 Chiclana.
Bataillon d’Elite 236 236 Do.
Division 3.
27me Infantrie ligne 1,400 1,400 Do.
63me do. do. 845 845 Port Reale.
94me do. do. 1,500 650 Depuis et compris la Redoute jusqu’à cette de Vellati 850 Chiclana.
95me do. do. 1,414 472 Arcos, Medina, Vejer, et Conil 942 Do.
Régiment de Marine.
43me Battalions de marine 900 900 Au Trocadero
2e do. d’Ouvriers do. 615 615 Do.
5e Chasseurs 320 320 Vejer et Conil.
Cavalrie.
1e de Dragoons 230 50 De Montesà, Alcazar de Xeres 180 Xeres.
2e do. do. 218 72 Do. et à la Cartuxa 146 Arcos.
Artillerie
à pied à Cheval 678 500 Sur la ligne du Blocas 178 Santa Maria, Puerto Reale, et Chiclana.
Sapeurs 323 323 Au Trocadero
Mineurs 77 77 Do.
——— ——— ———
14,611 5,153 9,458
——— ——— ———
By this return, which is not extracted from the imperial rolls, but was found amongst Colonel Lejeune’s intercepted papers, it appears that Victor had above nine thousand disposable troops seventeen days after the battle of Barosa. He must, therefore, have had about eleven thousand disposable before that action, and Cassagne’s detachment being deducted leaves about nine thousand for the battle of Barosa.
SECTION 8.—STATE OF THE BRITISH AND GERMAN TROOPS ON THE COA, 25TH APRIL, 1811, EXTRACTED FROM THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL’S RETURNS.
Under arms. Sick. Detached.
Men. Men. Men.
Cavalry 4 regiments 1,525 274 542
Infantry 41 battalions 20,700 8,880 3,214
Artillery 1,378 144 1,156
——— ——— ———
Total of all arms 23,613 9,298 4,912
——— ——— ———
Guns 24 British, 18 Portuguese Total 42
Note.—There are no separate returns of the army engaged in the battle of Fuentes Onoro. Hence, the above is only an approximation to the numbers of British and German troops; but if the Portuguese and the Partida of Julian Sanchez be added, the whole number in line will be about thirty-five thousand men of all arms.
No. II.
EXTRACTS OF LETTERS FROM LORD WELLINGTON TO LORD LIVERPOOL.
SECTION 1.
“November 30, 1809.
“I enclose copies and extracts of a correspondence which I have had with Mr. Frere on the subject of the co-operation of the British army with the corps of the duke of Albuquerque and the duke Del Parque in this plan of diversion.
“Adverting to the opinion which I have given to his majesty’s ministers and the ambassador at Seville, it will not be supposed that I could have encouraged the advance of general Areizaga, or could have held out the prospect of any co-operation by the British army.
“The first official information which I had from the government of the movement of general Areizaga was on the 18th, the day before his defeat, and I gave the answer on the 19th regarding the plan of which I now enclose a copy.
“I was at Seville, however, when the general commenced his march from the Sierra Morena, and in more than one conversation with the Spanish ministers and members of the Junta, I communicated to them my conviction that general Areizaga would be defeated. The expectation, however, of success from this large army, stated to consist of fifty thousand men, was so general and so sanguine that the possibility of disappointment was not even contemplated, and, accordingly, your lordship will find that, on the 10th only, the government began to think it necessary to endeavour to make a diversion in favour of general Areizaga, and it is probable that it was thought expedient to make this diversion only in consequence of the fall of the general’s own hopes, after his first trial with the enemy on the night of the 10th instant.”—“I am anxious to cross the Tagus with the British army and to station it on the frontiers of Old Castile, from thinking that the point in which I can be of most use in preventing the enemy from effecting any important object, and which best answers for my future operations in the defence of Portugal. With this view, I have requested Mr. Frere to urge the government to reinforce the duke D’Albuquerque’s corps, in order to secure the passage of the lower part of the Tagus. And, although the state of the season would render it desirable that I should make the movement at an early period, I do not propose to make it till I shall see most clearly the consequences of that defeat, and some prospect that the city of Seville will be secure after I shall move.”
SECTION 2.
“December 7, 1809.
“——I had urged the Spanish government to augment the army of the duke D’Albuquerque to twenty thousand men, in order that it might occupy, in a sufficient manner, the passage of the Tagus at Almaraz and the passes through the mountains leading from Arzobispo to Truxillo, in which position they would have covered effectually the province of Estremadura, during the winter at least, and would have afforded time and leisure for preparations for farther opposition to the enemy, and I delayed the movement, which I have long been desirous of making, to the northward of the Tagus, till the reinforcements could be sent to the duke D’Albuquerque which I had lately recommended should be drawn from the army of the duke Del Parque. During the discussions upon the subject, the government have given orders to the duke D’Albuquerque to retire with his corps behind the Guadiana, to a position which he cannot maintain, thus leaving open the road into Estremadura, and incurring the risk of the loss of that province whenever the enemy choose to take possession of it.”
SECTION 3.
“January 31, 1810.
“——There is no doubt that, if the enemy’s reinforcements have not yet entered Spain, and are not considerably advanced within the Spanish frontiers, the operation which they have undertaken is one of some risk, and I have maturely considered of the means of making a diversion in favour of the allies, which might oblige the enemy to reduce his force in Andalusia, and would expose him to risk and loss in this quarter. But the circumstances, which are detailed in the enclosed copy of a letter to M. Frere, have obliged me to refrain from attempting this operation at present. I have not, however, given up all thoughts of it, and I propose to carry it into execution hereafter, if circumstances will permit.”
SECTION 4.
“January 12, 1811.
“My former despatch will have informed your lordship that I was apprehensive that the Spanish troops in Estremadura would not make any serious opposition to the progress which it was my opinion the enemy would attempt to make in that province; but as they had been directed to destroy the bridges on the Guadiana, at Merida and Medellin, and preparations had been ordered for that purpose, and to defend the passage of the Guadiana as long as was practicable, I was in hopes that the enemy would have been delayed at least for some days before he should be allowed to pass that river. But I have been disappointed in that expectation, and the town and bridge of Merida appear to have been given up to an advanced guard of cavalry.”
SECTION 5.
“January 19, 1811.
“At the moment when the enemy entered Estremadura from Seville general Ballasteros received an order from the Regency, dated the 21st December last, directing him to proceed with the troops under his command into the Condada de Niebla. The force in Estremadura was thus diminished by one-half, and the remainder are considered insufficient to attempt the relief of the troops in Olivenza.”
“The circumstances which I have above related will show your lordship that the military system of the Spanish nation is not much improved, and that it is not very easy to combine or regulate operations with corps so ill organised, in possession of so little intelligence, and upon whose actions so little reliance can be placed. It will scarcely be credited that the first intelligence which general Mendizabel received of the assembly of the enemy’s troops at Seville was from hence; and if any combination was then made, either for retreat or defence, it was rendered useless, or destroyed by the orders from the Regency, to detach general Ballasteros into the Condado de Niebla, which were dated the 21st of December, the very day on which Soult broke up from Cadiz, with a detachment of infantry, and marched to Seville.”
SECTION 6.
“February 2, 1811.
“The various events of the war will have shown your lordship that no calculation can be made on the result of any operation in which the Spanish troops are engaged. But if the same number of troops of any other nation (ten thousand) were to be employed on this operation, (the opening the communication with Badajos,) I should have no doubt of their success, or of their ability to prevent the French from attacking Badajos with the forces which they have now employed on this service.”
SECTION 7.
“February 9, 1811.
“General Mendizabel has not adhered to the plan which was ordered by the late marquess De la Romana, which provided for the security of the communication with Elvas before the troops should be thrown to the left of the Guadiana. I don’t believe that the strength of the enemy, on either side of the Guadiana, is accurately known, but if they should be in strength on the right of that river, it is to be apprehended that the whole of the troops will be shut up in Badajos, and I have reason to believe that this place is entirely unprovided with provisions, notwithstanding that the siege of it has been expected for the last year.”
SECTION 8.
“February 23, 1811.
