DIARY (continued 7)

It is determined to allow the King, Charles X., to go to Holyrood House, but he will be told there is no furniture, or very little, and that he can only stay six months, and that no expense can be incurred on his account. He has admitted no one to an audience, but many have been to Lulworth to ask for places.

Talleyrand says they have found an ébauche of Polignac's, telling Bourmont that his proposal that the money taken at Algiers should be given to the Legion of Honour could not be complied with, as the King intended to distribute it amongst his most faithful friends. They pretend they do not intend to make use of this because there is no proof of its having been sent; in fact they do not use it because it reflects credit on Bourmont.

Lord Rosslyn, with whom I walked as far as Pimlico Palace, showed me the Treasury list of the House of Commons. 311 decided friends and 189 enemies- that is 500; the remainder, consisting of moderate Tories, violent Tories, good and bad doubtfuls, as well as Huskissonians (the latter 13), are more likely to be against us than for us.

Rosslyn still hankers after a coalition, but reform has made it impossible. We might have had this time last year Sir J. Graham. We might even now have Palmerston, [Footnote: It appears from Lord Palmerston's published papers that this was an error. He had already determined to act with the Whigs, and not to take office without Lord Grey and Lord Lansdowne. See Ashley's Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. p. 211.] but the Duke seems determined to go on as he is, Peel and all, even Bathurst, seem to have a correct view of the danger; but I see no flinching.

October 4.

Saw the Duke. Suggested that we must soon consider what should be done with respect to the China trade. If we were to give up the monopoly we had better do so at once, on the first day of the Session, with a good grace, and not make ourselves appear to do it with reluctance. The Duke said we must certainly consider it. Had I talked with the Chairs about it? I said no. I had thought it best to wait till the Cabinet had come to a decision as to what should be done. I had privately advised them to turn over in their minds the plan of the Company going on with the Government slightly varied, but without monopoly.

The Duke said he could not make up his mind without hearing first what the Chairs had to say. I observed that if they, that is Astell, thought the Government hesitated, they would certainly say they could not go on without monopoly. However, the Duke seemed to think it was impossible for the question to come before the Cabinet before we had talked with the Chairs. So I have asked him and Loch to meet at the Treasury at twelve on Monday.

I should like to see Tucker and Stuart, but I must do it privately, as I have no principle to go upon in consulting with individual Directors.

The Duke seems very reluctant to give up the monopoly, and to have very exaggerated ideas of the value of the Company's intervention.

He showed me a letter he had received from Molé, in which he takes a very moderate view of the Belgian question. Expresses the most earnest desire for peace, as war would place everywhere the two extreme principles in conflict. France will not interfere, neither can she suffer others to interfere, in the internal affairs of the Netherlands. He hopes to be able to arrange everything amicably.

A letter the Duke showed me from Rothschild's brother is still more satisfactory if the view taken in it be correct. He says France will, with England and the Allies, amicably settle the question; but she will not have to be excluded.

He mentions Leopold as a probable King of Belgium.

The Court of Turin [Footnote: The first French Republic had made a similar non-recognition a plea for seizing Savoy.] seems to be in a great fright because the French Government took huff at their not recognizing at once. They were afraid to do so till they heard what the great Powers did.

M. de la Tour says they can bring 60,000 or 90,000 men into the field, if Genoa is guarded for them by a fleet; but Genoa would require 14,000 men. On that place they must retreat.

The Spaniards seem to be going on well. They mean not to be empressés with their recognition, but are advised not to be the last.

There have been insurrections at Hanau, Swerin, and I know not where else. The Diet intend to vary the law of the Empire and to allow any neighbour, whose assistance may be asked, to give it at once.

The Emperor of Russia received General Athalia very graciously, but he keeps him waiting for his answer. Lieven professes himself well satisfied with our reasons for immediate recognition. So does Metternich. In fact they cannot do without us, and if we lead they must follow.

October 5.

Cabinet. Goulburn's Civil List. He transfers to the Consolidated Fund all the salaries heretofore partly paid by the Civil List, and in diplomacy there is a reduction of 28,000£ a year.

It is supposed there can be no reduction in the great departments in the article of tradesmen's bills, or in the Board of Works.

The King gives up the Droits [Footnote: 'Droits of Admiralty.'] without any compensation. This is all a loss to the privy purse.

It seems possible to reduce perspectively many officers in England and in Ireland who do not really contribute to the state of the crown. This, however, did not occur to Goulburn but to Peel.

The account of Liege is very bad indeed. Things there seem going on in the style of the French Revolution.

Nothing can be better than the account from France. They will be pleased by the letter read to them. All they feared was the attempt to exclude them from all concert in the settlement of Belgium. They think neither the King nor Prince Frederick can return to Brussels; but the Prince of Orange may, and this will, I think, be finally settled.

October 6.

Council at 2. Talleyrand was presented. He backed to the window and read a speech in which there were several erasures. He declared the determination of France to pursue the course so wisely followed by England of non- interference. He spoke of himself as 'Ministre d'une Royaute votée à l'unanimité.'

The King did not much like receiving him, and was a little nervous. To what Talleyrand said about noninterference the King answered it was a very good thing, especially when exercised de bonne foi. This he said by Aberdeen's advice.

I read the King of the Netherlands' letter. He asks distinctly for military assistance.

Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. The Prince of Orange is gone to Antwerp. This the Duke thinks the very worst step that could have been taken; the only mistake the King has made. In fact the King was unwilling, and ever since the affair of Brussels there has been a coolness between the King and the Prince. The Duke fears the consequences of the Prince's going, because he is a man devoted to popularity-vain. The Duke and Talleyrand were talking about popularity. The Duke said those who loved it never loved it with moderation. Talleyrand said, 'Il n'y a jamais de modération, où il n'y a pas de goût—et il n'y a pas de gout dans l'amour de la popularité!' The Duke asked Talleyrand what sort of a man the Duke of Orleans was. 'Un Prince de l'Ecole normale.' Of the Queen he said, 'Elle est bonne femme, et surtout grande dame—c'est ce qu'il nous faut.'

Talleyrand said he had given the King a piece of advice, 'to go to Neuilly'—that is, to rescue himself from the vagabond cortége.

Talleyrand is very well pleased with the letter sent to Paris, and the foreign Ministers are satisfied.

The King (our King) seemed to me to be very weary to-day. Aberdeen said he was a good deal distressed at the state of Europe, and rather anxious.

Lord and Lady Holland and Rothschild appear to be the only people besides the Ministers who have called on Talleyrand. Lord Holland is very much with him. Lord Holland is doing all he can to save the lives of the French Ministers—for the interest of the French Government, not of the Ministers themselves. He has written to La Fayette and to the King.

October 7.

I forgot on what authority it was mentioned yesterday, but it was mentioned as a fact that the Liberaux would not have done anything unless they had been certain of the Duke of Orleans. So afraid were they of a revolution that they would have submitted to the Ordonnances rather than run the risk of it.

October 9.

At Canterbury heard more particulars of the machine-breaking now going on in the neighbourhood. Notice is given, and the frames are broken. One gentleman boasted at market they should not break his, as he had armed men to protect them. They on the same night set fire to his rickyard. Sir Henry Oxenden's sons went out to meet them, when they came according to notice to break Sir Henry's machines. One man spoke for the rest. He acknowledged Sir Henry seldom or ever used his machine, and that he was the landlord in Kent who gave most to the poor; but they must do as they were ordered; they would, however, do as little as they could, and they only sawed off a shaft.

The farmers now leave their thrashing machines out in the fields to be broken.

The rickyard of one gentleman was set on fire because he committed a man for machine-breaking. He lost 6,000£, nothing being insured.

It seems suspicions are entertained that the machine-breakers are not all of the station they assume. They all wear smock frocks, but their language is better than their dress. When money was offered them, if they wanted it, by the Oxendens, they said they did not want money, they obeyed orders.

It is reported, but this must be an exaggeration, that 500 assembled lately on a Down near Mr. Brockman's.

The magistrates have no good evidence against any. Some Bow Street officers are here. Lord Winchelsea and Sir Edward Knatchbull have been here at every meeting of the magistrates, although they live eighteen miles off.

The Provisional Government of Belgium have declared the independence of the country and the defeazance of the House of Orange. In the meantime the Prince of Orange is arrived at Antwerp, as Viceroy, with a Belgian Etat Major Civil.

It seems probable the Chamber of Deputies will abolish the punishment of death for political offences, and so save Polignac.

The levy of 108,000 men will hardly make the French army 240,000 effective, for it was not full before the Revolution, and numbers have deserted; besides the disbandment of the Guards, which was 25,000 men.

October 11.

Cabinet. Aberdeen read Lord Stuart's account of his interview with Molé. Molé suggests an immediate conference, and thinks the Prince of Orange may be made Sovereign of La Belgique. No communication will be held by the French Government with the Provisional Government of Belgium. They will communicate through the King.

It is proposed to have the Conference here. The Ministers of Austria, Prussia, and Russia have expressed their readiness to acquiesce in anything proposed by this country. They may inveigh against the diplomacy of England, but in moments of danger all rally under our wing.

