CHAP. VIII.
J. R. Johnston translation
Effects of exposure to the sun — Diseases of the natives — Their insensibility to pain — Stoicism under surgical operations — Mograbin soldiers — A travelled Arab — Tyranny of Mehemet Ali — Amulets — Foreigners in Egypt — Turkish prejudice.
We suffer greatly from the heat; and it is only in cases of much urgency we stir out, or quit our hut, from noon till four hours after it. When we are summoned by the Pascha,—and to appear before him, one must at any hour be ready,—we cover up our heads, in addition to the taghie (takie, under-cap) and tarbush, by a hood or cloth, as we have been warned by sad experience to take every precaution. On our journey up, my brother received a stroke of the sun in spite of his straw hat, and had for two days to struggle with death; and I only saved him by the desperate remedy of constantly blistering his stomach and the soles of his feet. In spite, of this fearful heat, we still wear our usual woollen clothing; and even over this, a warm silken scarf (hessàhn), which, as it produces perspiration, is much to be preferred to thinner stuffs. The principal care we Germans require is, shading the head; on the march, we keep this rolled up, and so covered, that we often cannot see out of our eyes; we must cut queer figures. But even the Bedouins themselves, in warm sunshine, carefully cover their heads with their woollen barakan (batanie), although almost all the rest of the body is left exposed or naked; and, for the same reason, the Turks wear two tarbushes. As far as the present inhabitants of Dongola and the Island are concerned, the sun does not seem to exercise any very hurtful power on their brain-pans. Both races, however, are well protected from his rays, by their well-greased and plaited hair, which, like the woolly hair of the negroes, forms a good sheltering roof, or thatch: but even among them are to be found old bald-headed men, who seem to care as little for the sun’s rays as the others. It is very remarkable, that persons with perfectly smooth-shaved heads, and the rest of their body all bare, save some old rag about the loins, will expose themselves all day to the most glowing sun, and not complain of headache, or any thing of the kind. What would we poor Europeans do in such a case? In less than five minutes we would be raving mad. Our youngest attendant, Sale, from Mahass, sits the whole day in the sun, his head uncovered, save by his short-cut hair. Out of pity we gave him an under cap, to somewhat protect him; and as it was a new possession he wore it delightedly till noon, when I again saw him, though then the heat was strongest, sitting bareheaded by the fire; and even the smallest children, such as are with us yet carried in arms, one sees lying for hours long under the glowing sun; and surely those with their tender bones should not be better able to bear its rays, than we with our fully developed bodily powers. How comes it that these delicate creatures do not sicken under it? Of their being accustomed to it, there can be no talk here; and how would infants of our race bear it? However, custom does something; as at first we could not venture out here in the sun without having, in a few minutes, blisters and painful scalds on our naked hands; the skin of our faces was scorched, and, regularly every week, peeled off in great blotches; but without our gaining by it a more juvenile appearance, although we often jested over and amused ourselves with such hopes. Being burnt almost as brown as Arabs, we can now venture to expose our hands without gloves: but still we dare not allow any part of our body usually covered, to be exposed naked to the sun, even for a short while, without we choose to pay for it by a painful redness, almost to be considered a kind of erysipelas. Besides, the covered parts of the body have, in spite of the fiery heat, preserved their original colour. What a fearful state it would be in this country should a man not perspire! The whole body is burning hot; one is tortured by a not to be assuaged inward thirst, and racking restlessness; the hair of the head stands on end; and, although one is inside the house, and sheltered from the sun, it is of a burning heat; every separate hair seems to act as a conductor of the sun’s rays to the brain; one knows not where to fly from such a torturing state, which, besides, is generally accompanied by weakness and despondency, and is usually, though not always, the forerunner of fever. Liver and gastric illnesses are not very common; and acute tropical liver disease we have only seen one instance of. Gastritis chronica and rheumatism are commoner. Ferendit (muscular hair-worm, vena medinensis) has not been seen during our whole expedition; it seems as if this locality was free of it. In Chartum, many of the black soldiers suffered from it; but, probably, brought it from their own countries with them. From many instances, we are led to suspect they communicated it to each other by the touch. The chief spots for ferendit are Dinka, Frantiet, from whence it got its name; Atisch, Katareff, and most parts of the lands of the blacks and negroes. In Taka, the deadly fever swelling, or ague, is so common, that one may safely say every third man suffers under it. The females suffer less from it than the males. Usually it is of such a size, that it extends even to the arcus cruralis, and almost the whole front division of the belly is filled up by it; all over where it does extend, only a few drops of blood can be drawn out, and that after much pain and trouble, by cupping. A general wail is made over the Genna el Wurda (Child of Fever), which gives rise to numbers of other illnesses. As yet, there have only been two dropsical cases, and both these were consequences of disorganisation. Phthisis, especially in women, is oftener seen; and also here and there are cases of hæmorrhoides, but not in any great numbers.
