DIARY (continued 6)

I came away as I had business. Afterwards there was a Council, and the Lords Lieutenant were admitted to take the oaths.

House. East Retford. The Chancellor made a capital speech, and we had a better division than case, 29 to 7. Lord Durham spoke temperately and well. Lord Grey well too. We had Wynford with us. There is no explaining that man. The Duke of Cumberland voted against us, and Eldon spoke.

At St. James's. Lord Westmoreland told me that yesterday at a great dinner the King gave his household he gave as a toast, 'The land we live in, and let those who don't like it leave it.'

This and many other things show his feelings towards the Duke of Cumberland.

The King reviews a regiment every morning this week. He has been on horseback within these six weeks, but he has a rupture, and is now rather afraid of riding. He is going to change the uniforms of the Lords Lieutenant.

We expect to prorogue on Friday and dissolve on Saturday.

July 20.

Then East Retford. Lord Wharncliffe moved a resolution with the view of giving the franchise to Birmingham instead of the Hundred. Dudley spoke for Birmingham and well. I spoke shortly. I guarded myself against being considered as pledged to any other measure, intending to decide all measures according to the special circumstances of the case.

The Duke was not so cautious as I was, and spoke strongly against giving the franchise to great towns. [Footnote: No one expected it to occur in two years' time.] Lord Holland said to the Chancellor, 'He will live to see it done.' I think I may, and therefore was cautious.

We had 39 to 16.

So ends the business of this Session.

July 21.

Went at ten to the Duke of Wellington's, where the King and Queen were to breakfast after an inspection of the 2nd Life Guards. The day was beautiful and the people in excellent humour. The King first went with the Queen to the Regent's Park barracks, and then to the Knightsbridge barracks. When they came to the Duke's the King went to the window and was well cheered. They then called for the Queen, who went to the window and was very well received indeed.

Yesterday evening the King walked out alone into St. James's Street. He found Watson Taylor and took his arm. The mob pressed upon him so much that Watson Taylor's shoes were trodden down at heel. While the King was alone an Irish woman came out of an alley and kissed him. This and a lecture from the Duke have cured him of walking out alone. At least he has promised not to do so again.

House at 2. Aberdeen says the King spoke very well to the foreign Ministers to-day. There was an extraordinary number of naval officers, and the fullest levée I ever saw. The King recognised very cordially all his old friends. He was very gracious indeed to Elphinstone, whom he saw for the first time. He was imprudent enough to make a sort of speech to the West Indian deputation, and pledged himself warmly to support their interests. This I saw. After I was gone I hear Astell and Campbell came up with the address of the East India Company, and that he spoke in similar terms to them. This the foolish Astell will publish everywhere.

The Duke says he goes away when the King begins to speak. I really covered my face when he began to speak about the Catholics to the deputation from Cambridge. What he said to them, which was no more than an indifferent joke, has been variously misrepresented and not at all understood. It must have been imperfectly heard.

The King is angry with the Duke of Gloucester for slurring over a part of the address from Cambridge, which was very loyal, and for not kissing his hand. He has reason to complain of this. The Duke of Gloucester kissed the Queen's hand with marked devotion.

The Duke of Sussex has been already infusing poison into the King's ear and talking of invasions of the property of the Church. This the King told Peel. Those who observed the Duke of Sussex at the levee thought he seemed very triumphant, and received his Whig friends with a smile which said, 'We shall do them yet.'

He was invested with the Thistle to-day. The King asked all the knights presented to drink a bottle of claret with him in October.

Blomberg was up with an address. The King said, 'You and I know each other of old. You need not be presented. By-the-bye, you may as well dine with me to-day.'

The King made an extemporaneous reply to the address of the Canons of Windsor the day after the funeral. They begged to have a copy. He endeavoured to recollect it for them, and sent it to Peel. Peel found some curious historical inaccuracies.

The Duke of Wellington thinks we shall gradually bring the King round, and induce him to move more quietly. To thwart him directly would have a bad effect; but he may be led. In the meantime he is very well in health.

The King has promised to dine with Leopold, who has asked the Duke, but not Aberdeen. The Duke thinks the King should not dine with him now. The two other Powers having manifested the greatest dissatisfaction with Leopold's conduct, and we having intimated it in the House, it would be incongruous and injurious for the King to dine with him. Leopold has written one if not two letters complaining of the conduct of the Allied Powers.

We went to the House for fear Lord Durham should play us a trick, and it is perhaps fortunate we did, for he was there and made a protesting speech, which was followed by one from Westmoreland on the East Retford Bill. However, we had a majority in the House, and there was no division.

July 22.

Rode to town. Cabinet. Considered the King's Speech. Peel had introduced a plagiarism from the first speech of the old King, 'Born and educated in this country, I glory in the name of Briton.' However, the whole sentence would not do, and it was omitted. I assisted in working the sentences into form, and breaking them up into short ones. Went away to dress for the Council, thinking the whole settled. Council at three. First the deputies of the two Houses carried up the joint address respecting Sir Jonah Barrington. Then the King being alone, and saying he was ready for his Ministers—none being there but me—I went in, and first asked him to allow Clare to wear the uniform the late King gave him. This led to a long talk about uniforms for Indian Governors, and I had some little difficulty to carry my coat without having a general consideration of the whole question of Governor's uniforms. I then told the King of the approaching death of Sir J. Macdonald. He asked whom we proposed sending in his place? I told him it did not entirely depend upon the King's Ministers, but that I thought, if we recommended a very fit man, we should get the Chairs to name him.

The King said, 'You heard what I said to the East India Company yesterday?' I had not, but I bowed, and he added, 'I told them they should not be unfairly dealt with. There is a run on them, and the notions of people are very much exaggerated with regard to the question.'

I said the question would require and receive the most mature consideration from his Ministers before they ventured to offer any advice to his Majesty upon the course to be pursued.

The King said in about ten or twelve days he should be able to give me a day or two for Indian matters.

I thought I had given time to the others to arrive, and rose. I should mention that he spoke of Algiers, and said he suspected there was an understanding about it between the Russians and the French.

I said I did not entertain much fear of the French having Algiers. With a little money we could raise Morocco on one side and Tunis on the other, and harass them from the interior, and while we took care they had not Tunis, Algiers was comparatively unimportant. With Tunis, Malta, and Corfu we should hold our hands across the Mediterranean.

I went out and found them come. The Duke went in. The King gives up dining with Leopold. He gave it up the moment the objections to it were mentioned to him.

The speech was, I found, much improved after I went away. The King said he thought nothing could be better, and indeed it is a very good speech. He said he thought the reference to the Catholic question was unavoidable, as it was the great measure of the Parliament; and it was particularly proper that he should refer to it as he had voted for it, really thinking that the Church would be more secure by means of Catholic admission than by their exclusion.

I thought the King seemed a little tired. Well he might be. He had been at an inspection of troops, the Grenadier Guards and the Lancers, from ten to one, and the day was very hot. He inspected the troops on foot.

The Duke of Wellington passed the King at the head of his regiment, and Lord Rosslyn at the head of his. Lord Rosslyn is delighted with the opportunities of wearing his uniform, and playing the general officer again.

July 24.

Council at 11. Parliament dissolved. The seals were delivered to the Secretaries and to Goulburn. Herries kissed hands.

Sir G. Clark becomes Under-Secretary to the Home Department. W. Peel goes to the Treasury. Charles Ross comes into Clark's place. Macnaughten goes out.

July 26.

Dined at St. James's. The King of Wurtemburg, the Ministers, Foreign Ministers, Household, and Knights of the Garter there, in all 80. After dinner the King made a speech which made his Ministers' hearts fail within them. However, we were quitte pour la peur. He only spoke of his love of peace. The only thing painful was that he should speak at all, and before his servants, like a chairman of a public meeting.

At the Duke of Wellington's on Sunday he made a speech, praising very much the Duke, and declaring his entire confidence in him. This was before the Foreign Ministers. The speech was a little warlike, I believe. The Duke's reply very short indeed, and peaceful. The King should recollect that what he speaks is as important as what is written in a State Paper.

July 28.

Levée. Before it a Council, standing, in the King's closet, for swearing in Privy Councillors. Sir R. Wilson was presented on his restoration to the army, and holding the King's hand in his expressed his gratitude.

The King made an energetic reply, and then there was a short rejoinder from Sir R. Wilson. I could not hear what was said. We afterwards shook hands cordially with Sir R. Wilson, whose restoration pleases everybody.

The French Government have dissolved the Chamber without allowing it to assemble; have placed the press under restriction, and altered the mode of electing deputies, so as, as far as I can understand, to give to les plus imposis the power of electing a majority.

No letter has been received by any Foreign Minister or by us. The whole was kept a profound secret. The report to the King respecting the press, which is made the foundation of the Ordonnance, is a long violent declamation, very weakly written indeed. [Footnote: These were the celebrated Ordinances which cost Charles X. his crown.]

July 28.