“Although experience has taught me to place no reliance upon the effect of the exertions of the Spanish troops, notwithstanding the frequent instances of their bravery, I acknowledge that this recent disaster has disappointed and grieved me much. The loss of this army and its probable consequences, the fall of Badajos, have materially altered the situation of the allies in this part of the Peninsula, and it will not be an easy task to place them in the situation in which they were, much less in that in which they would have been, if that misfortune had not occurred. I am concerned to add to this melancholy history, that the Portuguese brigade of cavalry did not behave much better than the other troops. Brigadier-general Madden did every thing in his power to induce them to charge, but in vain.” “The operations of the Guerillas continue throughout the interior; and I have proofs that the political hostility of the people of Spain towards the enemy is increasing rather than diminishing. But I have not yet heard of any measure being adopted to supply the regular funds to pay and support an army, or to raise one.”
SECTION 9.
“March 21, 1811.
“It (Campo Mayor) had been given over to the charge of the marquis of Romana, at his request, last year. But, lately, the Spanish garrison had been first weakened and then withdrawn, in a manner not very satisfactory to me, nor consistent with the honourable engagements to defend the place into which the marquis entered when it was delivered over to his charge. I am informed, however, that marshal Bessieres has collected at Zamora about seven thousand men, composed principally of the imperial guard, and of troops taken from all the garrisons in Castile. He thus threatens an attack upon Gallicia, in which province there are, I understand, sixteen thousand men under general Mahi; but, from all I hear, I am apprehensive that that general will make no defence, and that Gallicia will fall into the hands of the enemy.”
SECTION 10.
“May 7, 1811.
“Your lordship will have observed, in my recent reports of the state of the Portuguese force, that their numbers are much reduced, and I don’t know what measure to recommend which will have the effect of restoring them. All measures recommended to the existing government in Portugal are either rejected, or are neglected, or are so executed as to be of no use whatever; and the countenance which the prince regent of Portugal has given to the governors of the kingdom, who have uniformly manifested this spirit of opposition to every thing proposed for the increase of the resources of the government and the amelioration of their military system, must tend to aggravate these evils. The radical defect, both in Spain and Portugal, is want of money to carry on the ordinary operations of the government, much more to defray the expenses of such a war as that in which we are engaged.”
“I have not received the consent of Castaños and Blake to the plan of co-operation which I proposed for the siege of Badajos; and I have been obliged to write to marshal Beresford to desire him to delay the siege till they will positively promise to act as therein specified, or till I can go to him with a reinforcement from hence.”
“Depend upon it that Portugal should be the foundation of all your operations in the Peninsula, of whatever nature they may be, upon which point I have never altered my opinion. If they are to be offensive, and Spain is to be the theatre of them, your commander must be in a situation to be entirely independent of all Spanish authorities; by which means alone he will be enabled to draw some resources from the country and some assistance from the Spanish armies.”
SECTION 11.
“May 22, 1811.
“On the night of the 15th instant I received, from marshal sir William Beresford, letters of the 12th and 13th instant, which reported that marshal Soult had broken up from Seville about the 10th, and had advanced towards Estremadura, notwithstanding the reports which had been previously received, that he was busily occupied in strengthening Seville, and the approaches to that city, by works, and that all his measures indicated an intention to remain on the defensive in Andalusia.”
SECTION 12.
Letter from sir J. Moore to major-general M’Kenzie, commanding in Portugal.
Salamanca, 29th November, 1808.
SIR,
The armies of Spain, commanded by generals Castaños and Blake, the one in Biscay and the other in Arragon, have been beaten and dispersed. This renders my junction with sir David Baird’s corps impracticable, but if it were, I cannot hope, with the British alone, to withstand the formidable force which France has brought against this country; and there is nothing else now in Spain to make head against it.
I have ordered sir David Baird to fall back on Coruña, re-embark, and proceed to the Tagus; I myself, with the corps which marched from Lisbon, mean to retire by Ciudad Rodrigo or Almeida, and, by taking up such positions as offer, endeavour to defend, for a time, the frontier of Portugal, and cover Lisbon. But, looking forward that this cannot be done for any considerable time against superior numbers, it becomes necessary for me to give you this notice, that you may embark the stores of the army, keeping on shore as little as possible that may impede a re-embarkation of the whole army both now with you and that which I am bringing.
We shall have great difficulties on the frontier for subsistence; colonel Murray wrote on this subject to colonel Donkin yesterday, that supplies might be sent for us to Abrantes and Coimbra. Some are already at Oporto, and more may be sent. I have desired sir D. Baird, if he has with him a victualler, of small draft of water, to send her there. On the subject of provisions the commissary-general will write more in detail, and I hope you will use your influence with the government of Portugal to secure its aid and assistance. It will be right to consider with the Portuguese officers and engineers what points may be immediately strengthened and are most defensible, and what use you can make of the troops with you to support me in my defence of the frontiers, and I shall be glad to hear from you upon this subject. I cannot yet determine the line I shall take up, but generally it will be Almeida, Guarda, Belmonte, Baracal, Celerico, Viseu. The Portuguese, on their own mountains, can be of much use, and I should hope, at any rate, that they will defend the Tras os Montes. Mr. Kennedy will probably write to Mr. Erskine, who now had better remain at Lisbon; but, if he does not write to him, this, together with colonel Murray’s letter to colonel Donkin, will be sufficient for you and Mr. Erskine to take means for securing to us not only a supply of biscuit and salt provisions, but the supplies of the country for ourselves and horses, &c. In order to alarm as little as possible, it may be said that more troops are expected from England, to join us through Portugal: this will do at first, but gradually the truth will, of course, be known. I am in great want of money, and nothing else will secure the aid of the country.
I have the honour to be, &c. J. Moore. P.S. Elvas should be provisioned.
No. III.
EXTRACTS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF A FIELD-OFFICER OF ENGINEERS, EMPLOYED AT CADIZ.
SECTION 1.
“May 7, 1810.
“We have at last broke ground for some works, but I am almost at a loss to explain to you the cause of our delay. The truth is, we left England so ill provided with tools and other requisites for beginning works that till lately it has been positively impossible to commence, even on a small scale, from our own resources and number of men. These facts, with the backwardness of the Spaniards to contribute either stores or workmen to the general cause, has kept us so long inactive. We have now one thousand three hundred men at work, and the Board of Ordnance has supplied us with more tools.”
SECTION 2.
“Isla, June 1, 1810.
“We might defy the power of France to expel us by force from hence if all were done that might be done, or even what is projected, but we have only British troops at work on this important position, and our numbers will not permit the progress which the exigency of affairs requires.”—“We have in our respected general (Graham) a confidence which is daily on the increase. He has a mind and temper well adapted to encounter difficulties which less favoured dispositions could not bear. We may possibly maintain our ground. If we do, although our success may have none of the brilliancy of victory, yet his merits, who, by patience, prudence, and self-possession, shall have kept all quiet within our lines, preserved tolerable harmony, and kept an enterprizing enemy off with very inadequate means, should be rewarded by his country’s good opinion, although none but those who have witnessed can fully estimate the value of his exertions. On the whole, our situation may be said to inspire hope, though not security: to animate resistance, though not to promise victory.”
SECTION 3.
“June 29, 1810.
“I have been attending a committee of Spanish engineers and artillery officers, to settle some determinate plan for taking up the ground near the town of La Isla; but they will enter into no views which include the destruction of a house or garden. They continue to propose nothing but advanced batteries upon the marsh in front of the town, the evident object of which is to keep the shells of the enemy rather farther from the houses. At a general attack, all this would be lost and carried, by small parties coming in on the flanks and gorges. Instead of deepening the ditches and constructing good redoubts at every seven hundred yards, this is what they propose, although we offer to perform the labour for them. On a barren spot they will agree to our working; but of what service is one redoubt, if unsupported by a collateral defence, and if a general system is not attended to. We have now been here three months, and although they have been constantly urged to construct something at that weak tongue of low land, St. Petri, still nothing of importance is begun upon, nor do I imagine they will agree to any work of strength at that point. I am almost in despair of seeing this place strongly fortified, so as to resist an army of from fifty to one hundred thousand men, which I am convinced it is capable of.”—“We have now one thousand three hundred labourers of the line and eighty carpenters, but, for the latter, the timber we are supplied with from our ally, is so bad that these artificers produce not more than one-fifth or one-sixth what they would be capable of if the materials were good. To judge from their conduct it is impossible to suppose them determined to oppose a vigorous resistance even in La Isla, and I have no idea of there ever being a siege of Cadiz itself.”—“Of our seven subalterns of engineers two are generally ill; we are obliged, therefore, to get assistance from the line. The consequence is that the work is neither so well nor so speedily executed. We ought to have many more (engineers). It is not economy in the governments; and with Lord Wellington they have hardly any with the army.”