Operating is here an easy matter for the surgeon, as seldom does a sound tell of pain, nor are men necessary to hold the patient while operated on. There is, indeed, much to surprise one in this great self-command or insensibility of the blacks during the most painful operations. For instance, a black in the hospital had caries of all his toes: Joseph amputated the foot à la Chopart, without the patient being held or bound, and without his emitting one cry of pain. The operation completed, it was discovered that the head of the tibula and the joint of the ancles were very carious, although this could not be perceived from the exterior; and so it was necessary to at once take off the leg under the knee. My brother told the patient this: he replied, if it was so, and it must be done, that he had better not lay aside his knife, but proceed at once, as he (the patient) would remain quiet as before; and he did so: the second operation being over, he then, but not till then, begged for some merissa. Although the wound healed well, this man afterwards died, from caries again breaking out in the knee and hip joint; a real dispositio cariosa. The blacks’ cure for the frantiet (farendit), viz. fire, is certainly the best and surest.[21] They run a red-hot nail, or other pointed iron, many times into the swelling, and by this the spot where the worm generally lies, with part of his body rolled up in a knot, is laid open; they think no more of this than a European would do of taking out a thorn; and with all coolness perform on themselves this small but most painful operation.[22] In Chartum, Joseph applied the actual cautery to two soldiers; one in the first, and the other in the second stage of coralgie, with good success. The firing streaks were not small, and the fat, insensible skin hissed much under the hot iron; but neither would allow himself to be held, nor was it required, as only a slight convulsive motion of the muscles of the face showed the pain suffered. Nay, one of them during the firing said, “Ana badenn uachet kabab,” (after this, I may pass as a kabab—roasted bit of meat). During circumcision, these black soldiers will stand upright, and even laugh, while it is going on; the presence of many spectators may contribute much to this stoicism, and by it they would also show their zeal and ardent wish to quit heathenism. The slaves that come from the neighbourhood of Faszogl, the hills of Kordofan, the countries of Schilluk and Dinka, are never circumcised; and it is said, that, with the latter, the pulling out of the four under cutting-teeth has the same significance as circumcision; and this is done to both men and women. Burning sores with caustic seems to inflict no pain whatever on the blacks.
This indifference towards pain exhibited by the blacks generally seems to be highly valued among the better educated and wealthier of them; these, the first among their tribes, would hold themselves degraded, and look on it as a deep disgrace to themselves, to appear weak in the presence of those who are sure to attend in crowds even during the smallest operations. With the common people it may, indeed, be actual insensibility to pain. A sick man is constantly visited by his friends and relatives, and generally the small hut is so full, that many must remain outside. The sick man may be ever so ill, may be in the greatest pain, every day becoming worse, and yet, to his friends’ questions of “Taibin? sciak ente?” (How goes it? How do you feel?) is only the one answer, “El hamdull Allah, taib” (Well, praise be to God!) No complaint is ever heard during such visits. This custom, or this pride, is not confined to the blacks, but is common to both Arabs and Turks. The natives of Egypt and Syria alone cry out and behave like children under the smallest pain, all running off as soon as they see the knife; though they behave tolerably well under any operation performed by fire, perhaps because they are used to such from their youth.
Not long ago my brother had to set a broken thigh-bone, and where, too, there was serious dislocation of the broken parts; but the black sufferer, though he allowed it gave him some pain, still declared he was no woman, but a man (achu el bennaht, brother or defender of the weak—a truly splendid name for the brave, and a title of which all are proud), and had slain many enemies ere he gained his freedom.
The Schaigie Melek Saat, whose father yet rules the old Dongola (Dongola agùhs), had received, a month before the present chasua, some hundred blows of the stick at the orders of the Pascha. One side where he had been punished healed quickly, but under the skin on the other shoulder formed a collection of matter of large extent. In spite of all this, he made on horseback the march from Chartum to Aronga, of more than a month’s duration, with the army, in a state when another man would have been lying in bed with violent fever. In Aronga, at last, he called in Joseph; but now, from neglect, a hard, ulcerous sore had formed:—Joseph informed him it would be necessary to cut it out. “Oh,” he said, “cut away, when and where you will; I can stand it:” and he kept his word.
A Mograbin from the great Oasis (Oa) had got his hand shattered by the bursting of his gun. This happened five hours’ journey from the camp; and he came to us the next day, sitting erect and stately on his horse, having stopped the bleeding by powder and sand. With all possible coolness, he looked on during the painful operation performing on him, supporting his injured arm in his sound right hand.