Cabinet at half-past three. I was rather late, and found them considering what should be said by Lord Stuart at Paris, respecting the late violent measures of the French Government. They had decided that Lord Stuart, if Prince Polignac endeavoured to draw from him in conversation his opinion, should say he was directed to offer none. They seemed inclined to tell him, if Prince Polignac required his opinion by offering an explanation, to say we considered the measure adopted was in violation of the Charter. At my suggestion, if Polignac asked his opinion more formally and offered no explanation, he was directed to request the explanation might be in writing, and he would transmit it to his Court, or it might be made through the French Ambassador here. The French Ambassador, however, knowing nothing of what was doing, left England on Monday, and would meet the news on his road to Paris.

At six o'clock on Tuesday evening a row was going on, and a Guardsman had been killed. This was resistance when the police broke the types, &c., of a press which would go on. The idea is, that the Chamber of Deputies will meet, considering the dissolution to be illegal.

Matuschevitz openly inveighs against the measure. It is doubtful whether Metternich did not advise it. He sent a long paper from Johannisberg, giving his views on the present position of the French Government.

The King of Wurtemburg had an interview of two hours with the Duke of Wellington yesterday. He is very anxious on the subject of France. He says the people of Wurtemburg will cry out that a similar measure is intended against them—that everywhere the two extreme parties will be placed in collision. Bulow thinks the same. The Duke advised the King of Wurtemburg to avoid Paris on his return; but the King has some emplettes to make, and goes there. The Duke advised him then, if he must go for his emplettes, to stay only a day. He said he would not stay above five or six! Thus is every consideration of real importance sacrificed to motives of private fancy and convenience!

Lea informed Aberdeen that a vessel was fitting out in the Thames with Spanish refugees and arms to endeavour to raise an insurrection in Spain. After some time they found the vessel, and to-day she was detained. She had sixty-nine men, and about 150 stand of arms on board. They sank the printed proclamations which were picked up. Torrijos and Valdes were to be the leaders. Torrijos was to join below the revenue vessels. Some of the men had 10£ each, given to them by the Spanish Committee, to aid their voyage to Rio. There is some doubt under what law they are to be indicted, and the Attorney and Solicitor-General are out of town.

Received a letter from Lord Heytesbury, enclosing one he had received from Captain Campbell, announcing the death of Sir J. Macdonald.

July 29.

The Duke told me he had seen Rothschild that morning, who had recent intelligence from Paris. The Guards were faithful, but the 53rd Regiment, which was at the Hôtel de Ville, had joined the people, and so had individual soldiers of other regiments. The people and the National Guards were arming. The Chambers had assembled. The King was not at Paris. He was nought to be at Compiègne.

The Duke thought Henry had better not go to Paris, that one party or the other would soon attack the English.

Called on Elphinstone. Offered him Persia. He was much obliged, but said nothing would induce him ever to go to Asia again.

Spoke to him of Monteith. He knows him, and a little doubted his discretion. He promised to find him, and send him to the Duke if he was in town; but he thought he was at Algiers. Spoke to him of Jenkins and Briggs. He says Jenkins is the abler man.

Saw Lord Essex and Lord Clinton. They had heard the Duke of Orleans was proclaimed Regent.

July 31.

Went to town early. Called at the Duke's to hear the news. None had arrived since yesterday morning. The Duke said he considered the King dethroned, and we should soon have to consider whether we should acknowledge the new Government. I observed that our course must depend very much upon the manner in which the French effected their Revolution. The King had put himself decidedly in the wrong, and if they make their Revolution as we made ours in 1688, there was no reason why we should not acknowledge the new Government, be it what it might. The Duke said the foreigners were already coming to know what we thought and meant to do. We should have them all in our train, and provided we took a reasonable course on the question of Algiers, and others which might arise, we should do very well. The mischief was that this event would place the two parties in presence on every occasion, and every trifling difference would resolve itself into one of Liberal and anti-Liberal. I said I feared whatever party predominated, even if the King regained his power, France would be precipitated into a war, for no party would be able to maintain itself in quiet times. The Duke said the King's Government was becoming very dangerous. It had, as was shown in the case of Algiers, and their discussions with us, no more morality than that of Buonaparte, and it had the favour of European Powers as an ancient dynasty, while it was prepared to act upon the principles of a new one. Now, under a Government of Revolutionary origin, all their Acts would be viewed with disfavour and suspicion.

The Duke spoke very strongly against Canning's policy, in admitting France to the Triple Alliance [Footnote: By the Treaty of London with reference to Greece.] and thus bringing her into a prominent station in Europe again. She would naturally have risen again in good time. The time should not have been anticipated by us.

The Duke agreed with me in thinking the Government here would be strengthened by what was occurring in France.

I lamented Brougham's success in Yorkshire, and viewed with some apprehension the increased power it would give him. He said Yorkshire was quite radicalised by having four members. No gentleman could bear the expense—the middle classes had it all to themselves.

At a quarter to four I called at the Treasury and found Rothschild had received intelligence down to the 29th, at 4 P.M. Drummond showed me the Duke's letter to Peel which contained this account:—That there was fighting all Wednesday, the 28th, and Thursday, till 3 P.M. There had been a terrible massacre, but the troops got the worst of it. The people were led by the students of the Ecole de Droit, and of the Ecole Polytechnique. The 53rd Regiment, which it was said yesterday had joined the people, had in fact surrendered. The people had armed themselves at the Arsenal. On the night of the 28th the Guards retook the Hôtel de Ville, but were driven out again, and retired to the Louvre. The firing did not cease at the Tuileries till past 3 P.M. The people pillaged it when the troops retreated, and the tri-coloured flag was hoisted there, and on the column in the Place Vendôme. The Ministers escaped by subterraneous passages from the Tuileries, and were with the King, who had a great many troops about him at St. Cloud. La Fayette commanded the National Guard, and was a member of the Provisional Government. Generals Gerard, Lafitte, and Casimir Perrier were the others. C. Perrier was deputed to the King at St. Cloud.

No couriers were allowed to leave Paris. These letters were sent by private servants to the first stage.

I told all this to Henry, but he goes. So do many others. There were thirty people applying for passports when he went for his. On the other hand many English come away.

August 2.

There is a great deal of information in the 'Times.' The result is, that the King's offer to change his Ministers and to recall the Ordonnances was not accepted, and the Duke of Orleans accepted the office of Lieutenant- General of the kingdom. His address is quite in the spirit of the Revolution.

The Guards are disorganised and desert.

The Swiss only are said to remain with the King, who it is thought is gone to Nantes.

Lord Stuart says if the Royalists do not resist, the French will invade Belgium in three months. The Deputies, at first in very small numbers, not more than thirty, nor at any time much above sixty, seem to have been irresolute. They were decided by others, and indeed the whole seems to have been done by the people. There is no appearance of previous concert. If there were leaders, they were the boys of the Ecole de Droit and the Ecole Polytechnique. Polignac seems to have been firm after the beginning of the fight, and when Lafitte and others went to Marmont at the Tuileries, in the middle of the tumult, he declared concession impossible.

The Guards at St. Cloud told the King they would protect him, but would not advance again to Paris. General [blank] seems to have had 6,000 men at Versailles, but the people would not admit him. At Rouen there was great ferment, and forty pieces of cannon were sent by the people to the assistance of Paris. The troops seem to have been ordered upon Paris from all quarters. The total loss of life is estimated at 5,000.

The people were becoming impatient, and cried Vive la République! Vive Napoleon II.! This, it is said, determined the Duke of Orleans to accept: and the Deputies offered, because they feared the establishment of a Republic would be the signal of general war.

I do not hear of the pillage of private houses. The churches have been pillaged and the palaces ransacked. The priests thought fit to fire from the Archbishop's palace, which led to the death of many and to the pillage of the palace.

The Duke said they had done everything in the most offensive way, re- establishing the tri-coloured flag, &c. They seem determined to force the Revolution down the throat of Europe. He spoke of the Duke of Orleans' address. I said I supposed he was obliged for his own safety to throw himself at once into the Revolution. The more natural thing would have been for the French to have sent for young Napoleon. The Duke said he heard young Napoleon was getting hold of French pamphlets, &c.

The Duke of Orleans asked Lord Stuart's advice as to accepting the Crown. Lord Stuart reminded him of his oath, and told him the Powers of Europe which restored the Bourbons could never recognise him.

On consideration I think we should endeavour to induce the Powers which signed the Treaty of Vienna to declare that they are determined to maintain the territorial arrangements made by that treaty; but that they will not interfere with the internal Government of France.

I think this declaration, made at once, would perhaps prevent any attempt on the part of the French to make war for the frontier of the Rhine.

The elections go well for us, except Canterbury, where Lord Fordwich has beat our man, Henry B. Baring, the husband of Lady Augusta.

August 3.

The accounts from Paris state that the Due de Mortemar, who had been appointed Minister by Charles X. himself, saw it was too late, and that the only chance for the House of Bourbon was in the placing the Duke of Orleans in the office of Lieut.-General.

This he proposed himself to the Duke of Orleans, who wrote to the King, and in accepting the office said his conduct would show with what views he did it. Then he issued a tri-colour proclamation! Lord Stuart says this was done at the last possible moment. The proclamation was received with cries of Vive la Republique! Vive Napoleon II.! However, these cries ceased, and it was hoped things would go on quietly. Sebastiani and B. Constant expressed hopes that in a few months men's minds would be tranquillised, and things placed on a regular footing It seems that the King is at Trianon, with about 4,000 guards. He talked of resigning to the Dauphin, if he had not already done so. It will probably be too late, and the Dauphin is supposed, I believe very justly, to be implicated in all that has passed.