Molé distinctly admitted that the existence of the present Government of France depended on its remaining on good terms with England and Prussia, and the affairs of Belgium gave them an opportunity of showing la droiture de leurs principes, &c.—in short, of gaining a good character.

It was decided against guaranteeing the sum of 500,000£ the Dutch wish to raise here. There would be no end to such loans if we once began to assist the credit of foreign States. Parliament would not approve of the measure. To the Dutch Government it is important that this Administration should remain, and likewise that their own credit should not be injured in all Europe by the confession of weakness which their recourse to us implies.

To guarantee a loan is to give money, and to do that is to assist one of the parties to lose the mediatory character, and, in fact, put ourselves out of the Congress.

Hardinge can reduce 57,000£ a year in net and on the Civil List, 30,000£ on the Pension List, and 27,000£ on officers of State.

We had some talk about details, but Goulburn does not reduce as much as Hardinge.

Had some talk with the Duke and Peel respecting the fires in Kent, and the breaking of frames. Five are in prison. The Duke thinks smugglers are at the bottom of it.

There has been alarm at Carlisle. The officers in command of the castle apprehended an attempt to surprise it and seize the arms. Men had been seen measuring the wall. Sir J. Graham was alarmed about it. Orders will be given to provision for thirty days all the places where arms are kept, the town included, where there are 600,000 stand of arms. In the meantime all classes are more comfortable in this country than they ever were, and this alone keeps down insurrection. There are leaders but no troops.

Hardinge reports that the spirit in Ireland is disimproved since the events in Belgium.

There is to be an Anti-Union Society, which, as soon as it meets, will be put down under the Act.

October 12.

At nine went to Apsley House. Met the Chairs. We went in to the Duke. Our conversation lasted two hours. As they are to send in a procès verbal, it is unnecessary for me to state it. The substance was that, supposing the monopoly to be taken away, they would administer the Government of India as heretofore on one of two conditions; either closing their account with the public and receiving payment in full, or an equivalent annuity for all their property in India, in which case they would require no guarantee of the present dividend; or making over all their property, and taking a perpetual guarantee of the dividend.

The public to make good in either case all deficiency of Indian revenue, and in either case the Company to be the agents for the territory, providing all necessary sums here and receiving repayment at a rate of exchange to be paid from time to time fairly.

The Chairs were given to understand that the public being liable to the making good of Indian deficiency, we should require a strict control over the whole expenditure here, as well as in India.

They show, especially Campbell, a disposition to leave off trading and become gentlemen. They were told by the Duke that if they did so we must be at liberty to revise our arrangement with them. We might as well go to the Bank as to them, if we were to treat with a body not commercial.

The Duke seems much pleased with his foreign prospects.

M. de Choiseul was waiting to see him. I suppose on the affair of Holyrood House.

It seems probable that the French will abolish the punishment of death, and so save Polignac.

October 14.

Found at the office several papers giving accounts of Radical meetings in Lancashire. All the old Radicals are reappearing on the scene. They do not as yet seem to be attended by any numerous assemblies, never above 200 or 300.

A letter from a clergyman at Wrotham speaks of burnings near that place, and of the bad conduct of the people who interfere with the working of the engines, and seem to rejoice in the destruction.

Read all the papers relating to the education of the Princess Victoria, who seems to have been admirably brought up.

At the Cabinet room read a long and excellent letter of Hardinge's respecting the state of Ireland.

The 87th Regiment at Newry, when paraded for church, refused to march without music, to which it had been accustomed in the south. It had been discontinued in the north to avoid displeasing the Orangemen.

The captain sent for the Lieutenant-Colonel Blair, who was at first disobeyed, but he placed a drum to have a drum-head court martial, and then they marched. The Duke says it is, and always has been, the worst regiment in the service. It ran away at Salamanca and exposed him to being taken prisoner. It has always been unmilitary, and from the same cause, a disposition to seek popularity on the part of its officers. Hardinge proposes embarking it at once for the West Indies. The Duke prefers bringing it to Dublin, where there are other regiments to keep it in order, and soon sending it to England, and by detachments at no distant period to Botany Bay. They do not expect there will be any further exhibition of mutinous spirit. The only mischief of this is the effect at this time.

There have been apprehensions of an attempt to scale the Pigeon House, and a full garrison has been ordered into it, with directions to add to its defences on the seaside so as to protect it from escalade.

Hardinge can bring twenty guns together in a very short time, at any point in Dublin. He talks of arming the students in Trinity College in the event of an explosion.

They rather expect an explosion about the 18th or 19th, when probably there will be the first meeting of the new Association.

This it will be the first object to put down by the Act of 1829. The meeting to petition for the repeal of the Union will be permitted.

Hardinge is quite himself on horseback. The only fear is that he should be too lively. Peel seems to think he is; but it is a great comfort to have him there instead of Lord Francis Leveson, who was always wrong.

The King of the Netherlands has called his States at the Hague, the Constitution requiring them to meet this year in Belgium. He takes advantage of the provision in the Constitution which permits him to call the States in Holland in case of war. They fear the loss of Antwerp. The Prince of Orange thinks things look better.

The Netherland Ambassador is much annoyed at the refusal of pecuniary assistance; but, as was expected, the Dutch have got their money, only paying a little more for it.

Our depots are only 160 strong. We have hardly a battalion. One or two at least of those which were going abroad will be retained for a time.

The Duke of Brunswick does not much like abdicating. The Duke of Wellington thought he had brought him to make his brother Governor-General for his life, retaining the succession for his children. However, Aberdeen seems to have blundered him back again. He is to go to see the King on Saturday. The King desired he might come early, that he might not be obliged to have him to dinner, and he desired Aberdeen would remain in the room.

Pozzo thinks the French Government is gaining strength; but they are very inefficient in preventing armed men from assembling on the frontiers of Spain.

The French have exercised such coldness towards the Belgians that they are become unpopular. De Potter was French while he had hopes of becoming so. Now he is a Republican.

The Austrians will send troops into the Sardinian dominions if there is any insurrection. [Footnote: They had similarly interfered to put down the Constitutional movement in Piedmont which followed on the Neapolitan revolution of 1821.] This by invitation.

The Queen of Spain has, it is said, a son. [Footnote: It was a daughter, afterwards Queen Isabella II., born October 10, 1830. The alteration of the succession in favour of the female line led to a civil war on Ferdinand VII.'s death. A son might have secured peace, but probably without a Constitution.] This event would, it is thought, secure Spain against any revolutionary movement.

October 15.

Called on the Duke. Settled with him the alterations necessary in the Chairs' memorandum of the conversation on the 12th. He thought we had gone too far in leading them to expect they should be repaid the money they had sunk in the territory while they held the Government.

Received from him the opium letter. He thinks the principle good, but considers it is not fair to make the Scindians prevent the transit of opium. We cannot prevent them, for they are independent; but unless we endeavour to persuade them, and succeed in doing so, we shall lose our opium revenue.

October 16.

Chairs at 11. Head over with them my alterations of their protocol. Astell did not seem to see the greatness of the variations. Campbell did, and particularly observed upon the words, 'value of the fixed property in India which might be adjudged to appertain to the Company in their commercial capacity.' He wanted an admission of the justice of the claims, leaving nothing for adjustment but their amount. I said we could not admit claims without examination, the nature of which we did not yet know. All we could admit was that the claims were such as should be submitted to examination, and their validity decided upon just principles.

Astell wished to go back again and recommence the discussion. I said he knew I could decide nothing without the Cabinet, and he nothing without the Court; all he had to do now was to bring the subject before them.

He asked whether they were distinctly to understand that the Cabinet had decided upon the termination of the monopoly? I said that the question not having yet been before the Cabinet I could not give an answer officially; but when the First Lord of the Treasury and the President of the Board of Control desired to know what the course of the Court would be in the event of its being proposed that the Court should administer the Government without monopoly, I thought it was not difficult to draw an inference.

October 19.

Sent to the Duke a memorandum on his letter. Read at the Cabinet room. The King of the Netherlands is much annoyed at the desertion, as he thinks it, of his allies. He now proposes a Congress of the Four Powers and France at Breda or Cleves. He admits France very unwillingly, and by no means acquiesces in the reasoning in favour of the advance we made.

Sir Ch. Bagot seems to think the Prince of Orange will be losing the affection of the Dutch without gaining the Belgians.

The German Confederation is arming in the neighbourhood of Hanau for the preservation of the peace. They have put 6,000 or 7,000 men in motion, and have a reserve of 15,000 or 18,000.

The excitement against Polignac and Peyronnet increases, and the Ministers run the hazard of their places by attempting to save them. I fear that is hopeless. The Spanish Radicals seem to find it would be dangerous to pass the frontier.

October 20.

Office. Cabinet room. The Prince of Orange has written a most offensive letter to the King of the French, almost insinuating that the troubles in Belgium are fomented by France, and saying that by a declaration against the Belgians France would show her good faith, and secure the recognition of Russia. The French Cabinet is much offended at the silence of the King of the Netherlands, and Count Molé is going to write to the Dutch Minister upon the subject.