EXTRACTS FROM THE OFFICIAL ABSTRACT OF MILITARY REPORTS FROM THE BRITISH COMMANDERS AT CADIZ.
SECTION 4.
General William Stewart, March 13, 1810.
“The enemy’s force was supposed to be diminished, but no advantage could be taken of it, on account of the inefficient state of the Spanish troops.”
General Graham, March 26, 1810.
“The isle of Leon required for its defence a larger force than had been assigned. Its tenure was, in the then state of the defences, very precarious.”
May, 1810.
“General Blake, appointed to command the Spanish forces, introduced some degree of activity and co-operation, in which the Spaniards had been very deficient.”
October, 1810.
“The progress made by the enemy at the Trocadero assumed a very formidable character; while the Spaniards persisted in their apathy, and neglected to fortify the most vulnerable points of their line.”
General Graham to lord Liverpool, Cadiz, January 2, 1811.
“——As far as the exertions of the British engineers and soldiers under my command have been concerned, I have every reason to be satisfied. I can by no means say the same of the Spaniards, for, besides the reluctance with which some of the most essential measures of the defence were agreed to, our people were not permitted to carry into execution the plan for the intrenchment of the left part of the Cortadura de St. Fernando until after much delay and very unpleasant contests.”
No. IV.
EXTRACTS FROM KING JOSEPH’S CORRESPONDENCE.
SECTION 1.
The duke of Santa Fé to the King, Paris, June 20, 1810.
(Translation from the Spanish.)
“Will your majesty believe that some politicians of Paris have arrived at saying that in Spain there is preparing a new revolution, very dangerous for the French; and they assert that the Spaniards attached to your majesty will rise against them. Let your majesty consider if ever was heard a more absurd chimera, and how prejudicial it might be to us if it succeeded in gaining any credit. I hope that such an idea will not be believed by any person of judgement, and that it will soon subside, being void of probability.”
SECTION 2.
Ministerial letter from the King to the marquis of Almenara.
(Translation from the Spanish.)
“September 21, 1810.
“The impolitic violence of the military governors has attacked not only men, and fields, and animals, but even the most sacred things in the nation, as the memorials and the actions of families, in whose preservation those only are interested to whom they belong, and from which strangers cannot reap the least fruit. In this class are the general archives of the kingdom, called the archives of Simancas, which are found in the province of Valladolid, the governor, Kellerman, has taken possession of them.” “Those archives, from the time of their institution, for centuries past, have contained the treaties of the kings since they were known in Castile; also, ancient manuscripts of the kindred of the princes, the descents and titles of families, pleadings in the tribunals, decisions of the Cortes; in short, all that is publicly interesting to the history of the nation, and privately to individuals.”
SECTION 3.
The Spanish secretary of state to the duke of Santa Fé.
“Madrid, September 12, 1812.
“——Si l’Andalusie n’est pas entièrement pacifiée; si la junte de Cadiz exista encore et si les Anglais y exercent leur fatale influence, on doit l’attribuer en grande partie aux machinations, et aux-trames ourdies par la junta et l’Angleterre au moment où parvint à leur connaissance le décret du 8 Febrier, qui établit des governmens militaire dans la Navarre, la Biscaye, l’Arragon, et la Catalogne. Quelques governeur Françaises ayant traité ces provinces comme si elles étaient absolument détachées de la monarchie.”
“——Mais combiens n’est il pas dementi par la conduite de certains governeurs qui paraissent s’obstiner a prolonger l’insurrection d’Espagne plutôt qu’a la soumettre! Car dans plusieurs endroits on ne se contente pas d’exclure toute idée de l’autorité du roi, en faisant administrer la justice au nom de l’empereur mais ce qui est pire, on à exigé que les tribunaux civils de Valladolid et de Palencia, pretassent serment de fidelité et d’obeisance à sa majesté impériale comme si la nation Espagnole n’avoit pas de roi.”
SECTION 4.
Memorial from the duke of Santa Fé and marquis of Almenara to the prince of Wagram.
(Translated from the Spanish.)
“Paris, September 16, 1810.
“——The decrees of his majesty the emperor are the same for all the generals. The prince of Esling, who has traversed all the provinces to the borders of Portugal, who appears to be forming immense magazines, and has much greater necessities than the governors of provinces, has applied to the Spanish prefects, who have made the arrangements, and supplied him with even more than he required; and this speaks in favour of the Spanish people, for the prince of Esling receives the blessings of the inhabitants of the provinces through which his troops pass. Such is the effect of good order and humanity amongst a people who know the rules of justice, and that war demands sacrifices, but who will not suffer dilapidations and useless vexations.”
SECTION 5.
Intercepted letter of comte de Casa Valencia, counsellor of state, written to his wife, June 18, 1810.
“Il y a six mois que l’on ne nous paie point, et nous perissons.
“——Avant hier j’écrivis à Almenara lui peignant ma situation et le pryant de m’accorder quelque argent pour vivre; de me secourir, si non comme ministre, du moins comme ami. Hier je restai trois heures dans son antichambre esperant un reponse, je le vis enfin et elle fut qu’il n’avait rien.”
“——Rien que la faim m’attend aujourd’hui.”
No. V.
EXTRACTS OF LETTERS FROM LORD WELLINGTON.
SECTION 1.
“Celerico, May 11, 1810.
“——I observe that the minister Don Miguel Forjas considers the inconvenience, on which I had the honour of addressing you, as of ordinary occurrence, and he entertains no doubt that inconveniences of this description will not induce me to desist from making the movements which I might think the defence of the country would require. It frequently happens that an army in operation cannot procure the number of carriages which it requires, either from the unwillingness of the inhabitants to supply them, or from the deficiency of the number of carriages in the country. But it has rarely happened that an army, thus unprovided with carriages, has been obliged to carry on its operations in a country in which there is literally no food, and in which, if there was food, there is no money to purchase it; and, whenever that has been the case, the army has been obliged to withdraw to the magazines which the country had refused or been unable to remove to the army. This is precisely the case of the allied armies in this part of the country; and, however trifling the difficulty may be deemed by the regency and the ministers, I consider a starving army to be so useless in any situation, that I shall certainly not pretend to hold a position or to make any movement in which the food of the troops is not secured. I have no doubt of the ability or of the willingness of the country to do all that can be required of them, if the authority of the government is properly exerted to force individuals to attend to their public duties rather than to their private interests in this time of trial. I have written this same sentiment to the government so frequently, that they must be as tired of reading it as I am of writing it. But if they expect that individuals of the lower orders are to relinquish the pursuit of their private interests and business to serve the public, and mean to punish them for any omission in this important duty, they must begin with the higher classes of society. These must be forced to perform their duty, and no name, however illustrious, and no protection, however powerful, should shield from punishment those who neglect the performance of their duty to the public in these times. Unless these measures are strictly and invariably followed, it is vain to expect any serious or continued exertion in the country, and the regency ought to be aware, from the sentiments of his majesty’s government, which I have communicated to them that the continuance of his majesty’s assistance depends not on the ability or the inclination, but on the actual effectual exertions of the people of Portugal in their own cause. I have thought it proper to trouble you so much at length upon this subject, in consequence of the light manner in which the difficulties which I had stated to exist were noticed by Monsieur de Forjas. I have to mention, however, that, since I wrote to you, although there exist several causes of complaint of different kinds, and that some examples must be made, we have received such assistance as has enabled me to continue till this time in our positions, and I hope to be able to continue as long as may be necessary. I concur entirely in the measure of appointing a special commission to attend the head quarters of the Portuguese army, and I hope that it will be adopted without delay. I enclose a proclamation which I have issued, which I hope will have some effect. It describes nearly the crimes, or rather the omissions, of which the people may be guilty in respect to the transport of the army; these may be as follow:—1st, refusing to supply carts, boats, or beasts of burthen, when required; 2dly, refusing to remove their articles or animals out of the reach of the enemy; 3dly, disobedience of the orders of the magistrates to proceed to and remain at any station with carriages, boats, &c.; 4th, desertion from the service, either with or without carriages, &c.; 5th, embezzlement of provisions or stores which they may be employed to transport. The crimes or omissions of the inferior magistrates may be classed as follows:—1st, disobedience of the orders of their superiors; 2d, inactivity in the execution of them; 3d, receiving bribes, to excuse certain persons from the execution of requisitions upon them.”