Lord Stuart states the loss of the troops at 3,000. That of the people at 6,000. Of course these calculations are very vague, and probably exaggerated. It would appear as if there had been more preparation on the part of the insurgents than was imagined. The decisive measure, that of the Bank refusing discounts, was of course suggested by Lafitte. The Royalists are much in want of money. They left forty-two millions in their caisses, and 150 millions at the Bank! Bourmont was to leave Algiers on the 25th. Probably he was called home to be present at the crisis.

The King's troops still remaining in force at St. Cloud, the barricades are continued.

Everybody seems to think the military force was as ill-managed as everything else. Marmont acted mollement.

We have been beaten at Canterbury, and what is worse at Norwich, where a brother of Peel's has been driven out by Robert Grant, the most decided enemy of the Government. No one declares himself the opponent of Government, and as such asks support; but our candidates do not succeed at popular elections.

August 4.

To London early. The King of France is supposed to be gone towards Cherbourg. We fear he will come here. The Duke said the King seemed disposed to receive him, and reminded the King that the Pretender had been three times ordered out of Paris on the representations of this country. I was glad to find a very general feeling that the King of France could not be permitted to remain if intrigues were allowed by him. That he could have no more than a refuge. Peel seemed to feel this most strongly. The Duke seemed to think there had been previous concert on the part of the patriots.

The King is violent against the Duke of Orleans.

Our Duke of Orleans, as I call him, the Duke of Sussex, sticks close to the King whenever he appears.

The Duke of Cumberland has resigned the Blues in a huff because they are placed under the Commander-in-Chief. However, he wore the uniform to-day at the levée.

We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 4, on Civil List and Regency. Indeed we know not how soon we may meet Parliament. Perhaps on September 15.

The Queen received the address of the London clergy. She had her whole état major.

August 5.

At four Cabinet. Talk about the Civil List. There are pensions to the amount of about 7,000£ a year which the present King will pay, and he will pay 6,000£ a year to Mrs. Fitzherbert, her charge on Brighton. She had 10,000£ a year before. Many pensions are struck off, one of 500£ to Sir J. Lake, many others, to jockies, &c.

It seems the late King borrowed 50,000£ for himself and as much for the Duke of York, on the revenues of Hanover, which sums have been paid off.

The King of France abdicated, and so did the Dauphin, in favour of the Duc de Bordeaux, in a letter addressed by them to the Duke of Orleans, in which his Lieut.-Generalship was treated as emanating from the King. The Duke of Orleans in his speech to the Chambers announced the abdications, but did not say they were in favour of Henry V. Hence the people of Paris, hearing the King made difficulties, supposed he had receded from his original promise—whereas he only said his original promise was conditional, and had not been fairly made known. Be this as it may, 35,000 men set off for Rambouillet to take him, 10,000 were sent afterwards by the Duke of Orleans to protect him, and he has 7,000 at Rambouillet, chiefly cavalry and artillery, for the same purpose. I think there must be a smash.

Stuart and Pozzo went to the Duke of Orleans to represent the personal danger of the King, and to desire that measures might be taken to preserve his life. The Duke is represented as having been très ému, and as having said that his character depended upon the preservation of the King's life, and the measures I mentioned were immediately taken.

Chateaubriand and Hyde de Neuville are for the Due de Bordeaux.

Stuart has, I know not why, counselled the Duc de Bordeaux's friends to be quiet.

The Duke of Wellington thinks there is Radicalism in everything-that the Lieut.-General will have no power.

The King went in grand state through the City to the Tower. He had six carriages and six. At the Tower the Duke gave him a breakfast. He then went on to Greenwich by water, and returned to London by land. He was very well received.

August 6.

At the dinner we had the Ministers, Household, and Trinity House. Chairman and deputy-Chairman of the East India Company, Governor and deputy-Governor of the Bank, Lord Mayor, and Ward and Thompson, members for the City. The King made speeches and gave toasts as if he was Duke of Clarence at the Trinity House. He alarmed and pained us, but he did less mischief than I should have expected; and as all the people present were real friends, he only let down the dignity of the Crown.

He gave the healths of the Ministers, and afterwards of the Duke of Wellington. Some things he said very well. The Duke answered very well.

There is so much good feeling about the King that his errors of taste are pardoned. He will improve, and wear his robes more gracefully.

August 7.

Cabinet. Determined that the principle of the Regency Bill should be that the mother of the Sovereign should be Regent. The Regent to have unlimited power. If any limitation, it should only be placed upon the creation of Peers, and a Council of Regency should exist only for that purpose.

We separated till the 23rd.

August 9.

In coming down to Sandgate read James's and Cabell's memoranda on the progress of the British Government in India, and our foreign relations.

As I was coming out of Maidstone met the candidates coming in. Sir E. Knatchbull in a cocked hat, attended by thirty or forty gentlemen in black, all covered with dust, preceded by about six blue flags, and followed by some carriages with ugly women. Then came T. Law Hodges (why Law I do not know), with many light blue flags, and some low people—few gentlemen. The numbers, however, of the Hodges colours and people were greater than that of the Knatchbull squad. Not a cheer for either. The whole thing flat and ridiculous—worthy of Hogarth. There were some people collected in Maidstone, but not so many as on a market day—there were none on the roads.

By the 'Times' I see the Chamber has modified the Charter, and has proclaimed the Duke of Orleans King of the French; at least has offered him the Crown on the condition of his acceptance of the modified Charter.

The Chamber of Peers is put by. It is only advised to eliminate the last seventy-six peers.

August 10.

Briscoe comes in for Surrey, to the exclusion of Jolliffe, our friend. Certainly the popular elections have all been unfavourable to us. In fact the Tories have not yet recovered their good-humour, and the Government has some furious enemies, and no warm friends. I do not think we can go on without an accession of speaking strength. Our measures must be modified to meet the circumstances of the times, and so far I have no fear.

August 13.

Cabinet room. Read Lord Stuart's despatches. There is little in them that is not in the newspapers. He says the Revolution has been brought about by small proprietors acting under the influence of bankers and lawyers. The troops have shown no great popular feeling. Many have taken the opportunity of going home.

The new King's oath-taking was flatly received. As long as he can keep La Fayette with him he is master of Paris.

Lord Stuart seems to have behaved prudently in merely acknowledging the receipt of the communication from Marshal Jourdan of his being appointed foreign secretary. The Neapolitan Ambassador wished to have a note generally agreed upon. All the Ambassadors say they are so sure England will judge rightly, that they will, without instructions, follow in our wake.

La Fayette has originated the idea of a mission of deputies of the National Guard to London to thank the English people for their sympathy. Lord Stuart hopes the King will induce La Fayette to give up this mischievous and foolish scheme.

August 18.

Lord J. Russell is not returned for Bedford. He lost it by one vote. He has published a good address, and is evidently very indignant.

Brougham has had questions put to him by Martin Bree, which he has answered satisfactorily to the venereal doctor. It would have been good fun had they fought.

The only merit of the French Revolution seems to be that it has not been vindictive. If they are wise they will not touch the lives of the Ministers. The new King calls his eldest son Duke of Orleans. All the daughters are to be Princesses of Orleans, distinguished by their Christian names.

This is like Henry IV.'s policy in reserving the Duchy of Lancaster. He wishes to be able to make room for Henry V. He has given up his property to his eldest son's little children, and would probably, if he were displaced, emigrate quietly, as he has often done before, and leave his children in possession.

When Brougham accused the Duke of Wellington of advising Polignac, the whole meeting of his own friends expressed dissent. It is incredible that he should be so foolish as to believe such a thing, or as to attempt to make others believe it.

August 19.

I see by the 'Sun' that the ex-King of France is arrived at Portsmouth. I am very sorry for it, although he will not be received by the King, and will probably sail immediately. He may require refitting, for I dare say he brought off little from Rambouillet. His packets are accompanied by two French vessels of war, and all the French vessels at Spithead hoisted the tri-coloured flag when he was known to be there.

August 20.

It seems the Royal party have landed at Cowes.

August 23.

Went to the Cabinet room to read despatches. Lord Stuart represents the Government as by no means settled; anxious to remain at peace, and to prevent revolution, but not secure. Things which are essential the new King is obliged to ask humbly of La Fayette, who is now really Sovereign.

La Fayette wanted to dissolve the Chamber. The King rightly thought that to do so now would be to make a Convention. [Footnote: I.e. as in 1792.]

Some persons are gone off to bring Napoleon II., but the Austrians will stop them on the way.

The Prussians on the first intelligence of the events at Paris sent orders to their Minister to come away, but he was directed not to do so without concert with his colleagues. They met, and agreed to recommend him to stay. The disposition of Metternich and Nesselrode, who met at Toplitz or Carlsbad, I forget which, was the same and reasonable—to leave France to settle her own affairs quietly, and only to interfere if she invaded the peace of other States.