Nesselrode seems to see great difficulties in the intervention of France in the settlement of Belgium—the union of Belgium and Holland having been made against France. The Russian Minister at the Hague has general directions to follow the course of England upon all points not provided for by his instructions.

There is a great fall in the Funds to-day; partly, it is said, in consequence of those who desired to keep up the Funds being no longer able to do so; partly from the general aspect of affairs. My surprise is that the Funds have not fallen before, and much more.

Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. Showed the protocol of our Conference with the Chairs. The heads of the speech were read. Aberdeen's will not do at all. To my surprise he intended to announce the recognition of Miguel, he having engaged to do a great act of justice; that is, to publish the amnesty. He will not do it till a British Minister arrives at Lisbon; that is, he makes us, whom he has once deceived, dependent upon his word. This would be a very incautious step on our part. We meet on Friday to consider the speech in detail.

We had a good deal of conversation about the Duchess of Kent's allowance, which is to be much increased. It is proposed to give her 20,000£ a year. She has now 12,000£ for herself and the Princess, out of which she pays interest and insurance upon 12,000£ she borrowed on the Duke of Kent's death for her outfit.

The King has about thirty people at dinner every day, belonging to the Household. His expense must be enormous in living.

October 21.

Read in the newspaper the King of the Netherlands' speech. It is querulous and angry. I really thought the Proclamation extraordinary of the Prince of Orange a forgery; but it is genuine, and he throws off all connection with Holland, declaring the independence of Belgium, and placing himself practically at the head of the Rebellion!

On Monday night at a dance at the Lodge, Hardinge saw accidentally in an evening newspaper, shown to him for another purpose, the advertisement of the Anti-Union Association, and by seven o'clock the next morning the Lord Lieutenant's Proclamation prohibiting it was placarded in the streets. This is decision. There was no riot. Persons in general were satisfied the act was right. O'Connell is alarmed. The Duke of Leinster is ready to sign a declaration in favour of the Union. All is safe in Ireland with Hardinge's promptitude. I wish he could remain and not come over to Parliament.

October 22.

Saw Campbell, who was very nervous and anxious, and I at night wrote a letter to Lord Hill in favour of his son—more, I admit, from a father's feelings than from a conviction of being right.

It seems the Lord Lieutenant not having been near Dublin when the Proclamation was issued by Hardinge, he must have had a blank Proclamation in his pocket, and have issued it without the opinion of the law officers. He has good debatable Parliamentary grounds of defence; but he has trodden upon the margin of the law. Not the worse for that in these times, when it is most important that every one should see the Government are vigilant and determined.

Valdez, who entered Spain with a few hundred men, has been smashed at once.

At the Cabinet we had a long discussion respecting the Regency question. Aberdeen started the objection that the proposed measure was destructive of the principle that the King could not die. On the other hand it was contended that we maintained that principle. We made a Regent for a King. We acknowledged a King; but we deferred taking the oath of allegiance till we knew who he was. The difficulties attending the unkinging of a Sovereign on the birth of a Prince nearer to the present King seem greater than any attending the measure proposed. It was ultimately determined that the Chancellor should consult the judges and the law officers.

October 23.

Cabinet. Twenty-six magistrates at Canterbury sentenced to three days' imprisonment threshing machine breakers, who pleaded guilty! Such has been the terror struck into them! Sir E. Knatchbull was in the chair.

We went through the speech—not deciding absolutely upon the words; but generally upon the substance.

Then arose a conversation as to the Regency which, in this last hour, is thought a point of importance. The Chancellor seems alarmed and unwilling to move the suspension of the rights of the presumptive heir until the non- existence of an heir apparent be ascertained, without the opinion of the judges. It is admitted there is no written opinion to guide us. The analogy of property is in favour of the heir presumptive; that of peerage in favour of the heir apparent in utero.

October 24.

Cabinet at 4. Read two letters from Hardinge. By his account all the men of property will support the Government and the Union.

The press is coming round—bought. A Mr. Conway, an able writer, is furious against O'Connell, and, upon the whole, the Press is on our side. Hardinge dilates with delight upon his military preparations and plans of defence, and seemingly will be disappointed if he cannot put them into execution.

The Belgian Ministers resigned after the Prince of Orange's Proclamation. He is left without advisers. He has endeavoured to get Sir Charles Bagot to join him, and Grasioff. He sends for Cartwright. He seems much embarrassed. In fact he is in heart a Belgian, and would sacrifice everything to be King of Belgium. He never knew the Dutch, and not unnaturally likes the Belgians better. They are indignant at his conduct in Holland, and with reason. He seems to intend to rule the Dutch by means of the Belgians. This he cannot do.

The Duke of Wellington always thought him a silly fellow.

The Provisional Government is going to send some mission here.

We had a long talk about the Regency. Really it does us little credit to begin now, within ten days of the meeting of Parliament, to consider that question seriously.

The Chief Justices will be asked whether, supposing the Queen to be pregnant at the death of the King, the next living heir would succeed? How in the event of the birth of a child the de facto Sovereign is to be put aside? And what should be done if the Queen only may be with child? The difficulty consists in the oath of allegiance, which must be altered and made conditional. But what a curious position the Queen Victoria would be placed in, if a baby were to oust her after eight months of reign!

I think the course adopted will be this—to make an oath of allegiance conditional, saving the rights of a child to be born; to appoint the Regent who would be named for the Princess Victoria, with the provision that on the birth of a child the child's mother shall be Regent.

October 25.

Cabinet at 4. Peel read letters he had received from Mr. Foster, the magistrate of Manchester, Mr. Hulton, of Hulton, and a manufacturer whose name I forget. They all give an alarming account of the state of Manchester. The colliers have turned out in some districts, and where they have turned out the mills are necessarily stopped. This has thrown numbers out of employment. These colliers can earn 10_s_. a day; that is, as much as many clergymen. The spinners can earn 5_s_. a day. Yet they turn out.

This seems to be a manoeuvre like that of Lafitte when he refused to discount bills. To stop the supply of coal is to throw all mills out of work, and every one out of employment. The question is, Shall the masters resist? If they do, there will be an early collision. If they do not, they may defer it, but not long. Concession was counselled six weeks ago, on the ground that, after the events in Belgium and in France, collision was dangerous; and this even by bold men. It seems there are 3,000 infantry, 3 guns, and about 600 or 800 cavalry near Manchester. Perhaps some howitzers may be sent, but more force there is not. Peel at the Cabinet wrote a letter to Mr. Taylor, saying that under ordinary circumstances he should have counselled resistance or rather non-concession; but now it was a doubtful question whether a collision at Manchester would not lead to collision in many other places, and was our force sufficient? He was desired to see Mr. Hulton, Sir E. Bouverie, and others, and to consider what could be done, particularly whether Volunteer Corps could be formed. The delegates who went to Mr. Chappell seem to be amenable to the law and get-at-able. This will be done.

The law officers came in and were asked as to the power of the Crown to permit the formation of Volunteer Corps. They were desired to consider the point. By the Act of 1794 there seems to be no doubt about it.

Hardinge is arrived. He has been calling out O'Connell. I am sorry for it, for O'Connell had declared he would not fight. O'Connell had called him the Duke's aide-de-camp. So far it does good, that it lowers O'Connell still more, and destroys the value of anything he might say against Hardinge.

October 26.

Called on Hardinge. He says the accounts from Manchester to-day are worse. In the House Lord Hill showed me a letter (from Sir E. Bouverie, I think), giving a very alarming account—30,000 out of work, and apprehension of early collision.

Parliament opened. Took the oaths. Office. Lord Dalhousie was so ill on June 4 that I have no idea of his being now Commander-in-Chief in India.

Received a summons to a Cabinet at four precisely, and went to the Foreign Office; but nobody came. I think it must have been summoned to meet at Peel's house. The times are so critical that I should be sorry to lose a Cabinet. I could not find out that any summonses had been sent from the Foreign Office. There was a crowd of people in Downing Street, who had, I dare say, followed the Duke from the House of Lords. There were a good many about the House. All quite quiet.

October 27.

Levée at two. Addresses from the Church of Scotland, and the Lord Mayor and Corporation of Dublin. Dr. Chalmers was with the Church of Scotland. The Recorder of Dublin, Mr. Shaw, who is member for Dublin, made a speech before he read the address—a thing quite unprecedented, and which might be very inconvenient. The speech itself was innocent. The levée by no means full.

Peel had an audience of the King, and in half an hour the King slept twenty minutes. He says he never knew any man so much altered in three months. His somnolency increases. He slept during an interview with Aberdeen yesterday. When the Duke saw him he was alive enough.