SECTION 2.
Lord Wellington to M. Forjas.
Gouvea, September 6, 1810.
MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SIR,
I have received your letter of the 1st of this month, informing me that you had placed before the government of this kingdom my despatch of the 27th of August, announcing the melancholy and unexpected news of the loss of Almeida, and that the government had learned with sorrow that an accident unforeseen had prevented my moving to succour the place, hoping, at the same time, that the depression of the people, caused by such an event, will soon vanish, by the quick and great successes which they expect with certainty from the efforts of the army. I have already made known to the government of the kingdom that the fall of Almeida was unexpected by me, and that I deplored its loss and that of my hopes, considering it likely to depress and afflict the people of this kingdom. It was by no means my intention, however, in that letter, to state whether it had or had not been my intention to have succoured the place, and I now request the permission of the government of the kingdom to say that, much as I wish to remove the impression which this misfortune has justly made on the public, I do not propose to alter the system and plan of operations which have been determined, after the most serious deliberation, as best adequate to further the general cause of the allies, and, consequently, Portugal. I request the government to believe that I am not insensible to the value of their confidence as well as that of the public; as, also, that I am highly interested in removing the anxiety of the public upon the late misfortune; but I should forget my duty to my sovereign, to the prince regent, and to the cause in general, if I should permit public clamour or panic to induce me to change, in the smallest degree, the system and plan of operations which I have adopted, after mature consideration, and which daily experience shows to be the only one likely to produce a good end.
(Signed) Wellington.
SECTION 3.
Gouvea, September 7, 1810.
——In order to put an end at once to these miserable intrigues, I beg that you will inform the government that I will not stay in the country, and that I will advise the king’s government to withdraw the assistance which his majesty affords them, if they interfere in any manner with the appointment of marshal Beresford’s staff, for which he is responsible, or with the operations of the army, or with any of the points which, with the original arrangements with marshal Beresford, were referred exclusively to his management. I propose, also, to report to his majesty’s government, and refer to their consideration, what steps ought to be taken, if the Portuguese government refuse or delay to adopt the civil and political arrangements recommended by me, and corresponding with the military operations which I am carrying on. The preparatory measures for the destruction of, or rather rendering useless the mills, were suggested by me long ago, and marshal Beresford did not write to government upon them till I had reminded him a second time of my wishes on the subject. I now beg leave to recommend that these preparatory measures may be adopted not only in the country between the Tagus and the Mondego, laying north of Torres Vedras, as originally proposed, but that they shall be forthwith adopted in all parts of Portugal, and that the magistrates and others may be directed to render useless the mills, upon receiving orders to do so from the military officers. I have already adopted this measure with success in this part of the country, and it must be adopted in others in which it is probable that the enemy may endeavour to penetrate; and it must be obvious to any person who will reflect upon the subject, that it is only consistent with all the other measures which, for the last twelve months, I have recommended to government to impede and make difficult, and if possible prevent, the advance and establishment of the enemy’s force in the country. But it appears that the government have lately discovered that we are all wrong; they have become impatient for the defeat of the enemy, and, in imitation of the Central Junta, call out for a battle and early success. If I had had the power I would have prevented the Spanish armies from attending to this call; and if I had, the cause would now have been safe; and, having the power now in my hands, I will not lose the only chance which remains of saving the cause, by paying the smallest attention to the senseless suggestions of the Portuguese government. I acknowledge that I am much hurt at this change of conduct in the government; and, as I must attribute it to the persons recently introduced into the government, it affords additional reason with me for disapproving of their nomination, and I shall write upon the subject to the prince regent, if I should hear any more of this conduct. I leave you to communicate the whole or any part of this letter that you may think proper to the regency.
(Signed) Wellington.
SECTION 4.
Rio Mayor, October 6, 1810.
——You will do me the favour to inform the regency, and above all the principal Souza, that his majesty and the prince regent having entrusted me with the command of their armies, and likewise with the conduct of the military operations, I will not suffer them, or any body else, to interfere with them. That I know best where to station my troops, and where to make a stand against the enemy, and I shall not alter a system formed upon mature consideration, upon any suggestion of theirs. I am responsible for what I do, and they are not; and I recommend to them to look to the measures for which they are responsible, which I long ago recommended to them, viz. to provide for the tranquillity of Lisbon, and for the food of the army and of the people, while the troops will be engaged with the enemy. As for principal Souza, I beg you to tell him, from me, that I have had no satisfaction in transacting the business of this country since he has been a member of the government; that, being embarked in a course of military operations, of which I hope to see the successful termination, I shall continue to carry them on to the end, but that no power on earth shall induce me to remain in the Peninsula for one moment after I shall have obtained his majesty’s leave to resign my charge, if principal Souza is to remain either a member of the government or to continue at Lisbon. Either he must quit the country or I will: and, if I should be obliged to go, I shall take care that the world, or Portugal at least, and the prince regent shall be made acquainted with my reasons. From the letter of the 3d, which I have received from Monsieur Forjas, I had hoped that the government was satisfied with what I had done, and intended to do, and that, instead of endeavouring to render all farther defence fruitless, by disturbing the minds of the populace at Lisbon, they would have done their duty by adopting measures to secure the tranquillity of the town; but I suppose that, like other weak individuals, they add duplicity to their weakness, and that their expressions of approbation, and even gratitude, were intended to convey censure.
Wellington.
P.S.—All I ask from the Portuguese Regency is tranquillity in the town of Lisbon, and provisions for their own troops while they will be employed in this part of the country. I have but little doubt of success; but, as I have fought a sufficient number of battles to know that the result of any one is not certain, even with the best arrangements, I am anxious that the government should adopt preparatory arrangements, and take out of the enemy’s way those persons and their families who would suffer if they were to fall into their hands.
SECTION 5.
Pero Negro, October 28, 1810.
The cattle, and other articles of supply, which the government have been informed have been removed from the island of Lizirias, are still on the island, and most probably the secretary of state, Don M. Forjas, who was at Alhandra yesterday, will have seen them. I shall be glad to hear whether the government propose to take any and what steps to punish the magistrates who have disobeyed their orders and have deceived them by false reports. The officers and soldiers of the militia, absent from their corps, are liable to penalties and punishments, some of a civil, others of a military nature: first, they are liable to a forfeiture of all their personal property, upon information that they are absent from their corps without leave; secondly, they are liable to be transferred to serve as soldiers in the regiments of the line, upon the same information; and, lastly, they are liable to the penalties of desertion inflicted by the military tribunals. The two first are penalties which depend upon the civil magistrate, and I should be very glad to have heard of one instance in which the magistrates of Lisbon, or in which the government had called upon the magistrates at Lisbon to carry into execution the law in either of these respects. I entreat them to call for the names of the officers and soldiers absent without leave from any one of the Lisbon regiments of militia, to disgrace any one or more of the principal officers, in a public manner, for their shameful desertion of their posts in the hour of danger, and to seize and dispose of the whole property of the militia soldiers absent without leave, and to send these men to serve with any of the regiments of the line. I entreat them to adopt these measures without favour or distinction of any individuals in respect to any one regiment, and to execute the laws bonâ fide upon the subject; and I shall be satisfied of their good intentions, and shall believe that they are sincerely desirous of saving the country; but, if we are to go on as we have hitherto, if Great Britain is to give large subsidies and to expend large sums in support of a cause in which those most interested sit by and take no part, and those at the head of the government, with laws and powers to force the people to exertion in the critical circumstances in which the country is placed, are aware of the evil but neglect their duty and omit to put the laws in execution, I must believe their professions to be false, that they look to little dirty popularity instead of to save their country; that they are unfaithful servants to their master, and persons in whom his allies can place no confidence. In respect to the military law, it may be depended upon that it will be carried into execution, and that the day will yet come on which those military persons who have deserted their duty in these critical times will be punished as they deserve. The governors of the kingdom forget the innumerable remonstrances which have been forwarded to them on the defects in the proceedings of courts martial, which, in times of active war, render them and their sentences entirely nugatory. As an additional instance of these defects, I mention that officers of the Olivera regiment of militia, who behaved ill in the action with the enemy at Villa Nova de Fosboa, in the beginning of August last, and a court martial was immediately assembled for this trial, are still, in the end of October, under trial, and the trial will, probably, not be concluded till Christmas. In like manner, the military trial of those deserters of the militia, after assembling officers and soldiers at great inconvenience, for the purpose cannot possibly be concluded till the period will have gone by in which any benefit might be secured from the example of the punishment of any one or number of them. The defect in the administration of the military law has been repeatedly pointed out to the government, and a remedy for the evil has been proposed to them, and has been approved of by the Prince Regent. But they will not adopt it; and it would be much better if there was no law for the government of the army than that the existing laws should continue without being executed.