The Duke has left a memorandum on the Cabinet table showing clearly from treaties that this is not a case in which we are bound to interfere. We engaged to support a constitutional monarch against revolutionary movements, but the monarch having violated the constitution has broken the condition. France may still form a part of the Congress of Europe, in 'Union or Pacific Concert,' with the four great Powers. The treaty of offensive alliance between those Powers is dormant, while France remains under a constitutional King.

The Duke properly thinks that the sooner, after having taken a decent time for deliberation, we can recognise the Duke of Orleans, the better for him and for us.

He expects at no distant period war, as the consequence of these events, and I fear he may be right. It will arise by the imitation of the Spaniards and Portuguese, and the ambitious sympathy of the French.

It is evident that Russia means to indulge France with Algiers.

August 23.

Received a letter from the Duke respecting Rajpootana. He thinks the cession of territory will only lead to new demands on our part, and advises that, unless it should be necessary to give some instruction, the letter should not be sent. He thinks, too, that as no brevet has been given to King's officers in Ava, none can be given to those of the Company. I am to see him tomorrow upon these points.

Cabinet at 3. Showed Herries the answer I proposed sending, respecting the Interest Bills, of which he entirely approved.

Peel was not at the Cabinet.

Read the Duke of Orleans' letter to the King, which is proper. He says he laments and wishes he could have prevented the fall of the eldest branch of his family. He devoted himself to prevent misfortunes which would have endangered the peace of Europe. He avows pacific intentions.

The King is to receive General Baudrand, who brought the letter in the Levee, which will be before the Council on Wednesday.

The King of the French will be acknowledged. A letter will be written to our Ministers with the great powers stating our reasons for doing so. This will be read to the Foreign Ministers here.

I suggested that it might be as well to make the letter substantially the Duke's Memorandum, and particularly to remind France that the Quadruple Alliance still existed. We shall have the drafts of the letter tomorrow.

Parliament to be prorogued to October 26.

To-morrow the Brazilians will acknowledge Miguel as the Regent, if he will marry Maria da Gloria. Then came some absurd conditions. However, the thing is to be considered to-morrow. Aberdeen's idea is that there is no doing anything with Don Pedro, and that we must acknowledge Don Miguel as soon as he will grant an amnesty.

We were to have a Council on Wednesday for the prorogation. The King will not much like this, as he wanted to go to Ascot, but he may have it as early as he likes, and he ought to receive General Baudrand soon. We may have the Council at 10, and he may be at Ascot in excellent time.

August 24.

The Council is at 1. At 1 I went to the Duke. Told him of my recent letters to the Chairs. He said we must not make bankrupts of the Company, if we would use them hereafter. I said it was my duty to state the case of the public, as the Board were guardians of the territorial revenue.

A letter from Count Moltke, requesting to see me. I have appointed to- morrow at 3.

Cabinet at 3. Aberdeen read the proposed letter from the King to King Louis Philippe. With a few trifling alterations it was adopted.

The Duke called on Marmont to-day, and received from him a military account of the affair at Paris. Marmont said he knew nothing of the Ordonnances, and disapproved of them. He was at the King's levée on the Tuesday, and was told there were quelques inquiétudes at Paris, and to take the command of the troops. He found only 7,000 men. Polignac, forgetting any were en congé, thought there were 12,000. He occupied the Places de l'Hôtel de Ville, de la Bastille, de Victoire, and de Vendôme in sufficient force. His troops were not attacked. He withdrew them at night, and reoccupied the Posts in the morning. Then the attack began. The troops maintained themselves, but he found it necessary to withdraw them to the Louvre, the Tuileries, the Pont Neuf, and the Place de Vendôme. In the Louvre he had two battalions of Swiss; two battalions of the Line in the Place de Vendôme; the Guards in the Tuileries. He kept open his communication with the country by posts at all the avenues leading to the garden of the Tuileries and the Bois de Boulogne, Champs Elysées, &c. The battalion at the Place de la Bastille could not retreat by the straight road, and was obliged to march all round Paris, crossing the river at the bridge nearest Charenton, and coming to the Tuileries by the Faubourg.

The two battalions in the Place de Vendôme went over to the people. He then sent one battalion from the Louvre to the grille of the Tuileries garden, opposite the Rue de Rivoli, and so protected his flank. On Thursday he had lost 1,800 men, killed and wounded; and 1,200 égarés—besides the two battalions; but he had received a reinforcement of 3,000 men. The troops were extenués de fatigue. When Lafitte and the others came to him he told him he could not order the fire to cease. He was attacked.

If the fire of the people ceased, his troops would not fire. He fairly told the King it was not une commotion, nor even une insurrection, but une Révolution. There were not above thirty or forty people behind the barriers, but all the windows were occupied by armed men. He counselled concession, but Polignac would not hear of it. He said Polignac was l'homme le plus présomptueux he had ever seen.

When the Louvre was attacked the Swiss ran out towards the Tuileries and carried with them a battalion he had in the Place de Carrousel, as well as two guns he had with him. The rush was such he could hardly get upon his horse, and the men ran so fast that a person he sent after them on horseback found them almost at the extremity of the Tuileries garden. However, some returned to protect the retreat of about sixty men whom he had got together to defend the grille at the Arc de Triomphe in the Place de Carrousel. They were just enabled to retreat.

Marmont is violent against the Swiss, who were, he says, retained in the French service by higher pay and privileges for this very thing, and yet they ran away in this shameful manner.

Marmont means to go to Italy for a year. After that he hopes he can return to France. He has no wish to emigrate.

If the account in Lord Stuart's report be correct, France is in a deplorable state. In many parts of the country no taxes are paid, and the Republican party has not lost hope.

The conditions of what Don Pedro considers a conciliatory arrangement are entirely inadmissible. They are founded upon the marriage of Donna Maria da Gloria, and England, France, and Austria are to guarantee her against any injure she may receive from her husband. Certainly we may safely say these terms are inadmissible, and so break off all negotiations with Don Pedro, who, since these terms were proposed by him, has recognised the independent Regency of Terceira. By-the-bye, one of his terms is the payment, by Portugal, of all the expenses incurred by himself for Donna Maria.

It seems the draft of a decree of amnesty has been sent to Lisbon, and if Miguel will pass that decree we are to recognise him.

The Chancellor and others seemed to think this was an awkward time, and we had better wait a little. I think so too. However, undoubtedly our early recognition of Miguel might lead to the prevention of a Portuguese Revolution.

There was much conversation respecting the Bank Charter. It seemed to be the general opinion that Government should take it upon itself to arrange terms with the Bank, which terms will be prohibition to any other Bank to issue notes within twenty-five miles of London. This being granted, the Bank will do the public business for 100,000£ a year less. The whole question of country banking, whether it is to be with limited or unlimited responsibility, a limited or an unlimited number of partners, is to be left open to Parliament.

I suggested that the most important question was the revision of taxation. My view now is that we must take off some of the taxes which press most on the poorer classes, and have an income tax. I dislike an income tax as much as any one. To me it is a very oppressive tax, but I believe it may become necessary.

Walked to the corner of Hyde Park with Lord Rosslyn. Had some conversation with him respecting the changes necessary in the Government before we meet Parliament. He says Lord Althorpe will not come in without Lord Grey, and he is not sure Lord Grey would not stipulate for Lord Durham. The latter is out of the question on account of his temper. I do not think the Government could go on with the Duke and Lord Grey. Of the Huskissonians, Palmerston is the only one. To E. Stanley there is no objection.

August 26.

At 3 Count Moltke came to the office. He had two Danish claims to speak about.

Dinner at the Albion for Clare. There were present of the Ministers, Peel, Rosslyn, Goulburn, Herries; then Lord F. Leveson, Calcraft, the Solicitor- General, W. Peel, Lord G. Somerset, Planta, Gen. Macdonald, Col. Fitz- Clarence, Lord Tenterden. Of Clare's friends Glengall, Agar Ellis, Sneyd, Lord Templeton, besides H. Vyner, and Upton, who go with him.

I spoke feebly, not being well; besides, I did not think it in good taste to make a great speech; but to leave Clare's the first speech of the day. Peel made a very good speech; but too much of it. Clare really spoke very feelingly and well. He spoke a little too much of his gratitude to the Court.

I had some conversation with Loch. I was as well received as I expected, and better, considering the run that has been made at me. The Duke went off to Walmer Castle, very wisely, for he wants sea air; but Clare would have been more pleased had he been present, and the Directors too. The Ministers' healths were well received.

August 28.

Received from Elphinstone his remarks upon the proposed letter to Bombay, respecting native education, of which he generally approves. He strongly urges the sending out of European professors, young men, acquainted with English literature, to learn the language there, and teach the natives. I have sent the extract from his letter to Astell, suggesting that the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, and Edinburgh should each name those from whom should be selected the necessary number. I have observed that the object of native education is of such importance that the state of the finances must not prevent its accomplishment.

August 30.

