APRIL.

April 1, 1654.

A capital execution in Sweden. In the morning, in the market-place, near Whitelocke’s lodging, was an execution of one adjudged to die for a murder. The offender was brought into the midst of the market-place, which was open and spacious, and a great multitude of people spectators. The offender kneeled down upon the ground, a great deal of sand being laid under and about him to soak up his blood, and a linen cloth was bound about his eyes: he seemed not much terrified, but when the company sang a psalm, he sang with them, holding up his hands together, and his body upright, his doublet off. He prayed also with the company, but made no speech to them; nor did any other speak to the people. The executioner stood behind him, with a great naked sword in his hand and a linen apron before him, and while the offender was praying the headsman in an instant, at one back-blow, cut off his head, which fell down upon the sand; and some friends took it from the executioner, and carried it away with the body to be buried. Presently after this execution was past, two other offenders for smaller crimes were brought to the same place, to suffer the punishment of the law, which they call running the gauntlet,—a usual punishment among soldiers.

Running the gauntlet. The people stood in length in the market-place about a hundred yards, leaving an open space or lane between them of about five yards’ distance; then the offender, being naked to the waist, was brought to one end of the lane or open place. The people had rods or switches of birch given to as many as would take them; the offender was to run or go, as he pleased (and one of them walked but a Spanish pace), from one end of the lane of people to the other, twice or thrice forward and backward; and all the way as he went, the people who had the switches lashed the offender as he passed by them, harder or softer, as they favoured him. These are the most usual ways of executions which they have for criminal offences, and they do not execute men by hanging, which they say is only fit for dogs; but in cases of great robberies and murders sometimes they execute justice by breaking the offenders upon the wheel, and leave the quarters of the body upon it; some whereof were in the way as Whitelocke passed in his journey by the great wilderness.

Vestiges of the Scandinavian mythology. In the afternoon Senator Schütt came to Whitelocke and invited him to take the air to see the town of old Upsal, about a mile off; and being there, Schütt showed him three great mounts of earth, cast up by the hands of men, for monuments in memory of their ancient famous kings, whose seat had been here, and the place of their coronation. These mounts had been dedicated to three of their Pagan gods: the one to the god whom they call Teuo, who was Mars, and from him they have the name of the day of the week Teuosdag, which we call Tuesday, and the Germans Tuisconsdæg, and the Latins Dies Martis; the second mount was dedicated to their god Woden, so they called Mercury, and from thence their day of the week is named Wodensdag, which we also call Wednesday, the Germans Wodensdæg, and the Latins Dies Mercurii; the third mount was dedicated to their goddess Freya, so they called Venus, and from thence comes the name of their Friedsdag, which we call Friday, the Germans Frigdæg, and the Latins Dies Veneris.

There were also other relics of decayed mounts, which Whitelocke guessed to have been dedicated to their other gods, from whom they gave the names of the other days of the week: as, to Thor, whom they called Jupiter, and, from whence the day Thoresdag, which we call Thursday, the Germans say Thorsdæg, and the Latins Dies Jovis; another mount dedicated to their god Setorn, from whence they call Setornsdag, as we say Saturday, the Germans Sæternsdæg, and the Latins Dies Saturni; another mount dedicated to Sunnan, as they call the Sun, and from thence that day Sunnandag, as we say Sunday, the Germans Sunnandæg, and the Latins Dies Solis; the last mount dedicated to Monan, that is the Moon, and from thence the name of their Monandag, which we call Monday, the Germans Monandæg, and the Latins Dies Lunæ.

The war between Muscovy and Poland. In discourse upon the way, Schütt informed Whitelocke of the matter of the embassy from the Great Duke of Muscovia to the Queen of Sweden, which was to acquaint her Majesty that the Great Duke had begun a war against the King of Poland, because in a letter of his to the Great Duke he had omitted one of his great titles,—a heinous offence, and held by the Great Duke a sufficient ground of war, and of his resolution to sacrifice the blood of his fellow-Christians to satisfy his wicked pride. Another ground of the war was because a certain Governor of a province in Poland, in a writing, had placed the name of the father of the Great Duke before the name of the present Great Duke; which was so great an indignity, that for the same the now Great Duke demanded of the King of Poland to have the head of that Governor sent to him, and that not being done, was another cause of the begun war. To this the Queen answered, that it did not appertain to her to give her opinion in a matter of this nature, whether she did approve or disapprove of what was done by the Great Duke, but she did presume that the King of Poland would therein give fitting satisfaction to the Great Duke; and that she did wish that there might be peace between these two Princes and all the Princes of Christendom. And with this answer the Envoys of the Great Duke returned as wise as they came.