Cabinet. Prince at the Chancellor's. Some conversation respecting the burnings in Kent. Peel thinks they were effected by a chemical process, by some substance deposited hours before, and igniting when the perpetrators are far off. The persons who met Lord Winchilsea expressed detestation of the burnings, and went away to break threshing machines, but a man who committed persons for breaking threshing machines had his ricks burnt; another suffered the same thing who defended his threshing machines. I believe the two offences to be committed by the same persons. The magistrates are supine and terror-struck; but they have no police, no military. Sir E. Knatchbull doubts whether they would arm as yeomen. Peel does not seem to me to view with sufficient alarm the effect these burnings will produce upon men's minds, and the example of impunity. Nothing was said about Manchester. All seemed to think less seriously of our dangers than they did some days back.

The law officers mean to give in their report on the case put to them to- morrow. They will say it is not provided for. The Chancellor has the judges at dinner on Friday, and he will then obtain theirs.

October 28.

Captain Harvey of the 4th Dragoons called by the King's desire to say the King of Persia told him when he was at Teheran that he was hurt at not receiving a letter from the King. I told Captain Harvey the King had announced his accession to the Shah of Persia as he had to other sovereigns. Captain Harvey was interpreter to his regiment. It seemed to me that he rather wished to command the Persian troops. He is brother to the tutor to Prince George of Cambridge. He is a very gentlemanlike man.

The French insist on having the conferences respecting the settlement of Belgium at Paris, if there are to be any regular conferences. They cannot permit Talleyrand to act for them. The French would be jealous of him, &c. We had wished to have the conferences here for the very reason that we thought Talleyrand would do his utmost to have the credit of preserving peace. I see there will be no Congress. The French think that, if they stand still, the fruit will fall into their mouths. The folly of the Prince of Orange will ruin his party in Belgium. The ambition of the Belgians will induce them to attempt to form a separate State, which after much disorder will be found impracticable; and as they will not become Dutch, they will become French. Then we shall have a war, and present forbearance only postpones it. All the Volunteers who are acting in Belgium are French. All the forces in the field are commanded by Frenchmen. French money is employed. The French are really now carrying on the war covertly.

Russia is paralysed by the devastating progress of the cholera morbus which has reached Moscow. The Emperor is gone to Moscow to establish order and obedience, for the civil and military authorities are quarrelling, and the troops are unwilling to form the cordon. All cordons I believe to be fruitless. It would be as wise to form a cordon against the wind. The disease advances, however, along the high roads and navigable rivers. It is the most extraordinary plague we have had.

Prussia cannot act for fear of disorders at home, and Austria is literally the only power to which war is possible. The French dare not go to war for fear of a Republic.

It seems the French Ministry will be partially changed, the Due de Broglie and Guizot going out. The Due de Broglie seems to be a pedantic coxcomb.

I pity the King of the Netherlands, who is a good man. To be hated by two- thirds of his subjects, betrayed by his foolish son, and abandoned as he thinks by his allies, must be great trials to him; while, although the Dutch adore him and really love him, they will not give him money, and I have a little doubt whether they will fight much. Probably, however, the fear of pillage will make them do that for themselves.

Read a very well-written pamphlet in reply to Brougham's two. I suspect the writer is Philpotts. It is too powerful for an ordinary man, and far beyond Croker. Neither is it in his style. Brougham has made Ridgway put forth a letter stating that he never communicated upon the subject of the pamphlet with Brougham—which is no denial that it is Brougham's.

It is a good and useful pamphlet, and will teach the Whigs good manners by showing them they cannot commit aggression with impunity. There is no part much better done than that in which the falsehood and absurdity are shown of what was said in the Brougham pamphlets respecting me. To be sure my champion had a good case. What was said about me rather leads me to think Lord Durham or T. Moore had a hand in it.

October 29.

The letters from Manchester recommend resistance on the part of the masters—that is, non-concession. This will put the colliers to the necessity of adopting force, and in the defence of property we should commence the contest, which can only be deferred, with great advantage. Mr. Foster thinks the views of the Union have been shaken by the increase of force near Manchester; and that, although there might be much disturbance, the event would not be doubtful. One committee of the Union has proposed acquiescence in the masters' terms.

The accounts from Kent are bad. Peel has offered to send down a magistrate and police officers, and to go to any expense.

He was to receive Mr. Hammond, Plumptree, Lord Camden, and others to-day. Poor Lord Camden, in the meantime, has the lumbago.

October 30.

Cabinet. A very bad account of Manchester. No means of raising Volunteer corps. Little hope of uniting the masters. The operatives triumphant. No disposition, however, on their part to come to blows, and a confidence on the part of the magistrates that a fight would be in their favour; but then they must have troops, keep all they have, and get more if possible.

Mr. Taylor recommends that constables should have the power of arresting picketers without warrant.

Went through the speech. It will do very well now.

Spoke to the Duke about Indian finance, and told him the result. He wished to see all the papers, which were not yet quite ready. In the meantime nothing is to be done, and we are to appoint the Committee.

The Attorney and Solicitor-General deprecate the prosecution of a libel transmitted for their opinion, and say they think it unadvisable to prosecute without the sanction of Parliament! What this means I do not know, unless it means that they are cowed.

There is an infamous article in the Times to-day, against the conduct of the farmers and country gentlemen, and there are worse in the Morning Chronicle.

Had some conversation after dinner at St. James's with Frankland Lewis. He longs for the Grants. I told him it would not do, and what sort of a man Charles Grant was. Frankland Lewis does not seem to like his office, but he says he shall bring it into order if he remains there, and make it a Privy Councillor's office without drudgery. He and, indeed, all seem to wish they were better and more boldly led in the House of Commons. All we want is that.

October 31.

Cabinet. On Monday the 25th the Prince of Orange left Antwerp. He embarked, and intended to go to see his father, and then to come to England! On the 26th General Mellinot marched in and went on to Breda, with 5,000 men. On the 27th (there having been a parley on the 26th), the populace attempted to seize the arsenal. The citadel fired. The, town was on fire when Mr. Cartwright came away, and is nearly destroyed.

At Maidstone two or three ringleaders were seized very gallantly by the magistrates, and carried off to the gaol by the cavalry at a canter. However, there are but thirty-four troopers there. So four troops have been sent from Windsor, a depot from some other place, and two guns from Woolwich. All this was rendered necessary by an intended meeting on Penenden Heath to-morrow. March, the Solicitor of the Treasury, is gone down.

There was much conversation about the state of the Press, and a resolution taken to prosecute, notwithstanding the unwillingness of the law officers. Scarlet appears to be quite cowed by opposition and the Press.

This Press may be bought, but we have no money. Five-sixths of the Foreign Secret Service money are preoccupied by permanent old charges—the Secret Service money of the Treasury is preoccupied in the same way.

There is a small sum of droits which may be turned over to the Privy Purse, and then by the King to the Government, but it is not more than 3,000£. It is thought that perhaps some of the pensions on the Secret Service money of the Treasury may be turned over to the Foreign Office. The Treasury money is the only money applicable to the purchase of newspapers.

We twaddled a great deal over the speech. It was proposed by Peel to insert a paragraph referring to the disturbed state of the country. He will write it, and we shall consider it in a Cabinet at St. James's to-morrow at one, before the Council.

Lord Bathurst is more alarmed than any one; but Peel is a good deal alarmed too.

There is danger, for there are many to attack and few ready to risk anything in defence. It was otherwise in 1793.

The Duke thinks that with every disposition to do mischief there is no conspiracy, or we should have heard of it.

November 1.

Cabinet at St. James's at one. The Lord-Lieutenant has prohibited, by Proclamation, the meeting of the Volunteer Society. Very properly and consistently. It was a much more dangerous society than the other. He is a firm man, not to be turned from the course he thinks right.

O'Connell has not been spoken to in the clubs he has entered. At Brookes's they turned their backs upon him.

There was no meeting at Maidstone. Probably they had intimation of the movements of troops. Lord Beresford told me there were 3,000 artillerymen at Woolwich, enough to serve guns for an army.

Went through the speech again. Aberdeen is the most obstinate man I ever saw, about the mere words of his part of the speech. We lost half an hour at least in talking about words to-day. Peel read his concluding sentence, which is very good. He laments the outrages, and the attempt to disturb the concord between portions of the empire whose union is essential to their mutual strength and happiness, declares the King's determination to exert the powers confided to him by the Law and the Constitution for the punishment of sedition, and ends by expressing a firm reliance on the loyalty of the great body of the people.

As far as I could judge by the King's countenance when the speech was read, he acquiesced, and thought it right, but was pained at being obliged to hold such language.

I had prepared a paragraph to be used in case it had been thought right to say anything about India. For my own part I thought it better not. We could not produce a measure this year, and it would hardly be fair by the Court to declare to Parliament that we thought the monopoly must be put an end to without having previously acquainted them with our determination. The Duke said he had seen nothing yet to satisfy him that the revenues of India could meet the expenditure without the China trade. I think his reluctance increases to put an end to the present system. My disposition to terminate the existence of the Company increases the more I see of them.

November 2

House at five. Lord Bute made a very long, heavy speech. Lord Monson a very little one, not bad. The stuff would do; but he has neither stature nor voice.