Wrote a very long letter to Hardinge on the present position of the Government and our policy. I gave my opinion that any accession of men which destroyed the unity of the Duke's Government would do harm. That we must meet our difficulties by measures. That the first was a revision of taxation, that no men we could get would add moral strength to the Government, and the Whigs would not support unless they had half the Government. That the question of Reform could not be made an open question. It was best for the country that parties should be decidedly separated. It might then choose which it preferred, and men would be obliged to take a side. We had better be out with character than in with a detachment of the enemy, in possession of a gate. Still TALK we must have, and we want a financier. I said of myself that I cared little about office. I should without reluctance acquiesce in retirement if the Duke could fill my office more advantageously, and I believe Rosslyn would do. I thought Rosslyn would like Ireland or Paris.

I do not think it improbable Hardinge may send this letter to the Duke.

August 31.

An insurrection at Brussels, the houses of the Ministers burnt. The troops fired and killed many. They, not being 1,500, retired to the park, and formed before the palace. An evening paper I got at Ashford says the nobility had joined the people, and the troops had acceded on condition of keeping their arms, and guarding the palace. If this Revolution takes the line of union with France, war is almost inevitable. It may be only for a more popular form of Government, but what the people of the Netherlands desire is annexation to a great State. They are ashamed of being Dutch.

Most fortunately all our manufacturers are in full employment, and the harvest is abundant. The peace and constitution of England have depended upon fine weather.

Clare, from whom I heard to-day, tells me Lord Wellesley assures him there is to be a Revolution in Spain, and named the day. The nobles are supposed to be at the head of it. This may all be true, for our Ministers never find anything out; but my apprehension is that there will be a low, ill- supported revolutionary movement.

Received a letter from Lady Londonderry. She first wishes me to obtain, if I can, Ward's exchange to a better climate. This I have told her I have already endeavoured to do; but that I have no expectation of Aberdeen's doing it.

Lady L. says her brother was two hours with the Duke, and as long with Lord Grey. The latter would have acted a second part, but the Duke would not admit him. I have told her I think she must have misunderstood Lord Camden's account, and that she may be assured it is not the Duke's character to fear an equal.

I sent her letter to Hardinge, and asked him if he knew anything of the affair. I cannot imagine when it can have taken place. Lord Camden was an odd person to employ. He knows so little of Lord Grey. Rosslyn would have been the natural envoy if it proceded from the Duke; but I think it must have been a volunteer of Lord Camden's.

September 2.

Read the papers relative to the Danish claims. Canning seems to have decided one case, that of the Danish East India Company, hastily. However, we cannot undo a decision of a Secretary of State.

The other case, that of the private individuals at Tranquebar, has been determined in their favour.

September 3.

Had a long conversation with Herries, with whom I rode for a long time, respecting affairs, both here and abroad. He is rather downcast. However, he thinks this Belgian insurrection will be put down. Rothschild has exported 800,000£ in silver and 400,000£ in gold to meet his bills when they become due—diffident of having anything paid to himself.

September 5.

Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. He told me the substance of a report I did not see of Col. Jones, who was sent by the Duke to the Netherlands, and is returned. He says the Prince of Orange is with 1,600 men in the park and palace at Brussels; 5,000 men are close at hand under Prince Frederick of Orange, at Vilvorde, and two bodies of 10,000 each are marching upon the same point. The troops at the palace have twelve guns. All the troops show a good disposition.

The first deputation from Brussels was rather insolent. They were treated accordingly, and told to return without cockades, &c. They did so, and the Prince agreed to go into Brussels without troops. There was a great crowd, and for a moment he was separated from the staff and the Garde Bourgeoise, and alone in the midst of the people. He leapt his horse over a barrier and so got back. A Commission of very respectable men has been appointed to investigate grievances. So the thing will rest till the meeting of the States on September 13.

There is a letter from Lord Heytesbury giving an account of his conversations with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor is violent against the Bourbons; says very correctly that his treaties only oblige him to maintain a constitutional King. Still he may recognise, but shall always consider the Duke of Orleans as a usurper.

Prussia seems very prudent; disposed to recognise, but to state the condition of peace—that the territorial possessions of 1815 shall be maintained. Austria seems to be less prudent. Metternich sent to Bernstorff the answer he intended to give, which required a declaration of not having any intention to interfere in the affairs of France, but required a pledge as to the observance of the Treaty of 1815 before recognition. Bernstorff very prudently advised Austria to recognise unconditionally.

The Spaniards seem to have been in great consternation at first.

The Minister (Addington) thinks the King and Queen are so popular, and the public interest is so much directed to the Queen's approaching accouchement, that no revolutionary movement of importance is likely to take place. He deprecates, however, the commencement of any such movement, because he thinks it would enable the Apostolical Party [Footnote: The name given in Spain and Portugal to the Absolutist and Clerical Party.] to induce the King to dismiss his present quiet Ministers, and have recourse to measures of rigour, which would infallibly ruin the dynasty. Spain, and indeed all the Powers, seem to look for instruction to England, and there can be no doubt that all will recognise and all be quiet. Salmon, when he communicated to the King the events in France, said, 'Your Majesty sees how dangerous over-zeal is in a Minister. No one could be more devoted to the Royal Family than Prince Polignac.'

The King said, 'I see it.'

However, notwithstanding this, they say he is so weak that he may adopt a violent course.

Nothing can be more correct than the conduct of M. Molé, the French Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He is most anxious to preserve peace in Europe, the new King's Government in France, and himself in office. He is much alarmed by the events in Belgium, and wished our Minister to join the French Minister at Brussels in recommending some concession to the King of the Netherlands. The Duke has, as Rosslyn told me, written a memorandum to serve as the basis of Aberdeen's dispatch, very civil indeed to Molé, very much satisfied with the disposition evinced by the French Government, but, in our ignorance of the real state of things, declining to advise the King of the Netherlands.

It is very amusing to see the French Government most liberally permitting the Bonaparte family to return to France, and most prudently sending circulars to all the Ministers of the Powers which signed the protocols of 1815, urging them in the name of that treaty not to allow the members of the Bonaparte family to leave their present residences.

It seems this is very necessary; for although their partisans can do little without their presence, they might do much with it.

Martignac has got together sixty members of the Chamber of Deputies who will act en masse for royalty.

There is no military force to keep people in order, and the National Guard does not like doing so. In fact the Revolution is not over. Things may go on as they are, but we have as yet no security. The French seem heartily sick of Algiers. It costs a great deal of money. Tropical products will not grow there. The climate does not suit the French troops, who have besides a most extraordinary maladie de pays. They must send 15,000 men more there to maintain it, as now they have no more than the town. They are willing to give it up to the Sultan if he will renounce tribute, &c.

I never considered the acquisition of importance to France. I always felt we might vex the French to death by the use of a little money which would at any time have brought forward all the Arabs from the desert. The port will only hold a few vessels.

The Emperor of Russia proposes to cut the Greek question short by proposing the crown at once, without the intervention of France, to Prince Frederick of Orange, and if he should refuse, then to Prince Charles of Bavaria, who we know will accept.

I should say from all I have read to-day that if France should make an aggressive movement all Europe would be united against her as in 1813; but if she remain quiet within her own frontier no Power will wish to molest her.

It is satisfactory to observe the increased prudence and reasonableness of the great States; their general union, and the deference which in the hour of danger they all show to the opinion of England.

There are some apprehensions, I hear, of riots at Manchester. There is no cause for them. All men can get work. I would put them down with a strong hand.

September 6.

Saw at the office Colonel Monteith.

The King of Persia has about six millions sterling left in his treasury in gold and silver, besides jewels unsaleable on account of their high price, but which might be estimated at four millions more.

There will be a civil war on the death of the Shah.

Abbas Mirza might succeed if he had energy, but he is the weakest man on earth. Probably all the Rajahs will be put down and some new dynasty established.

The chiefs are not likely to serve the Russians at any time. The Persians are fine men and make excellent soldiers, bearing heat and cold, but not wet and damp. Officers there are none.

The Russians lose 10,000 men a year in Georgia and Caucasus, and it costs them about 500,000£ a year. They have never conquered the country.

The cession lately obtained from Turkey has enabled the Russians to put down the robbers who lived in Abkasia; [Footnote: The country at the western end of the Caucasus.] but it is of no value for purposes of offensive war—of some for defence.

It is cheaper in the proportion of 100 to 220 to send goods to Tabriz by Trebizond than by the Persian Gulf.

The Imaum of Muscat carries on a large trade in opium between the Red Sea and China. He carries British manufactures to the Indus, and trades extensively with Cochin China, where sugar is half the price it is in India.

The officers of the Crown Prince's army all speak Turkish. It is more important to have at the head of it a man of energy than one conversant with Persian.

His rank should be increased, as now he is made to rank below the last member of the Mission.

The disturbed state of Persia has driven much trade to the Indus which was carried on by the Euphrates.

Persia may now be considered not as a monarchy, but a Federative State, all the King's sons being independent Princes.