Denmark threatens Hamburg. Schütt also communicated unto Whitelocke an intelligence that the King of Denmark had levied some forces which he designed against Hamburg,—pretending injuries done to him by that city in relation to his pretensions of dominion there, which probably might occasion a war between Denmark and that free city, which had strength and riches and people and wisdom to defend themselves; and Schütt advised Whitelocke that if this should be so, that then he should take his voyage some other way, and that it would be a great disturbance and danger to him to go by Hamburg and those quarters, which would be infested with soldiers, and that then it would be his best way to return by Gothenburg; but he did persuade Whitelocke by all means to salute the Prince of Sweden by the way of his return. Whitelocke said he thought it not probable that the King of Denmark would at this time engage in a war against Hamburg, and that his levying of soldiers might breed a jealousy in the Crown of Sweden; that the certainty thereof could not be long undiscovered, and accordingly he should govern his own resolutions; that it would be difficult for him to stay in his journey to salute the Prince, but he much desired and intended it before his departure.

April 2, 1654.

Although the Lord’s Day, yet the English and Scots who were in the town, and not of Whitelocke’s family, went abroad to take the air, and did not resort, as they used to do, to Whitelocke’s house to the exercises of divine worship, which were duly performed in his private family; and after those sacra peracta, Whitelocke retired himself to his private studies and meditations upon the word of truth. This day likewise the Queen went abroad to take the air, and passed through the town in her coach, attended by many gentlemen and others in her train, to the ill example of her people, and after the bad custom of this place.

April 3, 1654.

Whitelocke takes the air with the Queen. The Queen sent to Whitelocke to invite him to accompany her to take the air.

By the way Whitelocke visited Woolfeldt, who had much discourse with him about the English fleet then at sea. From him Whitelocke went to Court, and attended the Queen in her coach to take the air. They had not much discourse about his business, and he thought not fit to interrupt her Majesty’s pleasures with serious discourses, but sought to delight her with matters of diversion and mirth. When they were come back to the castle, the Queen said to Whitelocke:—

Queen. Tomorrow my Chancellor will present you with the articles drawn up by him, with some alterations which I judge to be reasonable; and that shall be my final resolution about them.

Wh. Hath your Majesty commanded any mention in those new articles concerning contraband goods?

Qu. There is a specification of them.

Wh. Indeed, Madam, I can hardly consent to any alteration upon the subject of contraband goods, whilst the edict of the Hollanders is in force thereupon.

Qu. After you have considered these new articles, we will speak together again about them.

Then the Queen retired to her chamber, and Whitelocke being come home, the Secretary Canterstein came to him from the Chancellor to excuse his not coming to visit Whitelocke, and said that, by the Queen’s command, the Chancellor had sent a new copy of articles to Whitelocke. He presently read them, and had much discourse with the secretary upon them, who said he did not doubt but that, after communication with the Chancellor, Whitelocke would receive satisfaction.

April 4, 1654.

Whitelocke visited Piementelle, and they had this discourse:—

Piementelle. The Ambassador of Denmark did me the honour to visit me, and we had much discourse together about the English fleet now at sea; he told me that in it were ten thousand foot soldiers embarked for the North, which would occasion great trouble to the King his master, if it should be so, which I acknowledged.

Whitelocke. Your Excellence knows that I have not been at the Council of State in England for six months last past, so that I know not the secret designs of my Lord Protector; but I believe it is no very difficult matter to land men in Denmark.

Piem. What progress hath the French Ambassador made in the treaty between you and France?

Wh. If the Queen will be pleased to give my despatch, I hope to be upon the place before the treaty with the French be concluded. I have somewhat to communicate to the Protector touching a treaty with Spain, which your Lordship very well knows; and it would be to purpose that his Highness should know it before the conclusion of a treaty between England and France.85

Piem. I am assured that the Queen will despatch you in good time. But I advise your Excellence in your return not to pass by Denmark, for it is ill trusting of that King; but your better way will be to Lübeck, and from thence to Hamburg, and if you do not find ships ready there, you may travel by land to Cologne, and from thence to Dunkirk; which will be much better than to go by Holland, where they do exceedingly exact upon strangers, and your Commonwealth hath more enemies there than in any other place, besides the common people are rude and insolent.