Wellington.
SECTION 6.
“October 29, 1810.
“——In answer to lord Wellesley’s queries respecting the Portuguese Regency, my opinion is that the Regency ought to be appointed by the Prince Regent, but during his pleasure; they ought to have full power to act in every possible case, to make appointments to offices, to dismiss from office, to make and alter laws, in short, every power which the prince himself could possess if he were on the spot. They ought to report, in detail, their proceedings on every subject, and their reasons for the adoption of every measure. The prince ought to decline to receive any application from any of his officers or subjects in Portugal not transmitted through the regular channels of the government here, and ought to adopt no measure respecting Portugal not recommended by the Regency. The smaller the number of persons composing the Regency the better; but my opinion is that it is not advisable to remove any of the persons now composing it excepting principal Souza, with whom I neither can nor will have any official intercourse. The patriarch is, in my opinion, a necessary evil. He has acquired a kind of popularity and confidence through the country which would increase if he was removed from office, and he is the kind of man to do much mischief if he was not employed. If we should succeed in removing the principal (which must be done), I think the patriarch will take warning, and will behave better in future. In respect to military operations, there can be no interference on the part of the Regency or any body else. If there is I can no longer be responsible. If our own government choose to interfere themselves, or that the Prince Recent should interfere, they have only to give me their orders in detail, and I will carry them strictly into execution, to the best of my abilities; and I will be responsible for nothing but the execution; but, if I am to be responsible, I must have full discretion and no interference on the part of the Regency or any body else. I should like to see principal Souza’s detailed instructions for his “embuscados” on the left bank of the Tagus. If principal Souza does not go to England, or somewhere out of Portugal, the country will be lost. The time we lose in discussing matters which ought to be executed immediately, and in the wrong direction given to the deliberations of the government, is inconceivable. The gentlemen destined for the Alemtejo ought to have been in the province on the evening of the 24th, but, instead of that, three valuable days of fine weather will have been lost because the government do not choose to take part in our arrangements, which, however undeniably beneficial, will not be much liked by those whom it will affect; although it is certain that, sooner or later, these persons must and will be ruined, by leaving behind them all their valuable property, and, as in the case of this part of the country, every thing which can enable the enemy to remain in the country. In answer to Mr. de Forjas’ note of the 22d, enclosed in yours, (without date,) I have to say that I know of no carriages employed by the British army excepting by the commissary-general, and none are detained that I know of. I wish that the Portuguese governors, or its officers, would state the names of those who have detained carriages, contrary to my repeated orders; or the regiment, or where they are stationed; but this they will never do. All that we do with the carriages is to send back sick in them, when there are any. It will not answer to make an engagement that the wheel-carriages from Lisbon shall not come farther than Bucellas, Montachique, &c. many articles required by the army cannot be carried by mules, and the carriages must come on with them here. In many cases the Portuguese troops in particular are ill provided with mules, therefore this must be left to the commissary-general of the army, under a recommendation to him, if possible, not to send the Lisbon wheel-carriages beyond the places above mentioned. I wish, in every case, that a regulation made should be observed, and the makers of regulations should take care always to frame them as that they can be observed, which is the reason of my entering so particularly into this point.”
“Wellington.”
SECTION 7.
“Pero Negro, October 31, 1810.
“——I am glad that the gentlemen feel my letters, and I hope that they will have the effect of inducing them to take some decided steps as well regarding the provisions in the Alemtejo as the desertion of the militia. The ordenanza artillery now begin to desert from the works although they are fed by us with English rations and taken care of in the same manner as our own troops. Your note, No.—, of 29th, is strictly true in all its parts, the French could not have staid here a week if all the provisions had been removed, and the length of time they can now stay depends upon the quantity remaining of what they have found in places from which there existed means of removing every thing, if the quantity had been ten times greater. They are stopped effectually; in front all the roads are occupied, and they can get nothing from their rear; but all the military arrangements which have been made are useless if they can find subsistence on the ground which they occupy. For what I know to the contrary, they may be able to maintain their position till the whole French army is brought to their assistance. It is heart-breaking to contemplate the chance of failure from such obstinacy and folly!”
“Wellington.”
SECTION 8.
“Pero Negro, November 1, 1810.
“I have no doubt that the government can produce volumes of papers to prove that they gave orders upon the several subjects to which the enclosures relate, but it would be very desirable if they would state whether any magistrate or other person has been punished for not obeying those orders. The fact is that the government, after the appointment of principal Souza to be a member of the Regency, conceived that the war could be maintained upon the frontier, contrary to the opinion of myself and of every military officer in the country, and, instead of giving positive orders preparatory to the event which was most likely to occur, viz. that the allied army would retire, they spent much valuable time in discussing, with me, the expediency of a measure which was quite impracticable, and omitted to give the orders which were necessary for the evacuation of the country between the Tagus and the Mondego by the inhabitants. Then, when convinced that the army would retire, they first imposed that duty on me, although they must have known that I was ignorant of the names, the nature of the offices, the places of abode of the different magistrates who were to superintend the execution of the measure, and, moreover, I have but one gentleman in my family to give me any assistance in writing the Portuguese language, and they afterwards issued the orders themselves, still making them referable to me, without my knowledge or consent, and still knowing that I had no means whatever of communicating with the country, and they issued them at the very period when the enemy was advancing from Almeida. If I had not been able to stop the enemy at Busaco he must have been in his present situation long before the order could have reached those to whom it was addressed. All this conduct was to be attributed to the same cause, a desire to avoid to adopt a measure which, however beneficial to the real interests of the country, was likely to disturb the habits of indolence and ease of the inhabitants, and to throw the odium of the measure upon me and upon the British government. I avowed, in my proclamation, that I was the author of that measure, and the government might have sheltered themselves under that authority, but the principle of the government has lately been to seek for popularity, and they will not aid in any measure, however beneficial to the real interests of the country, which may be unpopular with the mob of Lisbon. I cannot agree in the justice of the expression of the astonishment by the secretary of state that the measure should have been executed in this part of the country at all. The same measure was carried into complete execution in Upper Beira, notwithstanding that the army was in that province, and the means of transport were required for its service, not a soul remained, and, excepting at Coimbra, to which town my personal authority and influence did not reach, not an article of any description was left behind; and all the mills upon the Coa and Mondego, and their dependent streams, were rendered useless. But there were no discussions there upon the propriety of maintaining the war upon the frontier. The orders were given, and they were obeyed in time, and the enemy suffered accordingly. In this part of the country, notwithstanding the advantage of having a place of security to retire to, notwithstanding the advantage of water-carriage, notwithstanding that the Tagus was fordable in many places at the period when the inhabitants should have passed their property to the left of the river, and fortunately filled at the moment the enemy approached its banks; the inhabitants have fled from their habitations as they would have done under any circumstances, without waiting orders from me or from the government; but they have left behind them every thing which could be useful to the enemy, and could subsist their army, and all the mills untouched; accordingly, the enemy still remain in our front, notwithstanding that their communication is cut off with Spain and with every other military body; and if the provisions which they have found will last, of which I can have no knowledge, they may remain till they will be joined by the whole French army in Spain. I believe that in Santarem and Villa Franca alone, both towns upon the Tagus, and both having the advantage of water-carriage, the enemy found subsistence for their army for a considerable length of time. Thus will appear the difference of a measure adopted in time, and the delay of it till the last moment; and I only wish that the country and the allies may not experience the evil consequences of the ill-fated propensity of the existing Portuguese Regency to seek popularity. In the same manner the other measure since recommended, viz. the removal of the property of the inhabitants of Alemtejo to places of security has been delayed by every means in the power of the government, and has been adopted at last against their inclination: as usual, they commenced a discussion with me upon the expediency of preventing the enemy from crossing the Tagus, they then sent their civil officer to me to receive instructions, and afterwards they conveyed to him an instruction of the ——, to which I propose to draw the