Colonel Monteith was at Algiers—the only Englishman in the army. There may have been twenty foreigners in all. He had letters of introduction and got there in a transport, taking his chance of being sent back. He was with the intendant of the army, and at the siege was attached to a division. Bourmont offered to receive him in his family. Bourmont was hated and despised. He seemed to take very little trouble about the army, and to leave everything to the generals of division. On the 19th, the day of the battle, he lost 600 men by not advancing sooner. The moment he advanced the enemy fled. The loss was 2,200 men in all, yet fifty were never to be seen dead and wounded together. The loss was by skirmishing at long shots along the whole of the line. This sometimes lasted all day, and the troops, being young, were too foolhardy. The Arabs are a miserable race, half naked. Everything beyond Algiers seems a desert. For eight miles round Algiers the cultivation is beautiful, and the villas more numerous than near any town he ever saw. A profusion of water. The town, miserable in the extreme, inhabited by Moors and the descendants of Turks, about 50,000. The port is formed by one pier which hardly protects two or three frigates. There is no safety in the bay.

There were 3,000 Turkish soldiers in Algiers, and about 7,000 in the country. These kept order. Now they are sent away the French may colonise extensively, but they cannot keep the country with the present inhabitants.

The Dey had ten millions sterling in gold and silver, a treasure which had been accumulating since the time of Barbarossa. [Footnote: A famous corsair of the sixteenth century.] He claimed 400,000£ as his own, and was allowed to carry it away. The French enquired about the jewels of the Regency. The Dey said there were no jewels but those which belonged to his wives, and la galanterie Française would respect them as private property. So they did.

There was a magazine containing 250,000£ of things in the trinket line. There were 150 ornamental daggers, all the presents of European princes, &c. Colonel Monteith saw one officer coolly put into his pocket a watch set in diamonds, which had evidently been given by a King of England, worth, he supposed, 2,000£.

General Lavardo pillaged more openly than any one. He had thirty soldiers employed in carrying off his pillage.

The affair at Belida was accidental. Bourmont went out with 1,600 men and invited the chiefs to meet him. They were coming peaceably; but some Arabs saw the French artillerymen taking their horses down to water without their guns, and they could not help attempting to steal. The artillerymen beat them off; but the firing having begun was soon converted into a battle. Bourmont beat them off, but thought it expedient to retreat.

The beach was particularly favourable for landing. The weather fine, and there was plenty of time to prepare.

The thing best done was by General Valagi, who in eighteen hours raised a continued work of a mile and a half. He had 1,600 sappers and miners. Colonel Monteith is in admiration of this entrenchment, which was beautifully finished, and was capable of resisting 30,000 regular troops.

The Arabs are miserably mounted. The Dey's two best horses were not worth 30l. each.

Duperre he thought a man willing to do all, but quite overpowered by the management of 100 ships of war and 500 transports. His reports are all lies. Bourmont's are nearest the truth. The ships, with the exception of those which were in the Levant, were not in good order. There seemed to be no discipline.

The army never wanted either water or provisions. Water was within three feet of the surface everywhere. In the gardens on the side of the hills towards Algiers the water was found at the depth of twenty feet.

Nothing could be more perfect than the equipment of the army. They calculated the cost of the expedition at four millions.

I see by the newspapers that the Prince of Orange yielded the point of the colours to the deputation from Brussels. He seems to have conceded a great deal, but to have acted with great personal courage and decision. It is expected that the Commission he appointed have asked for the separation of Holland from Belgium, and the establishment of a Federal union only; two countries under one King with distinct legislatures, armies, &c. The great towns are quiet. Holland ready to march upon Brussels.

I shall not be satisfied unless some of the Bruxellois are hanged for pillage.

The answers of the King seem to have been firm and judicious.

It is impossible not to admire the constancy of the troops, who bivouacked for eight days in the park.

The French Government seems too weak or too timid to prevent outrage in Paris. The printers' devils will have no machinery for printing! It is entertaining to see those who make all revolutions suffer by them.

September 7.

Saw Greville at the Treasury. He told me he had got from Lord Chesterfield that Palmerston had no objection to come in. Lord Melbourne had; but they required the sacrifice of Aberdeen, Bathurst, and Arbuthnot. There must be some mistake about this condition. I told Greville if he could get a fact to communicate it to the Duke.

It is feared the Prince of Orange is gone away to the Hague. He promised Colonel Jones he would be firm.

September 8.

The Prince of Orange certainly went to the Hague. He was received there enthusiastically. The proposition he takes is for Federal union. I fear he must submit to some modification of that, or encounter real opposition and civil war.

September 9.

Hardinge gives me rather an indifferent account of Ireland. Great animosity still existing between the Catholics and Protestants in the lower ranks; in the higher, peace. A revolutionary disposition raised in the middle classes by the example of Prance. Great dissatisfaction in consequence of the proposed taxation of last session.

He told the Duke, and so did Arbuthnot, that he might dispose of their offices if he wanted them. He seems to think Peel is tired and anxious to withdraw—annoyed at the idea of being unpopular, an idea the defeat of his brothers has given him. This makes him less energetic than he should be with respect to the measures necessary to strengthen himself in the House of Commons.

September 10.

It seems the desire of separation is general in the Netherlands. It is the result of national prejudice and vanity. The Dutch seem just as violent the other way, and the deputies were rather in danger at Rotterdam. The separation will probably defeat the objects of the great Powers in 1814, for it is idle to expect such terms of Federal union as will enable the two States to act cordially together.

September 11.

By withdrawing his troops from the palace, and going to the Hague, the Prince of Orange has ruined his cause. He has appeared to give it up.

September 13.

Read on my way to London the intelligence obtained by Lord Heytesbury relative to the Russian trade with Tartary and on the Caspian. It is very full and satisfactory.

The 'Times' has a sensible article on the state of France; the want of materials to form a constitutional monarchy, the growing dissatisfaction that more is not done in a revolutionary sense, and the irresponsible power of a deliberative army of 800,000 men.

Ghent and Antwerp seem to cling to the connection between Holland and Belgium, and I begin to hope that if France is tranquil the Bruxellois and Liègeois may grow tired and become reasonable. Men cannot play at barricades long when no one attacks them.

September 14.

House of Lords. I had to wait half an hour for the seals, which were carelessly carried off by Lady Lyndhurst in her carriage.

Talked to Rosslyn. He told me Aberdeen was led to expect another revolution in France. The paper they were going to prosecute was an affiche calling upon the French people to overthrow l'aristocratie bourgeoise, which was as bad as the other, and to divide the lands.

In the Netherlands the people and their leaders are divided, and if Antwerp and Ghent, &c., remain firm, it signifies little what Brussels does. Brussels will be brought into terms by distress.

Rosslyn thinks some of the Whigs as well as of the Tories will be alarmed by events on the Continent and support Government.

He hears of no negotiations for accessions.

The people of Brunswick, very justly provoked, have turned the Duke [Footnote: This was the eccentric Duke who died a few years ago at Geneva, bequeathing his whole property to the city, who have erected a monument to him.] out of the town and burnt his palace. He escaped with ten Hussars. He deserves his fate. I believe he is mad. He is a complete vaurien.

When Parliament is prorogued, as to-day, the peers are without their robes. The Chancellor was in his legal dress. The Commons appear without a summons by their clerks, and the Chancellor merely desires the proclamation to be read. However, as it is held, improperly, to be the first day of the sitting of Parliament, the return of the Scotch peers is laid on the table. All this is sanctioned by precedent, but contrary to reason.

September 20, 1830.

Wrote a long letter to Hardinge upon the political consequences of Huskisson's death, [Footnote: He was killed, as is well known, at the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway.] urging the introduction of Palmerston and Stanley. The latter to Vent the junction of the Whig aristocracy with the Radicals.

I am sure, if measures are not taken immediately, we shall have all the Huskissonians, Whigs and Ultra-Tories (the last are insane), united against us.

Received from Sir J. Malcolm a letter with some enclosures about suttees. He has reluctantly and fearfully abolished suttee, making it culpable homicide to assist, and murder to force the victim. He has done it, I think, wisely by a repeal of a clause in one regulation and an amendment. Thus not putting it vainly forward as Lord William did in a pompous document.

He has abolished the Military Board, I believe, very wisely; but there may be a difficulty with the Duke, if I cannot do it without talking to him about it. I believe Sir J. Malcolm is quite right, and that there would have been no hope of preserving a system of real economy had the Military Board been permitted to remain.

I am curious to see his measure of checks on expenditure, that if it be good it may be adopted at the other Presidencies.

Received some letters from Lord W. Bentinck. Lord Dalhousie has been very ill, and the command of the army would fall, Lord William says, into the weakest hands, if anything happened to him.

The spirit of the army was becoming better, I gather from Lord William's letter, but it required much attention. I have been thinking all day of what measures may be adopted for improving it.

September 21.

Office. Read to Cabell my memorandum on the alterations which might be introduced into the army, which I wrote hurriedly this morning. He was long in the military department, and can be of much use. Cabinet room. I think the result of Lord Stuart's dispatches is that the moderate party are gaining strength. I should say the facts we see in the newspapers lead to a different conclusion.

The Ministers and the old leading members of the Chamber of Deputies act manfully against the crowd. Their declarations of intention are satisfactory. I really believe they mean to act honestly if they can.

Austria seems to have hesitated about the acknowledgment of the King of the French after the receipt of a dispatch from Petersburg, and Metternich, who seems to be growing weak, wavered after he had received General Belliard very cordially.