We then had Lord Winchilsea, Lord Camden, Duke of Leinster, and Lord Farnham. Lord Winchilsea right in tone, but desiring inquiry into agricultural distress. This, too, was the burden of a mouthy speech made by the Duke of Richmond, whom I had nearly forgotten. Lord Farnham spoke, as he always does, well. He deprecated the dissolution of the Union, but desired relief for Ireland. This, too, was desired by the Duke of Leinster, who spoke very firmly, as all did, against agitators.

Lord Grey said it was a moment of great danger and importance. Fortitude, caution, and wisdom were required. He spoke strongly against the dissolution of the Union, and against the disturbers of the public peace everywhere. He used the words of the speech, grief and indignation. He joined in the determination to put down sedition by law. Rejoiced no new laws were asked for. Approved of the prompt recognition of King Louis Philippe; lamented the necessity of the French Revolution. Said 'all Revolutions were in themselves evils,' although they might produce eventual good. Expressed his hope, for the honour of France and for the interests of Liberty, that they would not sully a Revolution hitherto unstained by a single act of vengeance. This part of his speech was very well worded and spoken. He objected to the terms in which the passage respecting the Netherlands was worded, as seeming to cast all the blame upon the Belgians, and so to make our mediation less effectual. He likewise objected to the making the Portuguese Amnesty a seeming condition of the recognition of Miguel. Of the recognition itself he did not complain, as he had so long been King de facto. These objections were fair.

Lord Farnham having suggested the necessity of preparing for war, Lord Grey said the preparation should be by gaining the hearts of our own people—and he advocated, but very temperately, Reform. He did not, however, allow that there was any abstract right to a particular mode of constituting a Legislature. The right of the people was to a good Government, and to whatever form of Legislative Assembly might seem best to secure that Government.

His speech was good, and temperate, as well as firm. The Duke of Wellington followed him. He declared his intention to oppose Reform. He said we were not bound to interfere for the maintenance of the Amnesty further than by advice and remonstrance, not by war.

I should mention that Lord Grey seemed pleased by the abandonment of the droits. He was not very well, and at times was almost unable to proceed.

Upon the whole the tone of the debate was very good, and will do good.

November 3.

Office at eleven to see Col. Houston.

Upon the whole the debate in the Commons was satisfactory. Peel was very much cheered. O'Connell spoke well, and was heard in perfect silence. Brougham made an ordinary speech; theme a bad one, violent.

There was much row in the streets yesterday; but all occasioned by attacks upon the police, and attempts to rescue pickpockets. The Guards were called out rather hastily. Colonel Rowan who commands the police has begged they may be left to themselves. They are quite strong enough.

Cabinet dinner at Lord Rosslyn's. No House of Commons people there. The Prince of Orange is come. He has written to the King, and is to see him to- morrow. It seems there are 7,500 men in the citadel of Antwerp, which can only hold 2,000, and has provisions only for two months. The forts of Lillo and Liefkenshoek are ill-garrisoned; so is Breda, and so is Bergen-op-zoom. The Dutch have not 4,000 men in the field near Breda. The question is, whether the evacuation of the citadel of Antwerp would not be advisable for the purpose of getting out the 7,500 men. It seems that if Flushing be held, the Scheld is of no use. The Conference respecting Belgian affairs meets to-morrow, Talleyrand being sole representative of France. The first object will be to establish an armistice.

After dinner we had some conversation respecting the debate in the Commons of last night. Peel is disgusted at not being supported by the three Cabinet Ministers present, who knew the whole subject which had been so often discussed in Cabinet—yet not one of them rose to answer Brougham. The Duke is very angry with them, and says he shall take an opportunity of advising Peel in their presence never to rise till Brougham has spoken, let others be abused as they may. If the three mutes will not speak, it is clear they will not remain in very long.

I consider a debate to be a battle, in which the chief should be able to put every man into the fight, as he would every battalion, with a view to the ultimate object; he himself being the reserve.

November 4.

It seems Sir G. Murray did speak last night, but he went further than he intended on Reform, and so rather damaged our position as a Government.

Office. Saw Mr. Sullivan. He seems a sensible, liberal man. His evidence would be a death-blow to the government of the Company. He says the cotton of Coimbatore is carried to Tinnevelly and thence to Madras by country boats, where it is taken up by the China ships. It might be sent directly to the sea on the Malabar coast, the distance being 300 miles. There is no obstruction to the cultivation. The country is under a Ryotwar settlement. The unequal demand of the Company is very injurious. Their great demand at some periods encourages cultivation and raises prices exorbitantly—the next year there is no demand at all. They now purchase by contract. The contracts are too large for the native merchants, and fall, as jobs, into the hands of Europeans. Sufficient notice is not given of the contract. The native merchants have from one lac to one and a half.

Great injury is sustained by the tobacco monopoly. The Company's officers sell it as retailers. The Government is, as I always thought, practically in the hands of the natives. They require European co-operation, but if they combine against their European superior he can do nothing. House at five. Lord Winchilsea made a violent tirade against the Administration, without any motion before the House. The Duke made a few observations on the point of order very quietly, and we rose.

November 5.

St. James's at half-past one. The clergy of the Province of Canterbury were there, with their address on the accession. They were not expected, and there were no gentlemen pensioners. However, they delivered their address to the King on the throne, and a very good address it was. Peel had to write the answer in a hurry.

Recorder's report. One man left for execution for a street robbery accompanied with violence.

The Recorder gave but a bad account of the disposition of the City. The Chancellor seems a good deal alarmed, and so does Peel. Every precaution is taken, but I cannot help fearing there is a conspiracy of which we know nothing. Aberdeen suspects connection with France.

We are to inquire into the circumstances of the fires in Normandy, which seem very much to resemble ours. We have had one near Godstone, and another at Fair-lawn, in Kent; the sufferers unoffending persons. The object seems to be to spread general terror. It is clear that they are effected by the discharge of some chemical preparation, which ignites after a time. No watching has any effect. Fires take place where no one has approached.

Goulburn told me he thought Sir G. Murray had said much more than he intended, purely from want of habit of speaking; still he had done much injury.

The new French Ministry is formed, and Lafitte is at its head. He pretends to have the same views as the late Ministry; but it is impossible to suppose the French can resist the offer of Belgium. We shall have no war if we can preserve internal peace and the integrity of the Constitution.

November 6.

A letter from Hardinge, who seems to think we stand ill, not for want of numbers, but of speakers. Astell told me the Duke's declaration against Reform had injured him in the City.

Saw Wortley, and had a long conversation with him respecting the state of the Government. He thinks we cannot go on. The Duke's declaration against Reform has made it impossible for any to join him, and upon the question of Reform it is doubtful if we should have numbers enough.

We talked over possible Governments on the supposition that Lord Grey was at the head, and that Peel remained in. In walking away I was overtaken in Downing Street by Lord Graham, who had been waiting to speak to me on the same subject. He seems to think our fall not so immediately necessary as Wortley does. I then called on Hardinge, who had been with the Duke this morning. Hardinge had candidly told the Duke that if he had a minority on Reform, or a small majority, he would advise him to resign; and previously to tell the King in what a situation he stood. If he had a good majority he might perhaps get some to join; but if not, the position of the Government would be as bad in February, or worse, than it was now. The Duke said he thought things might do still. He had a number of young men who depended upon him. He would take care to give the King timely notice. The King had behaved very well to him. Indeed I know the Duke feels very strongly how admirably and how kindly the King has behaved.

Lord Maryborough had been to Hardinge to express his fears for the Duke's life, and the Duke has received many letters informing him there is a conspiracy to assassinate him on Tuesday, as he goes to Guildhall.

Hardinge said every precaution should be taken, but he begged Lord Maryborough not to tell the Duke his apprehensions. Hardinge, however, has the same; and fears there may be an attempt that day to make London a scene of barricades like Paris and Brussels. Troops will be disposed at intervals in bodies of half battalions, with provisions, and there will be 1,000 cavalry. Two guns will be ready with the marines at the obelisk, and two in the park. Hardinge observed to the Duke that he knew he had bolts inside to the doors of the carnage, and added, 'I shall take pocket pistols!' The Duke said, 'Oh! I shall have pistols in the carriage.' Hardinge asked the Duke to take him, which he does. Arbuthnot goes with the Duke, too. I wish I could manage to follow him in my carriage. I shall buy a brace of double- barrelled pocket pistols on Monday. Hardinge showed me his.

The Duke has made himself very obnoxious by declaring his resolution to oppose Reform, which in fact, however, he did not do in such terms as has been said.

Hardinge told me there was a proposal to Palmerston and others in the summer, and they at once started the difficulty of Reform, which put an end to the negotiation. If I thought Reform would tranquillise the country I should be quite satisfied with a change of Ministers which would produce internal contentment, but that I do not expect.

I shall take care to have records in the office to show the line I was prepared to take on the East Indian Monopoly, and the steps already taken. I shall likewise leave a memorandum upon the alterations I propose in the army.

November 7, Sunday.

All the morning occupied with a letter on the Salt question. At half-past two rode to the Cabinet robin. The Cabinet was to meet at three. We did not, however, all assemble till four, the Duke having been with Peel at the Home Office.

