Volume 4 — THE PARTY OF FREEDOM: ITS NECESSITY AND PRACTICABILITY.

Speech at the State Convention of the Free-Soil Party of Massachusetts, held at Lowell, September 15, 1852.

The annual State Convention of the Free-Soil Party of Massachusetts met at Lowell September 15, 1852. It was organized with the following officers: Hon. Stephen C. Phillips, of Salem, President,—Rodney French, of New Bedford, George B. Atwood, of Taunton, William Jackson, of Newton, George F. Williams, of Boston, Charles Beck, of Cambridge, John B. Alley, of Lynn, Benjamin F. Thompson, of Winchester, John Nesmith, of Lowell, John Edgell, of Gardner, Francis Bates, of Springfield, Calvin Marden, of Pittsfield, Vice-Presidents,—George M. Brooks, of Concord, Edmund Anthony, of New Bedford, William S. Robinson, of Lowell, Andrew J. Aiken, of Adams, Benjamin F. White, of Weymouth, Secretaries.

Eloquent speeches were made by the President, Hon. S.C. Phillips, Hon. Henry Wilson, Hon. John W. Graves, Hon. E.L. Keyes, Hon. Rodney French, Dr. Caleb Swan, Richard H. Dana, Jr., Esq., Hon. Horace Mann, Hon. Amasa Walker, Hon. Anson Burlingame, and Seth Webb, Jr., Esq. The resolutions adopted by the Convention were reported by Hon. C.F. Adams. Hon. Horace Mann was nominated as candidate for Governor, and Hon. Amasa Walker as candidate for Lieutenant-Governor.

Early in the proceedings Mr. Sumner was introduced to the audience by the President. This incident is copied from the report in the papers, as is also the speech which he made, with the interruptions.

"The President remarked, that there was one gentleman present whom the Convention would all delight to hear: he alluded to our distinguished Senator in Congress, Hon. Charles Sumner. "The name of Mr. Sumner was received with 'three times three' rousing cheers, and the waving of hats, canes, handkerchiefs, &c.; which demonstrations of regard were renewed as he made his appearance on the platform." Among those on the platform was Captain Drayton, called "The Hero of the Pearl," recently liberated from prison through the exertions of Mr. Sumner (ante, p. 49), who took his seat "amid the hearty cheers of the whole assembly."

Mr. President, and Fellow-Citizens of Massachusetts:—

I should be dull indeed,—dull as a weed,—were I insensible to this generous, heart-speaking welcome. After an absence of many months, I have now come home to breathe anew this invigorating Northern air [applause], to tread again the free soil of our native Massachusetts [cheers], and to enjoy the sympathy of friends and fellow-citizens. [Renewed applause.] But, while glad in your greetings, thus bounteously lavished, I cannot accept them for myself. I do not deserve them. They belong to the cause [applause] which we all have at heart, and which binds us together. [Cheers.]

Fellow-citizens, I have not come here to make a speech. The occasion requires no such effort. Weary with other labors, and desiring rest, I have little now to say,—and that little will be too much, if about myself. If, at Washington, during a long session of Congress,—my first experience of public life,—I have been able to do anything which meets your acceptance, I am happy. [Cheers.] I have done nothing but my duty. ["Hear! hear!"] Passing from this, and taking advantage of the kind attention with which you honor me, let me add one word in vindication of our position as a national party.

We are on the eve of two important elections,—one of National officers, and the other of State officers. A President and Vice-President of the United States and members of Congress are to be chosen; also, Governor and Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth, and members of the Legislature. And at these elections we are to cast our votes so as most to advance the cause of Freedom under the National Constitution. [Cheers.] This is our peculiar object,—though associated with it are other aims, kindred in their humane and liberal character.