Prussia, that is the King, hesitated about signing the letter to Louis Philippe when he heard of the doubts of Austria. The result, however, is that all entrainés by us will acknowledge; the Emperor of Russia, who was the most reluctant, having determined to do so if the others did. I should say there is this satisfactory conclusion to be drawn from what we have seen, that if France showed a disposition to aggrandise herself all Europe would be against her.

The object of the French Government is to place France exactly in the position in which she stood a fortnight before the ordonnances—that is, Talleyrand's wish, and he has rédigé his own instructions.

Read Aberdeen's letter, dated the 17th, stating the necessity of maintaining cordial intercourse with and between Spain and Portugal, and intimating that on the promulgation of an amnesty according to the terms recently communicated England will resume diplomatic relations with Miguel, but not otherwise.

Spain seems to be sensible. There was a movement of folly about Royalist volunteers which was put down, and the Government seems by no means disposed to give way to Absolutists. If the Queen should have a son Spain will probably be tranquil.

Talleyrand pretends the French will be reasonable about Algiers. I do not wish them to be so. I believe they could not have made a worse purchase. They will find the possession very expensive. Their troops will hate it, they will have nothing beyond their outposts, and it is no port.

My first opinion is strengthened, that they could not be worse than if they were left as they are.

September 24.

The populace and the burghers at Brussels have quarrelled, and fought a little. It seems the Liberals and the Catholics, [Footnote: They have formed the two opposing parties in the Belgian Chambers since the country became an independent State. They had temporarily united against Protestant Holland.] as the others are called, have been long diverging. The deputies and men of property, excepting M. de Stassart, have become alarmed. The Prince de Ligne and D'Aremberg and others have left Brussels. On the 21st, probably the 20th, in the evening a proclamation was published at Antwerp by Prince Frederick of Orange, noticing the excesses of the populace, and announcing that the troops would relieve the burgher guard. This must have been done in concert with the influential persons of the town who are alarmed for their property. The Liégeois are very violent. They will be expelled from Brussels. No more can get there, as the road is interrupted.

The Dutch have but 20,000 men, of whom the Belgians are as three to five. The Belgians had begun to desert, but they did not join the Bruxellois in any numbers. The hanging of some of the Brussels mob would have an excellent effect.

The Government of France seems to become weaker, and to permit things which discredit it.

A night or two ago some ouvriers insisted on going into the King's bedroom, after he was gone to sleep, woke him, and made him make a speech sitting up in his bed. Twelve departments have united against indirect taxes, and few pay those which are direct. Meanwhile, the Algerine treasure has been pillaged by the officers of the army, and ships clearing for Toulon go elsewhere to land it. They want a loan, while the fallen Government would have had a surplus. They will find the raising of a loan difficult. The French are displeased by the coldness of Austria and Prussia, and by the marching of Austrian and Prussian troops.

The King of Saxony has resigned, or rather he has associated his nephew with himself as Co-Regent; the brother waiving his claim to the throne.

The Landgrave of Hesse Cassel was met by a deputation requiring him to do a number of public acts, and amongst the rest the dismissal of all mistresses. It seems the Electoral Prince has one to whom he is going to be married.

The Duke of Brunswick lately galloped off lui Troisième while his palace was burning!

These are odd times!

However, here people seem to be inclined to be quiet. Even the Common Council have by a large majority decided against congratulating or noticing the French people.

September 26.

Brandreth told me there was a report of the Belgian troops having entered Brussels, and of a great massacre. There will be news to-morrow as the wind is down.

September 27.

No direct news from Brussels yet. There has been fighting for two days, and it was known at Antwerp that the first regiment that entered was nearly destroyed. It seems the invitation of one section was a ruse.

There are to be no Cabinets for eight or ten days, the Civil List not being prepared. When we do meet we are not to separate.

There seems to be every expectation of a new Ministry in Paris, and in the revolutionary sense.

I saw Aberdeen. He rather expects it.

Read the report of the Commission appointed to form the articles of accusation against the Ministers. It is a party speech, with little points and prettinesses, affecting moderation, and full of rancour. It is a nation which has no idea of justice.

September 28.

Cabinet room. Dispatches of the 24th and 25th from Sir Ch. Bagot; but none from Mr. Cartwright. When Sir Ch. Bagot wrote last thirty hours had elapsed without official intelligence, although the distance is only thirteen hours. It was known there had been hard fighting, that it was necessary to take in succession every house in the Rue Neuve Royale, that the troops were in possession of the upper part of the town, and a proposition had been made by the lower town for a cessation of hostilities, after which they had recommenced.

It is evident the resistance has been most serious. 20,000 French are in the town, and these probably direct the defence. All clubs, and councils of all sorts, had ceased to have power two days before the attack. There has been perfect anarchy. The troops behaved admirably. They were much exasperated. No assistance had been sent by the country.

Aberdeen is confident the King's troops have been driven out, because no official accounts were sent. The Duke, and all the military men, say the non-arrival of dispatches proves nothing but that the affair was not over. During an engagement a general can think of nothing but victory. The importance of the result is incalculable.

At Paris the National Guard have dispersed a meeting of lookers on, who were led by curiosity to crowd about a riding school in which the Society of Les Amis du Peuple met the day after they were denounced by Guizot in the Chamber as agitating France. Two officers of the National Guard entered the riding school, and warned the meeting of the danger they were bringing upon public tranquillity. On the representation of the second they adjourned.

At dinner at Lord Rosslyn's the Duke said the French Government could not go on as it was. The chief of the National Guard necessarily commanded everything. The National Guard might become janissaries. I think the Government may go on as it is in form, but it will vary in substance from day to day. Management, a little good fortune, and a few examples of determination may make it a fair Government; a single error may produce anarchy.

The Duke gave an excellent account of the feeling at Liverpool, Manchester, and Birmingham. At Manchester it was better than at Birmingham, but there they received very coldly Tennyson's speech about giving them members, and at last put an end to it by striking their glasses with their knives, which made such a ringing that Tennyson was obliged to sit down. He deserved this for his bad taste.

The Duke was astonished by the machinery. Those who have witnessed the improvements of late years expect progressive improvements so great that they say a man who laid out 100,000£ now in the best machinery would, if he refused to adopt the new improvements they anticipate, be without profit in five years and be ruined in ten.

The rapidity of motion is so great in the steam carriages that even the Duke with his quick eyes could not see the figures on the posts which mark the distance at every quarter of a mile, and when two steam carriages crossed no face could be seen. [Footnote: This was on the Manchester and Liverpool Railway, then just opened, and describes the first impression made by railway travelling.] It was like the whizzing of a cannon ball. The cold is great, and they must have some defence against the wind, through which they pass so rapidly.

A new canal without locks, which brings coals to Birmingham in two hours, which by the old canal required nine, is more magnificent even than the railroad, splendid as that is. The railroad cost a million. For several days after it was opened the proprietors made 250£ a day.

The King has the gout. The Duke goes to Brighton to-morrow. We dine with him on Thursday. Cabinets will not begin till next week.

September 29.

No news in the newspaper from Brussels. No dispatches from Sir Ch. Bagot or Mr. Cartwright arrived at the office; but a gentleman who left Brussels at five on Sunday reports that they were then fighting in the town, but the troops had the worst of it.

The Consul at Ostend reports that the King's troops evacuated Brussels on Sunday night; that reinforcements from the country were pouring into Brussels; that there had been an attempt at insurrection at Ostend, which was put down for the time by the Governor, who killed two and wounded six; that eleven or twelve men had marched in from Bruges, which was in possession of the Bourgeois; that Ghent was expected to rise, and in a few days all Belgium would be separated from the King.

A son of Holmes of the Treasury arrived at the Foreign Office at four, and said he had left Ostend at three yesterday, when there was a report that the Dutch had made another attack and had recaptured the park.

It seems they never had more than the park. They had to take, and did take, the Rue Royale. They were more thoroughly masters of the Place Royale. They planted guns against the town, which were answered by guns from the rebels. At five on Sunday the latter were gradually advancing, and picking off the troops in the park.

The first day some rockets were fired and eighteen houses burnt; but Prince Frederick ordered the discontinuance of this, the only efficacious mode of attack.

Lord Blantyre was killed. He was lame and on a sofa, but curiosity led him to crawl to the window and peep out, when a ball struck him in the forehead. Lady Blantyre and his children were with him. He was much esteemed. He was in the Peninsula, and a gallant officer.

I think the employment of European officers in civil situations under native princes may be very useful to their subjects; and while we do not ourselves employ natives in high situations, to force all native princes to employ them is to make a striking contrast between their Government and ours, very injurious to ours.

Jones seemed to hesitate and to think I committed myself. However, I feel sure of my ground.

A letter from Lord Cleveland, expressing a wish to have the Vicarage of Ilchester, and offering an equivalent living in Shropshire, or Cheshire.

I sent his letter to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, saying I should be much obliged to him if he could make the arrangement, Lord Cleveland being a faithful and powerful supporter of Government.

Told Lord Cleveland I had transmitted his letter with a strong recommendation.

I made my letter as agreeable to the Bishop as I could, but I dare say he will refuse. Very likely he has given away the vicarage. I told Lord Cleveland I thought it probable.

September 30.