Before the Duke came we had all been talking of the Lord Mayor's Day, and the manner in which we should go into the City and return, and the precautions taken against riot.

The Duke and Peel came together, and it was evident from the first words the Duke spoke that he and Peel had made up their minds to put off the King's visit to the City. The Chancellor seemed almost to take fire at the idea of this, but the Duke very quietly begged him to hear the letters before he decided. The Duke then read various letters he had received, all warning him against going, as there was a plot to assassinate him, and raise a tumult. One of them was from Pearson, a Radical attorney. There was one from a coachmaker, saying he was satisfied, from what his men told him, there was such a design, and offering to come with eighteen of his people and guard the Duke. There was another offer, in a letter not read, to the same effect. There was an examination of a man who serves a Radical printer, and who formerly lived with Cobbett, which showed the intention to exist of attacking the Duke. The impression seemed to be general that the attempt would be made. There was a letter from the Lord Mayor elect (Alderman Key) to the Duke, telling him there was an intention amongst disaffected persons to excite tumult and confusion, and to attack him; that he could not be in safety without a guard, and a strong one; and that if an attack was made in one quarter the civil force would not be sufficient.

The Duke said he would not go. Peel, who had received many letters informing him of the intention to assassinate him, said if he went he would go privately, and come away privately. He observed that if our force, the disposition of which was mentioned, and was admirable, succeeded in putting down a riot along the line of the procession, he could not answer for the security of life or property in other parts of the town. We had information that the Duke's house would be attacked while he was in the City, and it was to be feared that fires might take place to exercise terror and create a diversion.

The feeling in the Duke's mind was that we should not be justified in giving an occasion for the shedding of blood, by means of a crowd of our own making. The consequences of the collision would be incalculable, and might affect all parts of England.

The consequences of putting off the King's visit were not lost sight of; the effect it would produce on the Funds, and on public confidence—all that would be said against the Government as weighing down the King by its unpopularity.

The letter it was proposed to send was written, and the Duke and Peel went with it to the King at a little before seven.

While they were gone the feeling of the Cabinet underwent a change. Lord Bathurst first observed that it would put an end to the Government, and carry Reform. The Chancellor was most unwilling to postpone the King's visit. It would be said we did it for our sakes only, and sacrificed him. Lord Bathurst thought the King would take the advice, but be very angry, and get rid of us.

There would be a violent storm in Parliament, and the mobs would come to our houses. All these feelings rested upon the supposition that the procession could return without a tumult, but the letter had been written on the supposition that it could not; which was the correct one. The Duke and Peel came back and told us the King had thought the advice quite right, and had behaved as well as possible. The tears were in his eyes while the Lord Mayor's letter was read. He said he had already determined in his own mind to bring the Duke and Peel back in his own carriage. The Duke thought the King had rather expected the advice, and that his mind was relieved by it.

We knew the Queen was much alarmed; but it had been said that the King would not hear of there being any danger.

The account of the King's manner of receiving the advice seemed to tranquillise those who had before been dissatisfied with the resolution which had been come to. We then went to the Home Office, where we found Alderman Thompson, Mr. Oldham (the Chairman of the Entertainment Committee), Lord Hill, Lord F. Somerset, Sir W. Gordon, General Macdonald, and Mr. Phillips. There were two City men I did not know.

The Duke told them the course we had determined to adopt. Alderman Thompson said he anticipated the decision—that it could not be announced in more proper terms. There would be disappointment undoubtedly, but he thought people in general would be satisfied with the reasons. He was almost in tears, and indeed all were much affected—the cause of the measure being the apprehended danger to the Duke.

Just as the letter was going off Alderman Thompson observed that although he had no doubt the letter from the Lord Mayor elect was written by his authority, as it was in a handwriting in which a letter had been received from him by the Entertainment Committee, yet it was not in the Lord Mayor elect's handwriting, nor was it dated or signed by him as the other letter was. It was immediately determined that it must be ascertained whether the Lord Mayor elect had authorised the sending of the letter before Peel's letter to the Lord Mayor was delivered.

Many began to think there was a hoax, and certainly the forgery of one letter would have thrown suspicion upon all the rest.

We were to meet at half-past ten. In going down at half-past ten I called upon Hardinge, who was in his dressing-gown. His servant gone to bed. He did not seem at all surprised.

Went on to the Cabinet room. Found every word of the letter was in the Lord Mayor elect's own handwriting.

Mr. Phillips, Sir R. Binnie, and Col. Rowan came in, and Lord F. Somerset, and Sir W. Gordon. The artillerymen and marines, of whom there were to have been 500, with two guns, at the Obelisk, are not to be moved up. All the other troops are to remain, and every precaution to be taken, as an attempt to create disturbance may be expected on Tuesday.

After we had disposed of this matter we spoke a little of Civil List and Regency. Notice is to be given to-morrow of the two bills, as if we were still a Government, but I now think nothing but general alarm can enable us to weather the question of Reform.

November 8.

The letter to the Lord Mayor is in the Times, and the measure is temperately approved of.

At the same time the result of the Conference on the affairs of Belgium is announced—namely, the declaration that there must be an armistice. This will, I trust, give more solid expectations of peace than men have entertained since the King's Speech. The opening of the West India ports to American ships is likewise announced. Both the measures are well-timed.

Rode down to the Horse Guards. Overtaken by the Duke, who said he heard that people were delighted with the measure of postponing the King's visit to the City. However, whether they would say so was another thing. He spoke with much feeling of the King's kindness. He said he had behaved as well as possible.

Some boys hooted, but in general people took off their hats.

Dodd, the coachmaker, told me the people in his neighbourhood were almost all well-disposed. There were very few Radicals. Colonel Jones had told him he could get very few people to attend his meetings, and none who were respectable.

Met Hardinge. He considers it to be the end of the Government. We met Lord Hill, who lamented the measure, but concluded it was necessary. Went to the office, where I saw Wortley. He thought it a sad business, and fatal to the Government. He said London had been full of reports yesterday. Wynne was talked of for the India Board.

Hardinge's idea (as well as the reports) was that Leach would be Chancellor, and Brougham Master of the Rolls.

All the world was much amused by the Chancellor's giving a dinner to Lord Grey, Brougham, Lord Lansdowne, and others. They themselves must have been much amused, and the Chancellor's not getting to dinner till a quarter past eight, and going away at a quarter-past ten, must have satisfied them that something was in the wind.

Desired Jones to make out the appointment of Leach's son to a clerkship immediately, and signed it in the course of the evening.

House at five. It was very full. Every Whig who is above ground and some who are half under it were present. After an hour of talk about everything but the only thing men were thinking of, the Duke of Richmond outed with it in an offensive manner, and he is the last man who should have done so. The Duke made his explanation very well. Lord Grey afterwards spoke in a very bad temper, with personal civility, however, to the Duke. The Duke replied, which prevented my speaking at all. Lord Grey had spoken 'of measures tending to bring this country into the situation in which France was the time of the late Revolution;' words which should have been taken up, but the Duke's rising after him prevented it.

Upon the whole I think the measure is considered right, and people are very glad; indeed, the danger is no longer hanging over their heads. I hear that in the Commons Peel did admirably, and that he was cheered by the whole House when a Colonel Davies sneered at the letter from the Lord Mayor to the Duke. Brougham made as mischievous a speech as he could.

The Chancellor gave notice of the Regency Bill for Friday.

I do not think our friends see our danger, and they will never forgive us if we go out of office without absolute necessity.

November 9.

Looked into the Salt question in the morning. Cabinet at two. There was last night a meeting at the Rotunda; about 2,000 people within, and 3,000 or 4,000 without. About half-past ten they dispersed, and from 200 to 600 ran down to Westminster, first going to the House, which was up, and then to Downing Street. The police licked them well, and sent them off. They came so quick that a man who headed them, and brought information to the Home Office, where Peel and the Duke were, could not, by hard running, get in advance above a minute, and they had passed the Horse Guards before the Duke, who went there by the back way from the Home Office, had got into the courtyard. He was going out at the door when the porter told him the mob was passing. One man was taken, in whose pocket was found his will, leaving his body to form a rampart against the troops, &c.

It was determined to endeavour to induce the mob to disperse as soon as the Rotunda was full, and then to read the Riot Act as soon as the law justified it, and to disperse them by police. There will be common constables there besides. Mr. Chambers will be there; and if he sends for assistance to the Horse Guards, two bodies of fifty each, each headed by a magistrate, will go over Westminster Bridge, one by Stamford Street, the other by the Blackfriars Road, to the Rotunda.

There will be about 300 or 400 new police there. I suggested to Chambers the having a boat ready to take a note to the Horse Guards, as his messenger might be impeded in the streets. Persons are flocking in from Brixton and Deptford, and by the Kentish roads.

Mr. Chambers represents the mob as very cowardly.

There are two shorthand writers at the Rotunda. The speeches are not very seditious.

The Times is turning against us, and I hear the Press is worse than it was—none of the newspapers fighting our measure well.