attention of his royal highness the Prince Regent and of his majesty’s government. His royal highness and his majesty’s government will then see in what manner the existing Regency are disposed to co-operate with me. The additional order of the 30th of October, marked 5 in the enclosures from Mr. Forjas, shew the sense, which the Regency themselves entertained of the insufficiency of their original instructions to the Disembargador Jacinto Paes de Matos. I may have mistaken the system of defence to be adopted for this country, and principal Souza and other members of the Regency may be better judges of the capacity of the troops and of the operations to be carried on than I am. In this case they should desire his majesty and the Prince Regent to remove me from the command of the army. But they cannot doubt my zeal for the cause in which we are engaged, and they know that not a moment of my time, nor a faculty of my mind, that is not devoted to promote it; and the records of this government will shew what I have done for them and their country. If, therefore, they do not manifest their dissatisfaction and want of confidence in the measures which I adopt by desiring that I should be removed, they are bound, as honest men and faithful servants to their prince, to co-operate with me by all means in their power, and thus should neither thwart them by opposition, or render them nugatory by useless delays and discussions. Till lately I have had the satisfaction of receiving the support and co-operation of the government; and I regret that, his royal highness the Prince Regent should have been induced to make a change which has operated so materially to the detriment of his people and of the allies. In respect to the operations on the left of the Tagus, I was always of opinion that the ordenança would be able to prevent the enemy from sending over any of their plundering parties; and I was unwilling to adopt any measure of greater solidity, from my knowledge, that, as soon as circumstances should render it expedient, on any account, to withdraw the troops, which I should have sent to the left of the Tagus, the ordenança would disperse. The truth is, that, notwithstanding the opinion of some of the government, every Portuguese, into whose hands a firelock is placed, does not become a soldier capable of meeting the enemy. Experience, which the members of the government have not had, has taught me this truth, and in what manner to make use of the different description of troops in this country; and it would be very desirable, if the government would leave, exclusively, to marshal Beresford and me, the adoption of all military arrangements. The conduct of the governor of Setuval is, undoubtedly, the cause of the inconvenience now felt on the left of the Tagus. He brought forward his garrison to the river against orders, and did not reflect, and possibly was not aware as I am, that if they had been attacked in that situation, as they probably would have been, they would have dispersed; and thus Setuval, as well as the regiment, which was to have been its garrison, would have been lost. It was necessary, therefore, at all events, to prevent that misfortune, and to order the troops to retire to Setuval, and the ordenança as usual dispersed, and the government will lose their five hundred stand of new arms, and, if the enemy can cross the Tagus in time, their 3-pounders. These are the consequences of persons interfering in military operations, who have no knowledge of them, or of the nature of the troops which are to carry them on. I am now under the necessity, much to the inconvenience of the army, of sending a detachment to the left of the Tagus.”
SECTION 9.
“December 5, 1810.
“All my proceedings have been founded on the following principles: First, That, by my appointment of marshal-general of the Portuguese army with the same powers as those vested in the late duc de la Foéns, I hold the command of that army independent of the local government of Portugal. Secondly, That, by the arrangements made by the governors of the kingdom with the king’s government, when sir William Beresford was asked for by the former to command the Portuguese army, it was settled that the commander-in-chief of the British army should direct the general operations of the combined force. Thirdly, That, supposing that my appointment of marshal-general did not give me the independent control over the operations of the Portuguese army, or that, as commander-in-chief of the British army, I did not possess the power of directing the operation of the whole under the arrangement above referred to; it follows that either the operations of the two armies must have been separated, or the Portuguese government must have had the power of directing the operations of the British army. Fourthly, It never was intended that both armies should be exposed to the certain loss, which would have been the consequence of a disjointed operation; and, undoubtedly, his majesty’s government never intended to give over the British army to the government of the kingdom, to make ducks and drakes of. The government of the kingdom must, in their reply to my letter, either deny the truth of these principles, or they must prove that my charge against them is without foundation, and that they did not delay and omit to adopt various measures, recommended by me and marshal Beresford, calculated to assist and correspond with the operations of the armies, upon the proposition and under the influence of principal Souza, under the pretence of discussing with me the propriety of my military arrangements.”
“Wellington.”
SECTION 10.
“Cartaxo, January 18, 1811.
“It is necessary that I should draw your attention, and that of the Portuguese government, upon the earliest occasion, to the sentiments which have dropped from the Patriarch, in recent discussions at the meeting of the Regency. It appears that his eminence has expatiated on the inutility of laying fresh burthens on the people, ‘which were evidently for no other purpose than to nourish a war in the heart of the kingdom.’ It must be recollected that these discussions are not those of a popular assembly, they can scarcely be deemed those of a ministerial council, but they are those of persons whom his royal highness the Prince Regent has called to govern his kingdom in the existing crisis of affairs. I have always been in the habit of considering his eminence the Patriarch as one of those in Portugal who are of opinion that all sacrifices are to be made, provided the kingdom could preserve its independence; and, I think it most important that the British government, and the government of the Prince Regent, and the world, should be undeceived, if we have been mistaken hitherto. His eminence objects to the adoption of measures which have for their immediate object to procure funds for the maintenance of his royal highness’s armies, because a war may exist in the heart of the kingdom, but I am apprehensive the Patriarch forgets the manner in which the common enemy first entered this kingdom, in the year 1807, that in which they were expelled from it, having had complete possession of it in 1808, and that they were again in possession of the city of Oporto, and of the two most valuable provinces of the kingdom in 1809, and the mode in which they were expelled from those provinces. He forgets that it was stated to him in the month of February, 1810, in the presence of the Marquis of Olhao, of Don M. Forjas, and of Don Joa Antonio Saltar de Mendoza, and Marshal Sir W. C. Beresford, that it was probable the enemy would invade this kingdom with such an army as that it would be necessary to concentrate all our forces to oppose him with any chance of success, and that this concentration could be made with safety in the neighbourhood of the capital only, and that the general plan of the campaign was communicated to him which went to bring the enemy into the heart of the kingdom; and that he expressed before all these persons his high approbation of it. If he recollected these circumstances he would observe that nothing had occurred in this campaign that had not been foreseen and provided for by measures of which he had expressed his approbation, of whose consequences he now disapproves. The Portuguese nation are involved in a war not of aggression, or even defence on their parts, not of alliance, not in consequence of their adherence to any political system, for they abandoned all alliances and all political systems in order to propitiate the enemy. The inhabitants of Portugal made war purely and simply to get rid of the yoke of the tyrant whose government was established in Portugal, and to save their lives and properties; they chose this lot for themselves, principally at the instigation of his eminence the Patriarch, and they called upon his majesty, the ancient ally of Portugal, whose alliance had been relinquished at the requisition of the common enemy, to aid them in the glorious effort which they wished to make, and to restore the independence of their country, and to secure the lives and properties of its inhabitants. I will not state the manner in which his majesty has answered the call, or enumerate the services rendered to this nation by his army; whatever may be the result of the contest, nothing can make me believe that the Portuguese nation will ever forget them; but when a nation has adopted the line of resistance to the tyrant under the circumstances under which it was unanimously adopted by the Portuguese nation in 1808, and has been persevered in, it cannot be believed that they intended to suffer none of the miseries of war, or that their government act inconsistently with their sentiments when they expatiate on ‘the inutility of laying fresh burthens on the people, which were evidently for no other purpose than to nourish a war in the heart of the kingdom.’ The patriarch in particular forgets his old principles, his own actions which have principally involved his country in the contest when he talks of discontinuing it, because, it has again, for the third time, been brought into ‘the heart of the kingdom.’ Although the Patriarch, particularly, and the majority of the existing government approved of the plan which I explained to them in February, 1810, according to which it was probable that this kingdom would be made the seat of war which has since occurred, I admit that his eminence, or any of those members may fairly disapprove of the campaign and of the continuance of the enemy in Portugal. I have pointed out to the Portuguese government, in more than one despatch, the difficulties and risks which attended any attack upon the enemy’s position in this country, and the probable success not only to ourselves but to our allies of our perseverance in the plan which I had adopted, and had hitherto followed so far successfully, as that the allies have literally sustained no loss of any description, and this army is, at this moment, more complete than it was at the opening of the campaign in April last. The inhabitants of one part of the country alone have suffered and are continuing to suffer. But without entering into discussions which I wish to avoid on this occasion, I repeat, that if my counsels had been followed these sufferings would at least have been alleviated, and I observe that is the first time I have heard that the sufferings of a part, and but a small part of any nation have been deemed a reason for refusing to adopt a measure which had for its object the deliverance of the whole. The Patriarch may, however, disapprove of the system I have followed, and I conceive that he is fully justified in desiring his majesty and the Prince Regent to remove me from the command of these armies. This would be a measure consistent with his former conduct in this contest, under the circumstances of my having unfortunately fallen in his opinion, but this measure is entirely distinct from the refusal to concur in laying those burthens upon the people which are necessary to carry on and to secure the object of the war. It must be obvious to his eminence, and to every person acquainted with the real situation of the affairs of Portugal, unless a great effort is made to render the resources more adequate to the necessary expenditure all plans and systems of operation will be alike, for the Portuguese army will be able to carry on none. At this moment although all the corps are concentrated in the neighbourhood of their magazines, with means of transport, easy, by the Tagus, the Portuguese troops are frequently in want of provisions because there is no money to pay the expense of transport, and all the departments of the Portuguese army, including the hospitals, are equally destitute of funds to enable them to defray the necessary expenditure, and to perform their duty. The deficiencies and difficulties have existed ever since I have known the Portuguese army, and it is well known that it must have been disbanded more than once, if it had not been assisted by the provisions, stores, and funds, of the British army. It may likewise occur to his eminence that in proportion as the operations of the armies would be more extended, the expense would increase, and the necessity for providing adequate funds to support it would become more urgent, unless, indeed, the course of their operations should annihilate at one blow both army and expenditure. The objection then to adopt measures to improve the resources of the government, go to decide the question whether the war should be carried on or not in any manner. By desiring his majesty and the Prince Regent to remove me from the command of their armies, his eminence would endeavour to get rid of a person deemed incapable or unwilling to fulfil the duties of his situation. By objecting to improve the resources of the country he betrays an alteration of opinion respecting the contest, and a desire to forfeit its advantages, and to give up the independence of the country, and the security of the lives and properties of the Portuguese nation. In my opinion the Patriarch is in such a situation in this country that he ought to be called upon, on the part of his majesty, to state distinctly what he meant by refusing to concur in the measures which were necessary to insure the funds, to enable this country to carry on the war; at all events, I request that this letter may be communicated to him in the Regency, and that a copy of it may be forwarded to his royal highness the Prince Regent, in order that his royal highness may see that I have given his eminence an opportunity of explaining his motives either by stating his personal objections to me, or the alteration of his opinions, his sentiments, and his wishes, in respect to the independence of his country.”
“Wellington.”
No. VI.
EXTRACT FROM A REPORT MADE BY THE DUKE OF DALMATIA TO THE PRINCE OF WAGRAM AND OF NEUFCHATEL.
SECTION 1.
“Seville, August 4th, 1810.
“Par une décision de l’Empereur du mois de Fevrier dernier S. M. détermine qu’à compter du 1er Janvier toutes les dépenses d’administration générale du Genie et de l’artillerie seraient au compte du gouvenement Espagnol; aussitôt que j’en fus instruit je sollicitai S. M. C. d’assigner à cet effet une somme; mais je ne pus obtenir que 2,000,000, de réaux (533,000 f.) et encore le Roi entendait il que les payements ne remontassent qu’au mois de Fevrier; cette somme était de beaucoup insuffisante. Je n’ai cessé d’en faire la représentation, ainsi que Monsr. l’Intendant Général; nos demandes n’ont pas été accueillies, et pour couvrir autant que possible la différence j’ai du avoir recours aux recettes extraordinaires faites sans la participation des ministres Espagnols. J’espère que ce moyen réussira, déjà même il a produit quelques sommes. L’état que je mets ci joint fait connaître les recouvremens qui out été opérés sur les fonds de 533,000 f. du crédit mensuel à l’époque du 1er Août lesquels forment la somme de 3,731,000 f. mais indépendamment il y a eu des recettes extraordinaires pour au moins 500,000 f. qui ont reçu la même destination (les dépenses d’administration générale) antérieurement à cette époque. J’avais fait mettre à la disposition de Monsr. l’Intendant Général des Valeurs pour plus d’un million qui devait servir à payer une partie de l’armée. Mr. l’Intendant Général justifie de l’emploi de toutes ces sommes dans ses comptes généraux. Les ministres de S. M. C. n’admettent pas les comptes que je présente; d’abord ils ne veulent pas allouer la somme de 500,000 f. qui a été reportée a l’article des dépenses d’administration générale, s’appuyant sur ce sujet sur la décision du roi qui ne fait remonter ces dépenses que jusqu’au mois de Fevrier, quoique l’empereur ait expressement entendu que le mois de Janvier devait aussi y être compris, ils ne veulent pas non plus reconnaître les recettes extraordinaires, où ils prétendent en précompter le produit sur le crédit mensuel de 533,000 f. Il n’est pas dans mon pouvoir d’admettre leurs motifs, la décision de l’empereur est expresse et tant que je serai dans la situation délicate où je me trouve, mon devoir m’obligera de pourvoir aux besoins du service par tous les moyens praticables. Les recettes qui ont eu lieu en Andalusie ont servi à toutes les dépenses de l’artillerie, du genie, des état majors et de l’administration générale qui sont vraiment immenses, et quoiqu’on ait absolument rien reçu de France ni de Madrid, j’ai en même temps pu faire payer trois mois de solde à l’armée, c’est sans doute bien peu quand il est du 8 à 10 mois d’arrière à la troupe et que l’insuffisance des moyens oblige à augmenter encore cet arrière, mais ne recevant rien je crois qu’il m’était impossible de mieux faire. V. A. en sera elle même convaincue si elle veut s’arrêter un moment sur l’apperçu que je vais lui donner des charges que l’Andalusie supporte. On consomme tous les jours près de 100,000 rations de vivres et 20,000 rations de fourrage; il y a 2000 malades aux hôpitaux. La forteresse de Jaen, le fort de Malaga, l’Alhambra de Grenade, au dessus duquel on a construit un grand camp retranché; tous les châteaux sur les bords de la mer depuis le cap de Gata jusqu’à Fuengirola, le château d’Alcala la Réal, la place de Ronda, les anciens châteaux d’Olbera et de Moron, le château de Belalcazar, le château de Castillo de Los Guardias et plusieurs autres portes sur les frontières de l’Estremadura qu’on a dû aussi occuper. On a pourvu aux dépenses que les travaux devant Cadiz et la construction d’une flottille occasionment. On a établi à Grenade une poudrière et une fabrique d’armes, laquelle jusqu’à présent a peu donné, mais qui par la suite sera très utile. On a rétabli et mis dans une grande activité la fonderie et l’arsenal de Seville où journellement 1500 ouvriers sont employés. Nous manquions de poudre et de projectiles de feu et d’affûts. J’ai fait rétablir deux moulins à poudre à Seville et fait exploiter toutes les nitrières de l’Andalusie, à présent on compte aussi à Seville des projectiles de tous les calibres, jusqu’aux bombes de 12 pouces, tout le vieux fer a été ramassé, on a construit les affûts nécessaires pour l’armement des batteries devant Cadiz. On a fait des réquisitions en souliers et effets d’habillement dont la troupe a profité. J’ai fait lever dans le pays 2000 mules qui out été données à l’artillerie, aux équipages militaires et au Génie. J’ai fait construire et organiser un équipage de 36 pièces de montagnes, dont 12 obusiers, de 12 qui sont portés à dos de mulets et vont être repartis dans tous les corps d’armée. La totalité de ces dépenses ainsi qu’une infinité d’autres dont je ne fais pas l’énumération sont au compte du gouvernement Espagnol, et le pays les supporte indépendamment du crédit mensuel de 533,000 f. et des recettes extraordinaires que je fais opérer lorsqu’il y a possibilité dont l’application a lieu en faveur de l’administration générale de l’armée, du Genie, de l’artillerie, des états majors, des frais de courses et des dépenses secrettes. Ces charges sont immenses et jamais le pays n’aurait pu les supporter si nous n’étions parvenus à mettre de l’ordre et la plus grande régularité dans les dépenses et consommations; mais il serait difficile de les augmenter, peut-être même y aurait il du danger de chercher à le faire; c’est au point que malgré que nous soyons à la récolte il faut déjà penser à faire venir du bled des autres provinces, le produit de l’Andalusie étant insuffisant pour la consommation de ses habitans et celle de l’armée. Cependant S.M.C. et ses ministres qui sont parfaitement instruits de cette situation ont voulu attirer à Madrid les revenues de l’Andalusie: je dis les revenues car leurs demandes dépassaient les recettes; des ordres ont même été expédiés en conséquence aux commissaires Royaux des Préfectures et je me suis trouvé dans l’obligation de m’opposer ouvertement à l’effet de cette mesure dont l’exécution eut non seulement compromis tous les services de l’armée, mais occasionné peut être, des mouvemens séditieux; d’ailleurs il y avait impossibilité de la remplir, à ce sujet j’ai l’honneur de mettre sous les yeux de V.A. extrait d’une lettre que j’eus l’honneur d’écrire au roi le 13 Juillet dernier et copie de celle que j’adressai à Monsieur le marquis d’Almenara, ministre des finances, le 30 du même mois pour répondre à une des siennes, où il me peignait l’état désespérant des finances de S.M.C. Je supplie avec instance V.A. de vouloir bien rendre compte du contenu de ces lettres et du présent rapport à S.M. l’empereur.