The Consul at Antwerp writes a long foolish letter in much alarm.

Mr. Cartwright's reports are come. He describes a horrible carnage. The events much as we know them. Sir A. Bagot says his Russian colleague has, with the consent of the King and the Dutch Ministers, written home to say Belgium can only be preserved by foreign aid.

At dinner at the Duke of Wellington's met Talleyrand and Vaudreuil. The others there were Aberdeen, Goulburn, Herries, Murray, Beresford, Lord F. Somerset, and Rosslyn.

Talleyrand is not altered since 1815, except that he speaks thick. He has not even changed his hairdresser or his tailor.

Lord Rosslyn showed me a letter from Lady Janet, who was in Brussels during the fight. She walked about frequently, and was treated with civility by the armed burghers. A few grape-shot fell into the courtyard, and she picked up one. She was at the Hotel de Brabant in the Rue Neuve. There was no pillage, nor any riot. The loss of the people was great. She left the town on Sunday (I think) with a passport from Count Hoogwoorst, and got round to Antwerp.

The troops are said to have lost only 600 men. Prince Frederick is about two leagues from Brussels, on the road to Louvain, waiting for heavy guns. This is the report. I suspect he will retreat altogether.

October 1.

On consideration thought it would be better to have a secret letter on the press, authorising the Government to allow their servants to be connected with the press. To this letter I thought it advisable to add an exhortation to redoubled zeal on the part of the Company's servants on account of the unsettled state in which the minds of men must be until it was decided under what form the future Government of India should be administered, and I directed the Government to make all thoroughly understand that no possible change could effect the public debt, or the rights of the natives or the just expectations of the European servants. My reason for thinking the officers of Government should be permitted to be concerned in the press is this, that if none but those who are unconnected with the Government, and who, according to the existing system, cannot be connected with it, manage the press, the probability is that everything will be said against the Government and nothing for it.

I showed the proposed letter to the Duke. He thought it would be better to pay people for writing than to employ the Company's servants, and that the concluding paragraphs would lead the Government to suppose it was quite decided that the Company should be put an end to. It is wonderful the sort of prejudice he has in favour of the Company. He thinks that unless Directors selected writers and cadets we should have an inferior sort of people in India. I have no objection to the patronage being in a corporate body, but I am satisfied the present system leads to a degree of delay which is more mischievous than misdirection. He acknowledges, however, that the service is much changed. The exhibition made by Courtenay Smith has produced a strong impression upon his mind. He has done more injury to the Company in his mind than all the evidence. He still seems unwilling to make his opinion up against the continuance of the monopoly. It must fall, however.

The King wishes to have Sir E. Barnes appointed provisional successor to Lord Dalhousie. The Duke thinks him a better man than Sir R. O'Callaghan, who was suggested by Lord F. Somerset. I suggested that it would be expedient to unite the influence of Governor-General with that of Commander-in-Chief, and make Lord William Bentinck provisional successor. The Duke seemed to think Lord William could not execute both duties, and that it was better to adhere to the general usage of separating the two offices. It seems that after Lord Hastings' return the Court intimated a disposition to separate the offices in future. I can do nothing against the King, the Duke, and the Horse Guards; but I am satisfied it would have been better to send Sir E. Barnes as second in command to the Governor-General.

The King (Lord F. Somerset told me) was desirous of doing away with the Company's European regiments. He could not do a better thing. He has likewise some notion of bringing the army under himself. The Duke thinks it must be a local army, and certainly it must. [Footnote: In accordance with this view Lord Ellenborough opposed the eventual amalgamation of the Queen's and the Indian army.] I believe it is better to make it an army of three Presidencies, not one army. My doubt is whether it would not be advisable to allow exchanges from the King's army to the Company's. Everything would be beneficial that raised the tone of the Indian army.

The Duke showed me a draft letter he had written for Aberdeen to Lord Stuart, informing the French Government that the King of the Netherlands had required the assistance of his allies to re-establish his authority in Belgium. That it was as much the interest of France as of other Powers to put down a revolution not carried on by the higher or the middle, but by the lowest classes of the people. That we were desirous of concerting with France, as one of the contracting parties to the Treaty of Vienna, what course should be now adopted. It could not be supposed the Allies would forego the advantage of the union of Belgium and Holland for which they had sacrificed so much.

This was the substance of the letter. It will not be sent without the concurrence of the Cabinet, which will be summoned the moment Peel comes to town, and he is hourly expected.

I think this letter prudent, inasmuch as whatever may happen it will place us in the right; but I do not expect that France will do anything against the rebels, or sanction the doing of anything.

The Duke considers, as indeed is clear enough, that it is idle to expect the future submission of Belgium to the King of the Netherlands. It may be possible to place it under a Prince of the House of Nassau. I do not think the Duke sees his way; but he expects war.

October 2.

Cabinet. Aberdeen's letter to Lord Stuart. It is founded upon the Duke's memorandum, but much extended à l'Indienne. I think none approved of it but Lord Bathurst. I objected to the statement that the treaty of 1815 imposed upon us obligations. It may give us rights, but it imposes no obligation. Then the principle of non-interference is advanced as just and wise, but there are peculiar circumstances attending the position of the Netherlands which make a difference.

There is an assertion that the troubles in Belgium have been fomented by French agency, although not assisted by the Government, and a direct reference is made to the Barrier Treaties. France is requested to concert with us and the Allies to suppress the anarchy which exists in the Low Countries. She is at the same time reminded that in no case can the Allies consent to renounce the security given to them by the Treaty of Paris in consequence of an insurrection amongst the lower orders at Brussels. Of this a great deal will be left out. Peel seemed to be rather averse to the whole tenor of the letter, which looks like an invitation to put down the insurrection by force. He sketched in a few words a letter which would be innocuous.

The Duke's object is to make an effort to induce France to act with us to settle the Belgian affairs amicably. They cannot be settled without France, without a war. But is there any hope that the French Government will venture to give us her appui? If they be self-denying enough to renounce the hopes of annexing Belgium to France, their fears of the Jacobins will not allow them to do so. My expectation is that they will say they neither have interfered nor will interfere to dissolve the union between Holland and Belgium. That they will not interfere in the internal concerns of other States.

Some think they will go farther and declare they will not allow other Powers to do so. I do not expect this.

Every word of this letter must be well weighed, for every discontented man in England and in France will criticise its words and its spirit. There is no writer more unsafe than Aberdeen.

Rosslyn did not seem to like the letter at all, but he said little. I whispered to Peel that I wished he would bring a letter to-morrow. Short. It was at last agreed alterations should be made, and we are to meet at one to-morrow.

Peel takes the letter home, and will, I trust, cut it down.

The King Charles X. is in danger of being arrested, of which he naturally has a great horror, and he desires to be allowed to go to Holyrood House, where he would be safe. At Lulworth they are afraid of the Due de Bordeaux being kidnapped. The pretence is the getting masters from Edinburgh for the children.

It may be feared that the placing him in a royal residence may look or be represented as looking like recognition. On the other hand his removal from the southern coast to Scotland is a renunciation of intrigues with France.

It would be inconvenient if the King should wish to go to Edinburgh next year. Charles X. is to be told he cannot stay there after the spring. However, he will probably live there all his life.

It would be a revolting sight to see a King imprisoned for debt, and all gentlemen, all men of feeling, would have cried out shame!

We are right in feeling, but in policy I am not sure.

Nieuport has fallen as well as Ostend. The Bruxellois are drilling, and threaten to attack Prince Frederick. Probably Van Holen drills them to keep them quiet.

Many people have applied to Falck [Footnote: Dutch Minister.] for passports for Brussels, going in reality to join the rebels. Today two Irish labourers asked for passports! Brussels will become the sink of Europe, and every unquiet spirit will go there.

The Duke thinks our attempt to make France act in concert with us the only chance of preserving peace.

I fear its preservation is almost desperate. One thing is in favour of it, that all the European States desire it yet more than we do.

I cautioned them to-day not to take any advanced position from which it would be difficult and discreditable to retreat. The people would not go in with us in a war to avert a distant danger, nor indeed for any object not commercially interesting.

It came out accidentally in the course of conversation respecting the loan to the Netherlands that we had lent 20,000£ to the Greeks; the sum to be repaid by bills to be drawn by our Commissioner whenever the loan we are to guarantee may be made—that is, we are to be paid out of our own money.

Of this loan I knew nothing, and my impression is that when it was earnestly pressed by Aberdeen such objections were stated on the ground of illegality that the decision was against it. Certainly nothing was decided in favour of it. I recollect having said I would rather advance a portion of the money myself than be a party to the transaction.

October 3.

Cabinet. The Consul at Ostend announces that nothing remains to the King of the Netherlands but Antwerp. The troops have everywhere laid down their arms. On the 1st the Brussels papers announce that orders had been issued by the provisional Government for arresting all the Dutch officers.

Peel read first the dispatch written by Aberdeen with the omissions agreed upon, and then his own substitutions. His is much the best. It speaks of 'composing troubles' instead of 'suppressing anarchy,' avoids all mention of interference, and altogether is a more prudent paper, touching the Barrier very slightly. It was understood that Peel's was adopted.