Against Freedom both the old parties are banded. Opposed to each other in the contest for power, they concur in opposing every effort for the establishment of Freedom under the National Constitution. [Applause.] Divided as parties, they are one as supporters of Slavery. On this question we can have no sympathy with either, but must necessarily be against both. ["Hear! hear!"] They sustain Slavery in the District of Columbia: we are against it. They sustain the coastwise Slave-Trade under the National Flag: we abhor it. [Cheers.] They sustain the policy of silence on Slavery in the Territories: we urge the voice of positive prohibition. They sustain that paragon of legislative monsters,—unconstitutional, unchristian, and infamous,—the Fugitive Slave Bill [sensation]: we insist on its repeal. [Great applause.] They concede to the Slave Power new life and protection: we cannot be content except with its total destruction. [Enthusiasm.] Such, fellow-citizens, is the difference between us.

And now, if here in Massachusetts there be any who, on grounds of policy or conscience, feel impelled to support Slavery, let them go and sink in the embrace of the old parties. [Applause.] There they belong. On the other hand, all sincerely opposed to Slavery, who desire to act against Slavery, who seek to bear their testimony for Freedom, who long to carry into public affairs those principles of morality and Christian duty which are the rule of private life,—let them come out from both the old parties, and join us. [Cheers.] In our organization, with the declared friends of Freedom, they will find a place in harmony with their aspirations. [Enthusiasm.]

There is one apology, common to the supporters of both the old parties, and often in their mouths, when pressed for inconsistent persistence in adhering to these parties. It is dogmatically asserted that there can be but two parties,—that a new party is impossible, particularly in our country,—and that, therefore, all persons, however opposed to Slavery, must be content in one of the old parties. This assumption, which is without foundation in reason, is so often put forth, that it has acquired a certain currency; and many, who reason hastily, or implicitly follow others, have adopted it as the all-sufficient excuse for their conduct. Confessing their own opposition to Slavery, they yield to the domination of party, and become dumb. All this is wrong morally, and therefore must be wrong practically.

Party, in its true estate, is the natural expression and agency of different forms of opinion on important public questions, and itself assumes different forms precisely according to the prevalence of different opinions. Thus, in the early Italian republics there were for a while the factions of Guelphs and Ghibellines, rival supporters of Pope and Emperor,—also of Whites and Blacks, taking their names from the color of their respective badges,—and in England, the two factions of the White and Red Roses, in which was involved the succession to the crown. In all these cases the party came into being, died out, or changed with the objects originating it. If there be in a community only two chief antagonist opinions, then there will be but two parties embodying these opinions. But as other opinions practically prevail and seek vent, so must parties change or multiply. This is so strongly the conclusion of reason and philosophy, that it could not be doubted, even if there were no examples of such change and multiplicity. But we need only turn to the recent history of France and England, the two countries where opinion has the freest scope, to find such examples.

Thus, for instance, in France,—and I dwell on this point because I have myself observed, in conversation, that it is of practical importance,—under Louis Philippe, anterior to the late Republic, there was the party of Legitimists, supporters of the old branch of Bourbons, and the party of Orleanists, supporters of the existing throne: these two corresponding at the time, in relative rank and power, to our Whigs and Democrats. Besides these was a third party, the small band of Republicans, represented in the Legislature by a few persons only, but strong in principles and purposes, which in February, 1848, prevailed over both the others. [Applause.] On the establishment of the Republic, the multiplication of parties continued, until, with the freedom of opinion and the freedom of the press, all were equally overthrown by Louis Napoleon, and their place supplied by the enforced unity of despotism.

In England, the most important measure of recent reform, the abolition of the laws imposing a protective duty on corn, was carried only by a third party. Neither of the two old parties could be brought to adopt this measure and press it to consummation. A powerful public opinion, thwarted in the regular parties, had recourse to a new one, neither Whig nor Tory, but formed from both the old ones, where Sir Robert Peel, the great Conservative leader, took his place, side by side, in honorable coalition, with Mr. Cobden, the great Liberal leader. ["Hear! hear!"] In this way the Corn Laws were finally overthrown. The multiplicity of parties engendered by this contest still continues in England. At the general election for the new Parliament which has just taken place, the strict lines of ancient parties seemed to be effaced, and many were returned, not as Whigs and Tories, but as Protectionists and Anti-Protectionists.