But, manly and brave as the Mograbins may show themselves, still, from their falseness and dishonesty, they are little liked by the other Arabs, or by the Turks. They are said to be men of two faces (Magrab endu wuschu etenien), i.e. they can speak kind words, while they are false at heart; and we must, as far as we know them, add our confirmation of this character. They are generally tall and stout, have long-shaped faces, strong black beards, long high noses, and very expressive but rather cunning countenances. With us they could pass as Jews. Their gait and demeanour are haughty, but to superiors they are submissive and obsequious, with constant smiles on their faces; and if, as it is said, they are proud of their descent, holding themselves superior to all other Arabs, nay, even to the Turks themselves, they know well how to conceal this pride in the presence of the latter. However little conscientious about other things, they are strict in observing their religious ceremonies, though strongly given to luxury, spending much care and coin on their dress. This consists, when it can be had, of a tarbush, a long, narrow, white under shirt, and a great, very wide upper shirt of the same colour, which must reach the ground; its sleeves being also so wide as to almost touch the earth. Shoes must never be wanting, however old or bad. Thus they dress and ornament themselves for themselves alone, as they have little intercourse with the other Arabs, and keep altogether to their own tribe. The greater part of them have come, some thirty years before, from Tripoli, with the family Ladjam, who had there long carried on quarrels and hostilities with the Pascha Jussuff, but had at last to yield. Many are also to be found here from all parts of Barbary, who had quitted their native lands in hopes of finding rich prizes and spoil here. They boast highly of their own virtues, and of the great riches and high dignities they held at home; but all this is false; one knows only too well the state of things among the Bedouins there, and to this race most of these belong. However, they show themselves good soldiers and horsemen; although the horses they are supplied with by government are bad enough. Their weapon is a long musket, which they well know how to use. Many have a brace of pistols in addition, but the sabre is only worn by their leaders. They themselves look on it as a useless weapon; and, in their opinion, war is only to be carried on by firing. They rush on and fire, and as rapidly retire back again. They have to find their own horses and arms, and maintain them; receive seventy-five piastres monthly, and thirty rupp of durra for their horse, and six for themselves. If the horse dies, or is killed in action, then must they from their own means furnish another, and if they have not the means, as is generally the case, then the divan or their leaders supply one, and always at a high price; so it is too often the case that the soldier remains two or three years in debt, during which time he receives no pay. Besides, their leaders, in the most unlawful way, take the highest interest from their men’s pay, which is the same in peace and war; or they buy necessary articles in the mass, and issue them to the soldier who has no money at two prices. Thus, between the cheating of the divan and their officers, the poor soldier in the end gets no pay at all. Thus acts the commandant of artillery, thus almost all other commanders; and the wretched soldiery, who often for many years receive no coin, are then compelled to apply to these Jews for the means of keeping life in themselves. These tricks can be no secret to the Pascha; and it is well known that Abd-el-Kader, the commandant of artillery, whose monthly pay is only 600 piastres, makes in this way, by selling to the soldiers clothing, soap, &c. at the most usurious prices, some ten purses monthly. To extract money is the only thing these rascals of Turks, who stream into Egypt from all the countries round—Circassia, Kurdistan, Rumelia, &c. &c.—think of or attend to.
The lot of the Mograbins here is, therefore, not very much to be envied. Moreover, often for a couple of years they do not see their wives or children, so well does the Pascha keep them employed; and, ere long, most of them will be swept away by the diseases of the unhealthy climate. As a solitary instance among them of one man of really good character whom we have known, must be mentioned Mohammed Agà, of the family of Ladjam. He is a leader of some 400 men, and this dignity is hereditary in his family. Of the guidance of money he is, indeed, no great master; for, besides his monthly pay of five purses, and his other revenues of nearly as much, he has already got rid of some 2000 purses, although he is not yet twenty-seven years old. And in this expenditure he has had little pleasure, for the Turks do not understand how to expend money worthily. As usual, the brave but not too wise Ladjam has been ably assisted by many friends in this labour. His mother, who lives in Cairo, will now no longer send him money, and he therefore often finds himself in the saddest dilemma, as he supports in his household some 140 persons.[23] In his potations, Ladjam has now become very moderate, since his brother drank himself to death by pouring daily down six or eight bottles of brandy, and wine in proportion to allay the thirst the brandy caused. In earlier days, in Cairo, Mohammed Agà could hold his own with him. He does not stand high with the Pascha, as he is neither flatterer nor soldier, and he some two years ago caused some hundred blows to be given Ladjam. The case was this: Ladjam had fallen desperately in love with a beautiful lady of Cairo, and sent a confidential servant to bring the fair dame to Bellad-Sudan; but while on their journey the couple spent and wasted some seventy or eighty purses. On his arrival Ladjam threw the cheating servant into prison, “karakohl,” and had him well bastinadoed. He complained to the Pascha, who, having no very kind feelings towards Ladjam, and perhaps angered by the whole story, sentenced the latter to corporal punishment. That the dignity and authority of the higher officers must be much impaired by their being subject to such punishments, follows as a matter of course. Now, the poor Ladjam goes in fear and trembling to wait on the Pascha, and one never hears a word from him while there, unless in answer to a direct question. His major domo, his Mentor, in short, his right hand man, is old Achmet Salaui (from Selva), who already had been long with his father. He says, and what he says is true, that he really looks after Ladjam’s interest; and that, were it not for him, the latter would ere now have been beggared. Achmet is a tall, stately, and, spite of his advanced age, a very handsome man. He is better acquainted with European customs and uses, than any other Turk I ever met with, prides himself not a little on his civilisation, and calls the others blockheads, who have not seen the world, and, for all their stupid pride, know nothing of life, especially of European life and pleasures. When he pays us a visit, he gives vent to what he still retains of broken Spanish, Italian, and French. He was once, in earlier times, as others have assured us, a well-doing merchant of Tripoli, and worth some 25,000 Spanish dollars. In the course of business he visited many European ports; life there pleased him only too well, so he gathered up his coin, and set out on his travels; during which he visited Paris, Cadiz, Madrid, Naples, Genoa, Venice, Vienna; and of this last he still remembers the names Prater and Danube. This tour had played the mischief with his treasure, and he at last found himself compelled to pass to Egypt and turn soldier. How much his entertainment of fair dames and kind friends also aided in the devouring of his capital, can easily be imagined. He himself often says, “I have never repented I laid out my money in that way; I have seen the world, and made myself acquainted with it; I have had my enjoyments, such as no Turk knows, and such as I never will have again. Even now, in my reduced state, where I merely manage to live, I have memories left me which I would not sell for any sum. Ah!” he cried out, “those putane belline, quest’ vino buono, deloachti mafish!” (Now it’s all over). “It is much better that I should have spent my money when young, than that after my death the divan should have got it all.”