Wh. I am engaged to you for your good advice, which I intend to follow.

After their discourse, Whitelocke presented Piementelle his medal in gold very like him, and it was received by Piementelle with much affection. Then Piementelle entreated Whitelocke to give him a passport for his servant, who had the charge of conducting his baggage by sea to Dunkirk, that he might freely pass the men-of-war of England; the which was willingly done by Whitelocke, under his hand and seal.86

April 5, 1654.

Conference with the Chancellor. In the morning Whitelocke went to the Chancellor’s lodging, and found his son Grave Eric with him. The Chancellor made a long apology to excuse the delay of the treaty, and said:—

Chancellor. My indisposition of health hath chiefly occasioned the delay, yet was I so solicitous of your business, that I entreated the Queen to appoint some other person in my stead, who might confer with your Excellence; and her Majesty was pleased to appoint my son for that service.

Whitelocke. I was very sorry for your Excellence’s want of health, both in regard of my affection to your person, and in respect of the protraction of my business; yet I was glad that your son, my Lord Eric, was appointed to confer with me, and had rather have the transaction of my business by yourself or some of your family than by any other. I am now come to you to confer upon those articles which yesterday I received from you.

Then Whitelocke gave the Chancellor a paper of his animadversions upon his articles. The debate began upon the ninth article; and as to the sale of goods taken from enemies and prohibiting the buying of arms, the Chancellor said this would abolish their trade, and would be of no advantage to England, because those arms, and equally as good, might be had from other places; and if the English did light upon them, they would have the benefit by it. Whitelocke said it would be a great inconvenience to furnish the enemies of either nation with arms which could not be had elsewhere than in England or Sweden, and that this clause would put a bridle in the mouths of the enemies of either nation. The Chancellor and his son replied that arms might be had in the province of Liége,88 and in many other places in Germany; that Sweden scarce afforded any other commodities but arms, or such things as were serviceable for war; and that the Queen would by no means be induced to that clause as Whitelocke would have it.

Then they debated upon the eleventh article, the issue whereof was for Whitelocke to consent to a special designation of prohibited goods. Whitelocke desired that the catalogue and designation of them might be referred to his return into England, and he would agree that within two months after that there should be a specification of prohibited goods in the name of the Protector.

The Chancellor urged that the specification might be now agreed upon, and produced a paper specifying them, which they alleged was delivered by the Council in England unto Bonnele. Whitelocke said he did not remember the same, and that he was ignorant what goods were prohibited by the Dutch placard, which was fit to be known before any specification made by him.

Upon the twelfth article Whitelocke urged, that as to the form of the letters of safe-conduct, it might also be referred to his return into England. They produced a form exhibited by Lagerfeldt to the Council in England, and desired that the same form might be now agreed upon. Whitelocke answered that the Council of State had not approved the form given in by Lagerfeldt, and therefore it was not fit for him to consent to it; nor could he apprehend any reason why they should not consent to refer the agreement of a form unto his return to England; and the rather, because in the meantime the subjects of the Queen might enjoy the benefit of an edict made by the Protector in great favour of them, which declaration Whitelocke had caused to be delivered to the Chancellor.

To the thirteenth article, as to satisfaction of damages, their debate was to the like effect as formerly.

Upon the sixteenth article they had also debate. Whitelocke desired that the words “de usu littorum in piscatione” might be altered to these words, “de piscatione et usu littorum.” They alleged that this would seem to deny their fishing upon their own coasts. Whitelocke said, the other would seem as if England had given up their right as to the fishing, and left all at liberty to those that pleased to take it.

This was the sum of the debate of near three hours. The conclusion was that they would certify the Queen of all these matters, and in short acquaint Whitelocke with her answer; which he desired might be as speedy and positive as they pleased, because if they should reduce him to that necessity, that before he could agree he must send to the Protector to know his pleasure, he could not receive an answer of his letters in less than two months’ space, within which time the Queen purposed to resign her government, and then his commission would be at an end. The Chancellor said he desired Whitelocke should be speedily in England, not only for the sake of his wife and children, but likewise because then they could promise themselves that they had a good friend in England.