After the Duke was gone there was a little said about Reform. Many defections announced—the Staffords, young Hope, Lord Talbot, the Clives very unwilling to vote against it, thinking the public feeling so strong. I suggested that neither the Duke nor Peel had gone further than to say that no proposition had yet been made which seemed to them to be safe, and that we might perhaps agree to a Committee to inquire into the state of the Representation, and afterwards defeat the specific measures. Peel said he thought the terms of the motion did not signify. It was 'Reform, or no Reform!' He never would undertake the question of Reform. Lord Bathurst, of course, was against me, and generally they were; but they had, before my suggestion, said, 'Had we not better, then, consider what we shall do?' Afterwards they said nothing.

Peel and the Duke both think the measure generally approved, and Peel is satisfied with the House of Commons. Goulburn, on the other hand, thinks the general feeling is against us.

House. Nothing said. There was a crowd at the door, and much hooting. I had to drive my horse through it. While we were in the House the mob was removed by the police. Not knowing this, Clanwilliam and I came home in the Duke's carriage. There was no mob till we passed Bridge Street, where there were a good many people who recognised the carriage, and followed it hooting. They ran into Downing Street, and we passed on through the Horse Guards. I was glad to find a Grenadier at the Duke's. Clanwilliam said he had ten or twelve there.

Altered the Bill respecting the fees of officers in the Superior Courts, and sent it with a letter to Lawford, appointing eleven on Thursday for seeing him at the office.

November 10.

Office. Wrote a placard and showed it to Peel, who will have it printed. The tide is turning. Carlisle began to abuse the Duke last night, and found it would not do. Some cried out, 'He gained the Battle of Waterloo!' and Carlisle was obliged to begin to praise him. He then tried to abuse the new police, but that would not do, and he was obliged to praise them too.

There was a good deal of rioting in different parts of the town. The City Police was inefficient, and at Temple Bar rascals were masters for some time. The new police, however, gave them a terrible licking opposite Southampton Street, and not far from Northumberland House. They got licked, too, in Piccadilly—and the whole was put down by the Civil Power.

The military were so arranged that, had they been called for, they would have enveloped the rioters. The thing may be considered as nearly put down, and the Government strengthened by it.

The Funds have risen to-day, and are as high as before the postponement of the King's visit—indeed higher. So much for Lord Clanricarde's speech.

Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. The King is anxious about the duration of his Government. He would concede on the subject of Reform, although he is against it. Peel told him he thought that by opposing all Reform in the first instance the Government would be able to make better terms afterwards. The King said either course had its conveniences and inconveniences. He did not decide between them; but he evidently inclines to concession.

It seems the Queen now declares herself much disappointed at not going to Guildhall, and the Fitzclarence family are turning against the Government, wishing, as the Duke says, to be Dukes and Duchesses, which is impossible.

On Tuesday night 4,000 troops could have been collected in St. James's Park in ten minutes. There were 2,000 police near Whitehall as a grand reserve. The Lord Mayor wrote to Peel acknowledging the total inefficiency of the City Police. The contrast between the City and Westminster was most striking.

The Press is turning against us. Like cats, they are leaving the falling house.

In the House of Commons this evening there was an almost unanimous shout when Peel admitted that the new Bishop of Exeter was to hold the living of Stanhope in commendam. It seems all unite upon that question, which is an unlucky one, although the interference of Parliament is quite irregular.

There was much talk about the Regency question after dinner, and I left them talking still at half-past eleven.

On Friday the Chancellor should open the question to the House, and we are not prepared, having called Parliament together for this specific purpose!

We have neglected the Press too much. The Duke relies upon the support of 'respectable people,' and despises the rabble; but the rabble read newspapers, and gradually carry along with them the 'respectable people' they outnumber.

I do not think the being out of office for a Session would be of any ultimate disadvantage to me. I am sure I should enjoy better health, and I should have much more to do in the House. I should be enabled to regain my proper place.

November 11.

Office. Saw Wortley. He says the spirits of our friends are improved, and those of our foes lowered, the few last days as to Reform. Cabinet at two. A fire at Melton-Constable. The country round Battle and Hawkhurst almost in insurrection. Troops sent there The accounts from France good. The French Government acknowledges the right of the Diet to drive the Belgians out of the Duchy of Luxembourg, which is a part of the German Empire. They have instructed Talleyrand to promote the interests of the Prince of Orange.

Regency Bill. Decided that the Princess Victoria shall be considered Queen, and the oath of allegiance taken to her with the reservation of the rights of any child that might be born. If the child should be born, the Queen Dowager to be Regent. During the Princess's minority the Duchess of Kent.

The Duke saw the King to-day, and found him very well satisfied with the postponement of the dinner, and tranquil.

House. The Duke of Buckingham told me they had formed their Government, and expected to be in in a week. They think the Duke will resign after Tuesday. Lord Grey to be Foreign Secretary. The Duke of Richmond to be First Lord of the Treasury. Palmerston and Grant Secretaries of State. Lansdowne President. The Government to be as Tory as possible. The Chancellor to remain.

Lothian told me all the best old friends of the Government were against Philpotts. I told him the reasons why Parliament should not interfere; with which he was satisfied, and was sorry he had not heard them before.

Lord Camden spoke to me on the same subject. I wish we could get rid of Philpotts. He will damage us more than Reform.

The Funds have risen to 84 3/4; that is, 7 1/2 per cent, in three days. I believe this is the consequence, not only of the broken heads, but of the idea that the Duke will be firm and not run away.

We had a two hours' talk about agriculture; the Duke acquiescing in a motion of Salisbury's for a Committee on the Poor Laws.

November 12.

Wrote a note to Hardinge, suggesting to him the expediency of calling upon Dr. Philpotts and placing before him the hopelessness of his keeping Stanhope, the damage to himself of a vote of Parliament, and to the Church from the example of Parliamentary interference, leading him to propose the exchange of Stanhope for a living near Exeter, and I mentioned Dr. Barnes. If this could be managed we should turn evil into good, and avoid the division we must lose. The Funds rose to 853/4, and then fell to 84 3/4, being still a rise. In the City they think the Government will stand.

There have been threatening notices as near as Colnbrook. In Sussex and Kent things are very bad. I did not, however, see Peel to-day. There was nothing in the House.

November 13.

It seems Peel and Scarlet licked Brougham well yesterday. The temper of the House is said to have been rather good. Hardinge told me Goulburn made an indifferent speech. Philpotts has so good a case that he looks confidently to the result of the debate. We agreed that there was no reason-why the congé d'élire should not issue. Philpotts himself decides that it should, happen what may as to Stanhope.

We had some talk as to the division on the Civil List. Peel is for refusing a Committee, and the separation of the diplomatic expenditure, and will not yield because he is weak. I think he is right. The better face we put upon it, the more votes we shall have.

Hardinge suggested the placing of Doherty in Arbuthnot's office. Nothing could be better than that arrangement; but he thought, and I think, the Duke would not displace Arbuthnot. Arbuthnot knows more about my office than any one else. Where would they put me?

We had some conversation respecting the Regency. It was determined to legislate as little as we could.

November 14.

Cabinet at four. Peel is of opinion that the fires are in many cases perpetrated for stock-jobbing purposes. They are certainly done by persons from London.

He said he was satisfied that, whatever might be the division on Reform, the question was carried. Admiral Sotheron, Lindsay, he thought [blank], and I think he mentioned another, voted for it. If the county members did, and it was thrown out by the representatives of Scotch and English boroughs, it was impossible to stand much longer. He read a paper, circulated for signatures in the parish of St. Ann, in which the subscribers declare their readiness to be sworn in as special constables, and their determination to protect property. At the same time they declare their opinion that there ought to be a Reform, first in the House of Commons; but of Church and State. This he considers the commencement of a Burgher Guard. I cannot understand his reasoning; if he thinks Reform must be carried, surely it is better to vote a general resolution, and to fight the details. By objecting to the general resolution we shall probably be turned out, and have much less power to do good out of office than if we were in.

It seems to me that obstinacy, and the fear of being again accused of ratting, lead to this determination to resist when resistance is, in his own opinion, fruitless.

Clive, whom I saw to-day, is for a modified Reform; but he will vote for us in order to keep the Duke in.

We had a long conversation about the Regency, and agreed upon the substance and form of the Bill. Aberdeen wanted again to open the whole question, on which he has no fixed opinion. He has come round entirely. First he thought the right was in the presumptive heir; now he thinks it must be in the child in utero.

It appears certain that at Carlisle the 9th was looked to as the day of signal to them and to all England. It seems the plan was to attack the Guildhall and massacre all in it. There would have been a smash, but a most signal defeat, for there would have been 250 cavalry, and from 700 to 800 Volunteers there (the East India Volunteers and the Artillery Company), besides a battalion within reach.

Sir Claudius Hunter has published in the Sunday Times a denial of the speeches attributed to him, and a statement of the City force. Their ordinary force is fifty-four men! With Volunteers, Artillery Company, Picket men, Firemen, Lumber Troop, &c., they would have had about 2,250.

November 15.