A Turk is in the right when he thinks thus; for, if it is possible, the divan manages one way or another to be heir to almost all. The widow of the dead man gets nothing, or so little it hardly supports her; and if she is still young, she is forced to marry some other man of humbler rank. The younger children are placed in some establishment for education, the elder into the regiments, and the state pockets the property. Thus are high and low treated, if any gain can be made by it; only the children of the former are usually appointed to some rank in the army. But it is not always that the state has time to wait till death: it knows other ways and means to get money. And this causes all, Turks and rayahs (subjects), to conceal and hide in every possible way from its prying eyes every symptom of riches or property. Every one complains of being poor, suffers privations, goes meanly dressed, lets the outside of his house fall into decay, has in his reception-chamber his worst carpets and furniture, &c. &c., while in the interior of his house, and especially in his harem (charim), all is luxury and abundance; his wives shine in silken robes and costly jewels, and are waited on by numerous slaves of every colour. Incense perfumes their rooms, the most splendid Persian carpets of the richest, freshest, and gayest colours, cover divans and floors,—and he, poor man, casts off his dirty, shabby clothes, wipes from his face his assumed humility and obsequiousness, and becomes a man. Rich robes cover the cooling silken shirt, costly Cashmere shawls girdle his loins, and form the stately Turk; yellow shoes or slippers adorn his feet; and, perfumed with fragrant scents, he strides now with all gravity, as lord and master, into his inner apartments, where all are at his orders. At the doors the guards of his earthly paradise humbly await him, the wretched eunuchs (Tauwasch), as slowly and stately he approaches the circle of his women, haughtily returning the reverent salutations. His long pipe with precious amber mouth-piece (Tarkib) is brought him, the loved Gebbeli (best kind of Syrian tobacco) is kindled with aloe wood, and at once spreads its aroma round, while the evening passes with music, dance, and song. Thus do the rich enjoy in secret that wealth, which a barbarous government prevents their otherwise expending; for should any one in the smallest degree openly display such, a revision of his accounts would at once take place, were he in office and, without doubt, errors and deficiencies be made out, which would far exceed all his means. If he were only a merchant (Chawàga), the state would compel him to make advances that never would be repaid him; or he would be forced to purchase, to the full amount of all he possessed, some produce of the country at double the price the state had already bought it at, and so his ruin made inevitable.
While we were at Cairo, a rich Armenian firm was thus ruined by old Mehemet Ali. He compelled this Armenian, who was a rayah, to purchase from himself, at a very exorbitant price, cotton to the full amount of his means; and as soon as he had received coin in payment, he sold out of his own magazines so much cotton, and at so low a price, that it was only after a very long time, and at less than half price, the poor Armenian could dispose of his. Such are the honest practices of this conscientious ruler, as often and wherever he can; and by such acts of tyrannical violence he has succeeded in so well clearing out his subjects, that in the whole valley of the Nile, not one single wealthy person is to be found. If here and there a man yet possesses wealth, he dare not, under existing circumstances, let it one instant appear, or enter into the smallest speculation with it; from this are now the bazaars in Cairo and other former cities of trade empty in comparison with former times, and from this arises the want of credit and small repute the Egyptian merchants command in other lands.
As badly, if not worse, are the members of the military profession situated. They never receive their discharge; and if they are Arabs, the very thought of it would be high treason. Many of these soldiers, especially the Turks, who have managed to get hold of high office, and by cheatings and extortions from the soldiery as well as from the people of their departments have succeeded in gathering up a tolerable sum, are all most desirous to retire to their native land, or into some town where they may pass the remainder of their lives in rest and quiet. Well, they say so; and what happens? Their accounts, since they entered the army, are revised, and it were a miracle were no deficiency discovered, and such too as far exceeds all the goods and property of the culprit; so that, were he to live to the most unusual age, he never could make good the sum wanting. Thus are and remain all, even the most dignified Paschas, slaves for life; and ever must they tremble either for their wealth or their lives. If they die soon—it is well—the divan are their heirs. If they are tenacious of life, or show any symptom of attempting flight, means are found to introduce into their coffee or food a certain specific for all life’s pains. The higher Turks, whose wealth is known, are thus ever held in constant fear; and often present large sums to the divan as antidotes to such specifics, or, during life, declare the divan their heir, and this proper feeling is found to be in general a good diverter of the evil: such doings as these are not solely confined to Egypt, but are common enough in Turkey itself.