Thus by example in our own day we confirm the principle of political philosophy, that parties naturally adapt themselves in character and number to prevailing public opinion.

At the present time, in our country, there exists a deep, controlling, conscientious feeling against Slavery. [Cheers.] You and I, Sir, and all of us, confess it. While recognizing the Constitution, we desire to do everything in our power to relieve ourselves of responsibility for this terrible wrong. ["Yes! yes!"] We would vindicate the Constitution, and the National Government it has established, from all participation in this outrage. [Cheers.] Both the old political parties, forgetful of the Fathers, and of the spirit of the Constitution, not only refuse to be agents or representatives in any degree of our convictions, but expressly discourage and denounce them. Thus baffled in effort for utterance, these convictions naturally seek expression in a new agency, the party of Freedom. [Cheers.] Such is the party, representing the great doctrines of Human Rights, as enunciated in our Declaration of Independence, and inspired by a truly Democratic sentiment, now assembled here under the name of the Free Democracy. [Cheers.]

The rising public opinion against Slavery cannot flow in the old political channels. It is impeded, choked, and dammed back. But if not through the old parties, then over the old parties [tremendous cheering], this irresistible current shall find its way. [Enthusiasm.] It cannot be permanently stopped. If the old parties will not become its organs, they must become its victims. [Cheers.] The party of Freedom will certainly prevail. [Sensation.] It may be by entering into and possessing one of the old parties, filling it with our own strong life; or it may be by drawing to itself the good and true from both who are unwilling to continue in a political combination when it ceases to represent their convictions; but, in one way or the other, its ultimate triumph is sure. [Great applause.] Of this let no man doubt. [Repeated cheers.]

At this moment we are in a minority. At the last popular election in Massachusetts, there were twenty-eight thousand Free-Soilers, forty-three thousand Democrats, and sixty-four thousand Whigs. But this is no reason for discouragement. According to recent estimates, the population of the whole world amounts to about eight hundred millions. Of these only two hundred and sixty millions are Christians, while the remaining five hundred and forty millions are mainly Mahometans, Brahmins, and Idolaters. Because the Christians are in this minority, that is no reason for renouncing Christianity, and for surrendering to the false religions [cheers]; nor do we doubt that Christianity will yet prevail over the whole earth, as the waters cover the sea. ["Hear! hear!"] The friends of Freedom in Massachusetts are likewise in a minority; but they will not therefore renounce Freedom [cheers], nor surrender to the political Mahometans, Brahmins, and Idolaters of Baltimore ["Never! never!"]; nor can they doubt that their cause, like Christianity, will yet prevail. [Enthusiastic cheers.]

Our party commends itself. But it is also commended by our candidates. [Cheers.] In all that makes the eminent civilian or the accomplished statesman fit for the responsibilities of government, they will proudly compare with any of their competitors [applause], while they are dear to our hearts as able, well-tried, loyal supporters of those vital principles which we seek to establish under the Constitution of the United States. [Applause.] In the Senate, Mr. Hale [cheers] is admitted to be foremost in aptitude and readiness for debate, whether in the general legislation of the country, or in constant and valiant championship of our cause. [Applause.] His genial and sun-like nature irradiates the antagonism of political controversy [cheers], while his active and practical mind, richly stored with various experience, never fails to render good service. [Great cheering.]

Of Mr. Julian, our candidate for the Vice-Presidency, ["Hear! hear!"] let me say simply, that, in ability and devotion to our principles, he is a worthy compeer of Mr. Hale. To vote for such men will itself be a pleasure. But it will be doubly so, when we reflect that in this way we do something to accomplish a noble work, with which the happiness, welfare, and fame of our country are indissolubly connected. [Repeated and enthusiastic cheers.]

With such a cause and such candidates, no man can be disheartened. The tempest may blow,—but ours is a life-boat, not to be harmed by wind or wave. The Genius of Liberty sits at the helm. I hear her voice of cheer, saying, "Whoso sails with me comes to shore!"

Mr. Sumner resumed his seat amid heartiest and long-protracted applause.