House. A very temperate speech of Lord Durham, and a very good one of Lord Suffield, respecting the new police. Lord Bathurst observed to me they spoke as if they expected to come in. I mentioned Salisbury's motion for a Committee which is to be made on Monday next, and Lord Bathurst said 'Shall we be alive then?' He has a serious apprehension of being out.

The Chancellor made a most excellent speech in moving the first reading of the Regency Bill, and was cheered on both sides of the House. It seems as if the measure would be unanimously approved. Lord Eldon seemed to say he should advise the Duke of Cumberland to acquiesce in it.

The ultra Tories were to have a meeting to-day—thirty-eight of them—to decide what they should do about Reform. Yesterday the report was they joined us; but the Duke of Richmond will do all he can to make them go against us, and, if they do, I suppose we shall be obliged to make our bows.

November 16.

Goulburn opposed the submitting the Civil List accounts to a Committee, and was defeated. We had 204 to 233. Majority against us, 29. Hobhouse asked Peel whether Ministers would resign, to which he got no answer. Brougham rose and said Ministers would have time for consideration.

I suppose this division must be considered to be fatal to us. Henry is going off to take chambers. He means to apply himself to the Law. He is rather in a hurry. For my own part I am by no means sorry to be out of office. I think I shall be better able to regain my proper station in Opposition than I could have done in office, and the emoluments are of no value to me now.

Office. Saw Wortley. He is glad that the division against us has been upon the Civil List, rather than upon Reform. He thinks we should resign to-day, and thus throw upon the Whigs the burden of bringing forward Reform as a Government measure. Probably Brougham would postpone his motion if we resigned.

At about half-past three I received a note from Sir Robert Taylor desiring my immediate attendance at St. James's. I dressed and went, and in a few moments was admitted to the King. I met Lord Melville coming away. The King desired me to sit down, and asked me whether I had any expectation of the division of last night? I said no—I thought that upon any question connected with the Civil List we should have had a majority; that the question itself was one of little importance; but, as the Committee had not been granted before, Sir R. Peel thought it would be a confession of weakness not to oppose it now, and I thought he was right. The King said it was probably chosen as a question merely to try strength.

The King asked me what had taken place between the Government and the Company. I told his Majesty, and added an outline of the plan I had for the new military arrangements, of which he seemed highly to approve. I then said I supposed I must take leave of his Majesty. He said in one sense his Ministers seemed to think they could not go on.

I said I could not but express my sentiments, which were I was sure those of all my colleagues—the sentiments of deep gratitude to his Majesty for the constant kind and honourable confidence he had placed in us.

His Majesty said he thought it his duty to give the full support of the Crown to his Ministers. He had confidence in those he found at his brother's demise; and since July 26, which was the commencement of our troubles, he had regarded with admiration that which was most important in their conduct, their Foreign Policy. He had a feeling of entire satisfaction with them.

I said it must likewise be satisfactory to his Majesty to feel that his late Ministers, fully aware of the real difficulties of the country, would never be led by any personal or party feelings to do anything which could be prejudicial to the country, and that whatever might be their differences in principle from his new Ministers they would ever support his Majesty's interests.

The King was much affected, and had the tears in his eyes all the time I was speaking to him. I then rose and kissed his hand, and he shook hands with me, and wished me good-bye for the present. I asked for the entrée, which he gave me very good-naturedly. As I came away I met Rosslyn going in. The three Fitzclarences were in the lower room, seemingly enjoying our discomfiture.

House at five. The Duke had already declared that the occurrence which had taken place elsewhere had induced him to think it his duty to tender his resignation to the King, and his Majesty had been graciously pleased to accept it.

Lord Grosvenor asked a question as to the appointment of a successor to Mr. Buller, and Lord Bathurst said none had been made.

It is a sad loss to Wm. Bathurst, who would have been Clerk of the Council if the Government had lasted three days longer.

Nothing was said. Lord Grey has been sent for by the King.

I went through all the protocols on the table, and have left hardly anything but two unanswered letters to my successor—one respecting the rate of Exchange between territory and commerce; the other respecting Hyderabad affairs.

November 19.

Office. Saw Cabell, Jones, and Leach. They had all the tears in their eyes. Old Jones could hardly help bursting altogether into tears. Left directions with Leach for placing certain papers before my successor, showing the state of the finances and expenditure prospectively, and the position in which we were as to the renewal of the Charter.

Cabell will place the Hyderabad papers before my successor, with my letter to Astell, and his reply.

Called on Hardinge, who was not at home.

I can only leave a memorandum in the office showing the nature and extent of the military alterations I projected.

Called on the Duke. He told me Peel came to him in a very nervous state on Monday night. Arbuthnot and Goulburn were with him. It was clear that the majority would have been against us if there had been a House of 500. The Duke sent for the Chancellor, who said as soon as he heard of the division he thought the game was up—that we could not go on. The Duke went to the King in the morning, and told him it was better he should resign immediately, and so force the new Government to bring forward their measure of Reform. It was better for the country. The King asked the Duke's opinion of Lord Grey, and whether he had ever had any communication with him. The Duke said No. The King knew the personal objections the late King had to Lord Grey, and he could not, although often pressed by Lord Grey's friends, have any communication with him without either deceiving him or deceiving the King; and he would not do either. The King asked what sort of a man Lord Grey was? The Duke said he really did not know. He had the reputation of being an ill-tempered, violent man; but he knew very little of him. He had never had any political conversation with him. The King was much agitated and distressed.

I told the Duke what passed at my interview with his Majesty yesterday.

Drummond, Greville, and Sir J. Shelley, whom I saw in the ante-room, congratulated me on being out, but condoled on Lord Durham's being removed out of my way. He goes Minister to Naples vice Lord Burghersh, dismissed. It is understood Brougham will not positively take my office.

Levée. The Duke of Buckingham told me the King was much out of spirits. He expressed himself much pleased with his Ministers.

The King desired Lord Camden to come and see him frequently—every three or four days.

The Duke of Newcastle, Lord Falmouth, Sir E. Knatchbull, Sir R. Vyvyan, will not support the new Government. Having had their revenge they mean to put their knees in our backs and do all they can to get out the others. They are sorry for the work they have performed, and regret their vote. They had intended to stay away on the question of Reform—now they mean to vote against it.

Lord Anglesey goes to Ireland; a very bad appointment. The Duke of Devonshire would have been a very unexceptionable one.

None of the Whigs or Whig Radicals were at the levée, but a good many Tories. We were there as usual as Ministers, and those who had business with the King went in to him as usual.

I proposed to Herries, Goulburn, Arbuthnot, and others, that we should in each department prepare a statement of what has been done since the Duke came into office. This we shall do to-morrow.

I likewise proposed we should have a large sheet of paper with columns for the new Ministers, and in each column their pledges with the dates.

Croker has promised to undertake a newspaper, probably the 'Star.'

Arbuthnot told us before dinner that as yet no progress had been made by Lord Grey, except in getting Lord Althorp after much solicitation. Brougham has again in the House of Commons to-night declared he has nothing to do with the new Government, and will positively bring on his motion on the 25th. The new Government wish to postpone the question till March, when they promise to bring in a Bill.

Lord Lansdowne is said to be much dissatisfied, and the Palmerston party think they have not enough offered to them. It is evident that Brougham prefers power to temporary emolument and distinction, and he will be very dangerous acting at the head of the Whig Radicals.

The Duke said 300 people had called upon him to-day—amongst the rest Lord Cleveland, with whom Lord Grey was early this morning, and whom he in vain endeavoured to induce to go to Ireland.

William Bankes, whose father did us most mischief on Monday, and who did not vote with us, came to ask the Chancellor for a living to-day!

Lord Grey was much agitated when he was with the King, and has expressed himself as very much struck by the strong terms in which the King declared his approbation of his late Ministers.

My fear is that the Whigs will not be able to form a Government. It is of much importance to the country that their incompetence should be exhibited, and the fallacy of the grounds upon which they have been attempting to obtain popular favour. We shall never be strong until it is proved they cannot form a Government. Again I say my fear is they will be unable to take the first step. It was considered that we ought to transact all the ordinary business of our several departments.

November 18.

Called on Hardinge. He is out of spirits. Yesterday at the meeting of the employés Lord G. Somerset asked Peel if he would lead them—to which Peel gave a damping answer. Hardinge feels that he is capable of business, that his circumstances require he should exert himself and be in office; and, as he would not take office without the Duke's acquiescence, he thinks it rather hard he should be deprived of a Parliamentary leader, and thus of the means of coming in.

I told him Peel would be in Opposition in a fortnight, as soon as he recovered his health and his spirits. There has been a report that the Duke had declared he would not take office again—which is untrue.

Office. Saw Jones. Received a letter from the Chairs asking whether I had given Sir J. P. Grant authority to appeal to my sanction for his remaining in India, notwithstanding the Order in Council for his return. My answer is No. I add that I imagine the misapprehension arose out of some private communications from Sir J. P. Grant's friends, of the purport of a conversation with me which must have been inaccurately reported to him. I showed my draft reply to Lord Rosslyn, and begged him to show it to Grant's son.