Turks, Arabs, and Negroes, all add greatly to these and other annoyances by their superstitions. These prevail, indeed, more or less in all countries among the ignorant and demi-savage races, but here it is not confined to the low or uneducated; but the same ridiculous opinions are held by the highest and best informed. On all of them are amulets, i.e., texts or words from the Koran, written on tablets and inclosed in leather cases, to be seen. Even the otherwise free-thinking and well-informed Pascha is not free from these superstitions, as, although no amulets are to be seen on himself, still his favourite dromedary bears various such charms on his neck. Among the Haddenda at present each has fresh amulets suspended to some old long worn one, and all for the same object, viz., to make themselves ball and sabre proof against the daily expected attack of the Turks.
Ali Aga, whose family-name is Sobi, leader of 300 Magrabins, told us, with solemn face, that during a battle in Hedjas, against the Bedouins there, he had three horses shot under him, and all his dress torn and riddled by balls, but not one of them touched his body. We said, he was in high luck; but he proudly drew from his breast a little old leathern bag, and holding it up triumphantly, replied: “It was no luck, but this treasure did it, which a saint in my own country gave me!” Although he still wears this and many such charms, the sabres of the Abyssinians seem to have no respect for such relics, as these have wofully slashed him in an attack by the Turks on Makada. Never have we seen on any skull such severe scars, or any attended with the loss of so much of the bone. On the head he has four cuts, more than four inches long and one and a half broad, in which one could easily conceal his thumb: only the inner bone plate remains, and in one of these cuts there is such a loss of the bony substance that the pulsation of the brain can be felt. We, laughing, asked him, if, when he received these wounds, he wore his amulets against sabre cuts: he replied, he had them not on, as, if he had, no sabre would have harmed him. We also learned, from what he said, that men hold the inhabitants of Abyssinia, who are Christians, to know somewhat of the black art, believe them to have an understanding with the devil, and that, to make this power innocuous, some special papers or extracts are necessary. Sobi, who in spite of his fearful wounds was sound again within four weeks, these being healed by application of burnt coffee and brandy, the prescription of an Abyssinian doctor, is descended from one of the principal families of Fez, and his most cunning and shrewd face plainly declares his descent and country. He is false and hypocritical, has a constant smile at his command, is, as usual, outwardly a strict Mussulman, who punctually obeys all the commandments, drinks no spirituous liquors, and lives or seems to live very moderately and sparingly in all things, women alone excepted. Then, too, he has proved himself a brave and able soldier; and, if he had his own way, would extirpate all Franks and Christians.
Innate foes to both are indeed, more or less, all Mussulmen; the lower orders really from religious hate, the higher from envy, caused by the perfect freedom, the civilisation, and scientific acquirements of the Franks. They feel only too well that the Franks in every way are entitled to take a far higher position, and value themselves far higher; but they are too feeble and lazy for rivalry, and see no other means of avenging their inferiority than by silly pride and assumed contempt for all Europeans and European improvements or institutions. However, the time cannot be far off, when the pride of these Mussulmen will be lowered, and they will be shown that the masters of the world, as Mahomet called his followers, along with their system, have become mouldy, worn out, and obsolete.
At present the Franks have actually more liberty in Egypt than the other races, as there the word of their consul is respected, and foreigners can no longer be insulted with impunity. So far has Europe brought matters with the old fox, Mehemet Ali. Still the Frank here must pay considerable regard to public appearances; for instance, were he to enter any mosque of more than common sanctity without the escort of a soldier, he would be cudgelled; or, during the great procession which carries the curtain to Mecca, were any man in European dress to show himself in the streets, he would run a risk of being fearfully ill used. If a Mussulman female be found with a Frank, she is at once seized on, bastinadoed, and cast into prison,—nay, sometimes into the Nile. In general, the European is judged by his own laws; and this is an inestimable privilege, otherwise all Franks would fall a prey to the caprice of Turkish justice. Only for three crimes is a Frank handed over to be punished by Turkish law, i.e. is to be at once hanged or strangled,—viz., for breaking into a harem, for coining false money, or for intentionally murdering a Mussulman.
Unfortunately, in Egypt as in the free states, the foreigners there are the raff of their nations, for though one must not fancy that all Franks here are good-for-nothing rascals, still such is the character of most of them. It is almost incredible the villanous deeds most of these have committed in their own country and other lands, and in Egypt their villany, of course, arrives at the culminating point. It is from this that the better Turks form such mean opinions of Europeans, and hence it is a hard task to gain the respect or confidence of one of these. Besides, in Alexandria and more especially in Cairo, and more or less in many other cities of Egypt, Franks are to be found who have sought an asylum there, and who are nothing but perfect adventurers. Every nation has, indeed, its representatives here. The Greeks (Rumi), partly rayahs (subjects), partly free, are doubtless the most numerous. That this debased race can bring little advantage to any land is too true; and the base character, especially of these Levant Greeks, is too well known, for one to desire the presence of any of this most ungrateful and faithless people.