“J’aurai voulu pour que S.M. fut mieux instruite de tout ce que s’est fait en Andalousie pouvoir entrer dans des détails plus étendus; mais j’ai dû me borner à traiter des points principaux, les détails se trouvent dans ma correspondance, et dans les rapports de Monsieur l’intendant général sur l’administration. Cependant d’après ce que j’ai dit S.M. aura une idée exacte des opérations administratives et autres qui ont eu lieu, ainsi que de l’état de ses troupes et des embarras de ma situation: elle est telle aujourd’hui que je dois supplier avec la plus vive instance S.M. au nom même de son service de daigner la prendre en considération: j’ai des devoirs à remplir dont je sais toute l’étendue, je m’y livre sans réserve mais la responsabilité est trop forte pour que dans la position où je me trouve je puisse la soutenir; en effet j’ai à combattre des prétentions et des intérêts qui sont évidemment en opposition avec ceux de l’armée et par conséquent avec ceux de l’empereur; je suis forcé par mes propres devoirs de m’opposer à l’exécution des divers ordres que le roi donne et faire souvent le contraire. J’ai aussi constamment à lutter contre l’amour propre des chefs militaires, que souvent peuvent différer d’opinion avec moi et naturellement prétendent faire prévaloir leurs idées. Toutes ces considérations me font regarder la tâche qui m’est imposée comme au dessus de mes forces et me portent à désirer que S.M. l’empereur daigne me faire connaître ses intentions ou pourvoir à mon remplacement et mettre à la tête de son armée dans le midi de l’Espagne, un chef plus capable que moi d’en diriger les opérations. Je me permettrai seulement de faire observer à ce sujet que le bien du service de l’empereur commande impérieusement que toutes les troupes qui sont dans le midi de l’Espagne depuis le Tage jusqu’aux deux mers suivent le même système d’opérations, et soyent par conséquent commandés par un seul chef lequel doit être dans la pensée de l’empereur, et avoir ses instructions afin que le cas se présentant où il lui serait fait opposition d’une manière quelconque, il puisse se conduire en conséquence et parvenir au but qui lui sera indiqué; tout autre système retardera la marche des affaires et occasionera inévitablement des désagréments qu’on peut autrement éviter.”
“J’ai l’honneur, &c. “(Signé) Le Maréchal Duc de Dalmatie.”
SECTION 2.
Intercepted Letter from marshal Mortier to the emperor, 13th July, 1810.
SIRE,
L’état de nullité où je suis depuis que Monsieur le duc de Dalmatie, major général, a pris l’initiative de tous les movemens même le plus minutieux de 5eme corps rend ici ma presence tout à fait inutile, il ne me reste que le chagrin de voir d’excellentes troupes animées du meilleur esprit, disseminées dans toute l’Andalusie et perdant tous les jours de braves gens sans but ni résultat. Dans cet état des choses je prie V.M. de vouloir bien me permettra des me retirer à Burgos pour y attendre des ordres s’il ne juge pas à propos de m’accorder un congé pour retourner en France, congé que reclame ma santé à la suite d’une maladie grave dont je suis à peine convalescent.
J’ai l’honneur, &c. &c. Le Mareschal Duc de Trévise.
No. VII.
SECTION 1.
Extract from an intercepted despatch of Massena, dated July 10, 1810.
“Generals Romana and Carrera have gone to lord Wellington’s head-quarters, but the latter has not abandoned his Lines.”
General P. Boyer to S. Swartz, July 8.
“We are covering the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo, a place strong by its position and works, and which has been attacked with but little method. The English army is opposite ours, but, for good reasons, does not move: we compose the corps of observation; we are on the look out for them.”
SECTION 2.
Extrait du Journal du C. de B. Pelet, premier aide-de-camp du maréchal prince d’Essling.
“1810. 5 Août, à Ciudad Rodrigo.—Le capitaine du génie Boucherat arrive du 2e corps; il a fait la campagne du Portugal, 1807. Beaucoup causé avec lui sur ce pays. Il a fait la route de Lisbonne à Almeyda avec M. Mairet, et me remet un itinéraire qu’il en a dressé. Il prétend ces routes très difficiles; les rivières très encaissées, et inabordable sur les deux rives du Mondego. Celui-ci a peu d’eau, doit être guéable presque partout; et une partie de ses rives bien difficiles, et en certains endroits il n’y a pas plus de 20 toises de largeur; un seul pont sans chemin (je crois à Fornos;) mais la rivière n’est pas un obstacle aux communications des deux rives. La route d’Idanha, Castelbranco, &c. mauvaise, cependant non absolument impraticable à des pièces légères. Tage, très escarpé, rocailleux, profond jusqu’à Abrantés * * * * Au dessous de cette ville, ou plutôt au confluent du Zézère, le pays devient plat; le lit du Tage s’élargit; il n’y a plus que des collines même éloignées, et tout est très praticable. Les montagnes de Santarem sont des collines peu élevées, praticables, accessibles sur leur sommet, peu propres à être défendues ce qui est commune jusqu’à la mer pour celles de Montachique, qui sont des plateaux arrondis, accessibles à toute les armes; et on pourrait marcher ou manœuvrer dans toutes les directions. J’ai fait copier cet itinéraire.”
“1810. 7 Octobre, à Leyria.—Causé avec le général Loison des position de Montachique, ensuite avec le prince.”
“1810. 9 Octobre, à Riomajor. On dit que l’ennemi se retranche à Alhandra et Bucella. Les généraux Reynier et Foy ont une carte de Riomajor à Lisbonne; espèce de croquis fait à la hâte, d’après de bons matériaux, mais où la figure est très mauvaise. Je le fais copier.”
SECTION 3.
A Monsieur le maréchal prince d’Essling. Sur la hauteur en arrière de Moira, le 26 Septembre, 1810, à 10 heure ½.
J’ai l’honneur de vous adresser une lettre que je viens de recevoir du général Reynier et copie d’une réponse.
Vous trouverez également ci-joint une lettre du général Reynier adressée à votre excellence.
Je vous renouvelle, prince, l’assurance de ma haute considération.