Next to them the Italians are the most numerous, and their language is the prevailing one all over the Levant. But Italy seems in truth to have opened her brothels and houses of correction, and to have set her galley-slaves at liberty, to aid in rendering Egypt’s people still more rascally and corrupted. Only very few among the Italians can be counted on as honest men; the most of them have been cast off by their country, or compelled to fly from it for their crimes. We had many opportunities of knowing well these Italians, as we were compelled to live, for a considerable time, in close intercourse with many of them, and must unfortunately express our conviction, that they are as false, cunning, and overbearing, where they dare show it, as they are obsequious and profuse of their friendships where this will gain them their ends. They seem unable to live without intrigue, and they are sure to introduce discord wherever they are suffered to interfere. Their grudges and hatred they will keep concealed for many a year, feign friendship towards those whose ruin they have sworn, until the hour of revenge has come, and they find themselves certain of success. All means are right to them, horrible or faithless as they may be, if they only lead to their aim. One can never be enough on his guard with them; a single word, rashly spoken, is enough for them, as from their own great cunning, and their ever being on the look-out to cause the ruin of others, they, agreeably to their innate characters, put the worst construction on every thing, and turn it, as far as they can, to the speaker’s detriment.
They are generally most moderate in their potations, chiefly from their inborn stinginess, which often goes the length of miserliness; but in eating, especially when they can feast at another’s expense, they prove themselves real gluttons. Of the paste they call maccaroni they never tire or can devour enough, and will gulp it down in quantities that a German stomach, which is in general no very delicate one, would turn away from in disgust. They also rejoice in all kinds of puddings, or sweet dishes made with rice; but sweetmeats are their greatest delight, and for these all of them, both old and young, would almost give their souls. A plain soup they know not; theirs must be thickened with rice, or with some kind of pastes. In Egypt most of the Italians are in office of some kind, and unfortunately the greater part of them are mere charlatans, totally without, or only with the smallest smattering of education and science. All are conceited of their own persons, country, and race, which they hold as the first in the world, and it is most laughable to hear them brag and boast. They fancy they are still the same people who formerly ruled the world; those from Venice and its neighbourhood, still dream of the times of the Dorias and the glorious republic. English, French, and Germans they despise; and if one tells them of new or improved institutions in these countries, they defyingly assert the idea was borrowed from Italy; or if this is too palpable a falsehood even for them, then the thing is good for nothing. But the main cause of their holding all other nations as stupid, is, that none of the others will or can rival them in their baseness and wickedness. Alas for their sweet language! only used by them as a covering for their falsehood and faithlessness. Honour, honesty, or chivalrous courage, are unknown to them; never do they confront their foe face to face, but lurk for him in dark ambuscades, and only even then against the solitary and defenceless, do they dare to use a weapon. They, whose country is the toy of the great European powers, and which trembles if only a few companies of Austrian soldiers appear in it, foster yet the high idea of the future liberty and union of all Italy, and hope then to surpass the Rome of old. But in the mean time they hate each other as the plague, living ever among themselves in constant discord and strife. Among them, that is, among the Italians themselves, the palm as conspirators and intriguers is yielded to the Piedmontese, who are easily to be distinguished from the others by the broadness and boorishness of their dialect. A worthy representative of these is the apothecary Major, Lumello, at Chartum, who, from being a billiard-marker in Alexandria, raised himself by his serpentlike cunning to this post, and who understands as much of chemistry, and compounding drugs, as one of our peasants does of heraldry.
The number of the French here is much less than that of the two named nations. They are jesters, boasters, and charlatans, as usual; their every second word is “chez nous,” where all is better, more beautiful, and more perfect than any where else. One may, indeed, call them all adventurers; but still mean or rascally tricks are by no means common among them, and their principal fault seems running into debt with their hosts and all who trust them. Their main supports are Soliman Pascha (the renegade, colonel Sivés) in Syria, and Clot Bey. The latter has had high success here: formerly a poor doctor in Marseilles (I was introduced to him in Marseilles in 1822, by Dieffenbach), he is here a general. Ere he passed his forty-fifth year, he had, by his excesses, so broken down his constitution, that he was not unlike a good pathological preparation. Nothing but art and dress gave to the skeleton somewhat of the look of a man; and he even now looks much more as if he belonged to the noble craft of the needle, than to the high rank and office he claims and holds, which is nothing less than, with the rank and pay of general, President of the Conseil Général de Santé in Egypt. With him rests the promotion or advancement of the medical men and apothecaries: that his countrymen get a good share of it is not at all unnatural, and cannot well be otherwise, however much others may grumble at it. To place his own small and mean person in a conspicuous light, Clot Bey takes all possible means. In his great house, where his reception-chambers are furnished in the European fashion, he receives his friends with high patronising and protecting demeanour, doing all he can to impress upon his subordinates a fitting respect for his dignity. Small as are in truth his acquirements and medical information,—for his dissipated career has reduced to nothing his earlier studies,—still he acts the bold operator, and whatever his drugs may have done, his favourite knife has been vigorously wielded, and more men have been despatched by it to the other world, than he can ever answer for. In spite of his many failures, his self-conceit and arrogance have never for a moment left him. In his room stands a splendid library, in an equally splendid and ever-locked bookcase, all in full parade order, containing the ancient and later classics, and the most valuable works on medical subjects; but all are new, and plainly show that they are there as luxuries, which their possessor never uses, or perhaps, to speak more truly, knows not how to use. The first visit I paid him was in company with my brother; when we were perfectly astonished by the childish questions of this high official, especially those as to the famous and meritorious Professor Dieffenbach, of Berlin, with whom he had in former days fallen in at Paris; and his opinion of this great surgeon and operator seemed to sink much when he heard that he was neither surgeon to the king, nor burdened by any titles of rank. Still more laughable in my brother’s eyes was the fifteen minutes’ examination which the Bey-General had pro formâ to put him to. Before it he had handed to him his doctor’s diploma, and, with the most serious face Clot Bey set to work to try his hand on the Latin of the parchment, not one word of which language, as all well knew, he understood. In the examination, Joseph could not enter into his views either as to lithotomy or operations for hydrocele, and he soon saw he would not find a patron in the Bey. Once has Clot Bey revisited France in all pomp and dignity, but the Marseilles fish and huxter women recognised their old friend Clot, and treated him too unceremoniously. In Paris the little man would have astonished a large company by a splendid speech, but the language did not flow smoothly, and the meaning was not evident. Observing this, he added, with dignity, “La longue habitude des langues orientales m’empêche de m’exprimer avec plus de facilité;” but he might have, with more truth, said, that, saving a little bad Arabic, he knew nor spoke no oriental language, and that he never can speak with any oriental, without the aid of his dragoman, although he has already been for twelve years resident in Egypt. A young and rich dame met our hero at a supper-party in Paris, and was so charmed by him, that she next day made proposals of marriage to him, which he met only too eagerly. A second meeting was agreed on, and Clot, the citizen of the world, appeared in a Frank dress before this lady of gold. But oh, misericordia! to behold him in this simple garb and break off all marriage agreements was the work of one and the same moment to her.[24] The metamorphosis from the picturesque Turkish costume, with its Cashmere shawls, tarbush, diamond orders, &c., and perhaps a little red artistically laid on the wasted cheek, seemed somewhat too sad, and since then Clot has never adopted the Frank dress, nor should he, when he would make a conquest.[25] In the theatre of Cairo one sees him running from box to box, like a young dandy, and whispering soft nothings, and ogling every lady he sees.
Spaniards are very rare in Egypt; but such as there are, are not in good odour. Nor are the numbers of Englishmen large; they are little talked of, nor shall I allude further to them; they are principally employed as engineers, and in the factory or mine departments.
The educated Germans are few; but there is a considerable number of mechanics from that country, and in these the nation seems to have selected her worst specimens. They are all dissipated, without truth or faith, and when one sees these louts, and hears of their rascally tricks, one must blush to have a fatherland in common with them. Most of them have, indeed, been compelled to fly their country, from their villanous excesses or crimes; and have, to perfect themselves, taken lessons in Hungary, Bucharest, and Constantinople, before coming to Egypt and settling down in that land, fully accomplished in all the arts of thieving, cheating, drinking, and blood-shedding.
Besides many Armenians, mostly shrewd merchants and Saraffs (bankers), Mograbins, and Jews, there are to be found here individuals of all races and countries under the sun.
The native population of Egypt are in general a set of cheats and thieves; not the smallest faith or trust can be placed in any of them. The genuine Turks hold the Turks of Egypt as the outcasts of their race. Then, most of the great among the latter have in former times been slaves, brought up under every degradation, and in the knowledge of every low villany—to-day they are slaves, to-morrow they may be Bey or Pascha; but for life they are slaves in mind and feeling, and only fear of their power makes any one look on them as of higher grade than themselves.
One would fancy that in Turkey, and especially in Constantinople, Franks would be better protected and held in higher estimation than in distant Egypt; but this is not so, as nowhere must a Frank be more cautious and guarded than in Stamboul. To remedy this evil state of matters, and particularly to confine this stupid and haughty race within the bounds befitting it, would indeed be no hard task for the greater European powers; but the policy of these towards the Porte is in direct opposition to each other’s, and no united action can even be dreamt of so long as each power acts for itself, and seeks eagerly in every way to gain some small advantage for itself, even though this should be by humiliating submissions; as it cares not how, so it only wins the Porte’s favour. The latter power is allowed still to exist, only because, as the common story runs, it is necessary for the balance of Europe. But, in spite of this story, Turkey still is, as it ever has been, and, from its splendid position, with justice ever will be, the dearest desire of every naval power, and sooner or later it will prove a bone of most bloody contention among these. The nation that possesses the Dardanelles and Constantinople, is lord and master of the whole Levant and Mediterranean trade; and what an inestimable advantage may not this give? Russia, who for centuries has openly and secretly striven with all its power, and by every political means, with unequalled cunning and constancy, to gain this jewel, and even in its most involved and disturbed states has never for a moment turned its eyes away from this splendid aim, well comprehends its inestimable importance, and must therefore venture all to become lord and master of this key-stone of its maritime power, so as to be able to develop its naval forces, from its own seas, into the south. If another power, England or France, possessed the Straits of the Bosphorus, it would be impossible to open the passage of them without its consent, even by force, and Russia with her treasures would be confined to the Black and Caspian Seas, and for ever long in vain for the trade of the south. How much importance Russia places on the possession of the Dardanelles may be guessed, by the expression of the Emperor Alexander at the Congress of Erfurt, where he said to Napoleon, “I will give you the half of Europe, help you to conquer it, and leave you in undisturbed possession of it; and you in return must grant me the Dardanelles; they are the key of my house.”
In the suburbs of Constantinople, the Frank may take certain liberties without being annoyed by the mob, if he only does not heed or trouble himself about the repeated mention he hears, even there, of the word Giour. But one had better not venture to intrude into the interior of the old city, nor try to examine the architecture of the houses, or gaze up at the closely latticed windows, if he would not be insulted and perhaps attacked. The Frank who exhibits himself there in the dress of his country, will, particularly in the more narrow streets, be greeted with showers of stones and the contents of vessels not the most savoury, followed all his way with the most horrible abuse, and even worse handled by the mob; and still he dare not betake himself to his weapons, or defend himself, for then from all houses would the Mussulmen rush, and with cudgels and stones give the Giour a lesson after the Turkish manner. I went one day—it was during the great plague of 1836-37—through a certain street, in the neighbourhood of the Atmeidan, of that part of the city, when a little Turkish lad was amusing himself and making the bystanders merry by running after me, and amid shouts of laughter knocking my hat off four or five times, ere I caught him by the neck; and the instant I did so, many Turks rushed on me, and I dared not punish the young scamp, as I had no wish to be cudgelled to death in return. Such insults to Franks are the order of the day, and no ambassador will trouble himself about them. Even they themselves, though the representatives of monarchs, are, like all common persons, obliged to dismount from their horses, go on foot with closed umbrella and divested of their cloaks, should they pass the palace of the Sultan, and this not only when directly in front of it, but some hundred paces before or behind it: like formalities are gone through when one sails by it on the Bosphorus. It is, indeed, very curious, that the ambassadors have not taken suitable measures long ago against these ceremonies, so truly degrading and derogatory to their office. What European monarch would dare issue such orders? Besides, it is all the same whether the Sultan is in his palace or not; before the mere ungainly pile of stones must every one submit to such humiliations, or be taken prisoner by the guard, and locked up under insults and abuse. It is perfectly à la Gessler! As the common vulgar here know how, in case of necessity, to take their revenge by means of fire, which here (as the most of the houses are either all or mostly of wood) makes rapid and fearful devastations, so do the mob in uniforms insist, with brutal severity, on the observance of public orders. One evening Prince Wrede, with a small party (in jovial humour, from the grape), was returning home, but unfortunately without lanterns, which is forbidden. All at once the watch pounced upon him and his companions, and, with blows, dragged them to the prison of Woiwodin, placed them in a dungeon that not only already contained numbers of the vilest of the mob, but was so small that they had to stand the whole night; neither their names and rank, nor threats, nor prayers, enabled them to send to their ambassador, or release them out of this unpleasant scrape; nor afterwards, much as they complained to their country’s envoy of such disgraceful treatment, and the time and money it had cost them, did they get the smallest redress.
In Egypt, indeed, one must also constantly carry a lantern with him after dark, and in the month of the Ramadan, one may chance to be taken up by the guard; but these are so civil, as to at once let the prisoners go again for a few piastres, or at worst some cigars; or if they will not do so, you have only to send to the consul, and you are at once set at liberty. It is common enough to forget this lantern, the more so when one goes out by day and does not return till evening; but at every street corner, if not very late indeed, paper lanterns are to be had for half a piastre. In consequence of this constant forgetting of lanterns, one at last has a complete store of such in his house; at Cairo, on counting ours, we found some fifty. The small wax tapers for them, with which we could go from the Muske (Frank quarter) to our own homes, on the Esbekieh, cost five paras. These neat light-machines consist of folded paper, and it needs custom and gentle handling to convey them home, for should the wind blow a little fresh, or if the body reels a little from wine, one is every moment in danger of setting on fire the paper lantern, as well as oneself,—an accident by no means rare, especially when one wears the long and loose Turkish dress. This, or the Frank costume, one may wear as he pleases in Egypt; but not so in Turkey. There the Frank must wear the Frank dress, and the Turk that prescribed for his station. The rayah may certainly wear Frank clothes, but not without the tarbush, on which, in sign of being a subject, the Turkish crescent, cut out of cloth, is sewed.