Alarm excited by the English fleet. Whitelocke visited the French Resident, who was very inquisitive what might be the design of the English fleet now at sea; whereunto, as to much other of his discourse, Whitelocke did not much study for answers, only he was careful not to let fall any words which might lessen their amusement about the fleet.90

In the evening Woolfeldt visited Whitelocke and discoursed of the same matter; whereof Whitelocke made some use and of this gentleman, to heighten their jealousies about this fleet. Woolfeldt acquainted Whitelocke that the Ambassador of Denmark had made a complaint against him to the Queen, that Woolfeldt had deceived the late King of Denmark of certain sums of money, which he should have disbursed for the late King of England against the Parliament; and that the present King of Denmark having been informed that Woolfeldt had lost his papers at sea, and so could not produce his acquittances, the King took the advantage thereof against Woolfeldt, and now, by his Ambassador, charged him before the Queen for those moneys: but that he disappointed the Danish Ambassador by producing before the Queen his papers and acquittances, which his enemies believed had had been lost; and so was justified before the Queen, to the great discontent of the Ambassador. Whitelocke said he was very glad that Woolfeldt came so well off, and that he perceived the Queen had, by the the treaty, a capacity, as well as by his residence, to examine and do right in such matters.

Conversation of a Danish gentleman who betrays his country. This day Whitelocke had discourse about Norway and the Sound with a Danish gentleman of great quality and experience whom he had obliged, who desired to have his name concealed;91 but part of this discourse follows:—

Dane. Now is a good time for the Protector to send some ships towards these parts.

Whitelocke. What places are there in Norway considerable as to the interest of England?

Dane. There are two places in Norway not far from Gothenburg which are easy to be taken, and are excellent harbours, wherein England might keep some ships constantly, and command all that pass by to the Baltic Sea.

Wh. What are the names of those places?

Dane. The one of those havens is called Marstrang; but that I do not like so well because of the Paternoster Rocks, which are very dangerous for coming out if the wind sit northerly, and the fort there is commanded by the hills near it. But the other place, called Flecker Town, is an island, and hath a going-in and coming-out two ways; it is an excellent harbour, and ships may ride in it at such a distance from the land (being a broad water) that none from the land can hurt them. There is a little fort in this island which may easily be taken, not having above forty or fifty men in it, and the works decayed. Those who assail it must land their men on the south-east side of the island, the fort being on the other side, and they may easily be masters of it; and from thence having some ships, they may go in and out at their pleasure, and command all passing by; and none can come into the harbour to them if they make up the fort, which is soon done, and the passage not above musket-shot to be commanded, and there are no guns there of any consideration at this time.

Wh. How shall they do for victuals there to get fresh from the land?

Dane. There is plenty of butter and cheese, sheep and hogs; and the poor country people will be no trouble to you, but be willing to be commanded by you.

Wh. What towns are there near it?

Dane. Higher in the country is Bergen, the chief town for trade there, and rich enough. Your ships may easily come into that harbour, and plunder the town and get a great booty, and return to Fleckeren Town again.

Wh. Is there anything to be done at Iceland?

Dane. I wonder you do not send, in August or September, four or five ships to Iceland, being men-of-war. They may have twenty or thirty Dutch ships, laden with fish, butter, and hides, which will make no resistance at all; and it would be a rich prize, and might be had without danger or difficulty.

Wh. Is the castle of Elsinore so strong a piece that it cannot be taken without much expense and danger?

Dane. This will not be the best design for England: it is a small, strong castle, and doth not signify much; though it be esteemed a piece of importance, it is not so.

Wh. It commands the passage of the Sound.

Dane. Most men believe so, but it is mistaken. I have seen an experiment to the contrary, that a boat, being placed in the middle of that narrow passage of the Sound, they shot at it from the castle of Elsinore, and likewise from the castle of Helsingborg on the other side, with the greatest guns they had, and yet they could not reach the boat from either side by two thousand paces; nor is it so narrow in the passage but that a ship may, when she pleaseth, sail by those castles in despite of them.

Wh. What harbour is there at Elsinore?

Dane. There is no harbour for ships to ride in, and in foul weather they will be in danger to be all lost, because they must ride in the open sea, which there is extreme perilous; and therefore Elsinore is not worth the keeping, if England had it. But their best design would be to go directly to the town of Copenhagen with fifty or sixty good ships, with landsmen in them; and it is easy enough to take that town, for the works of it are not strong, nor is it well guarded, and it would be easier to take that town than Elsinore; and if England were masters of it, the castle would quickly come in to them; and at the town they should have a good haven for their ships, and a small matter would build a better fort near the town than Elsinore is, and would command the passage more than the castles do, and make you masters of the Sound and of all the trade of the Baltic Sea.

Wh. What revenue would be gained thereby?

Dane. More than will maintain your ships and forces there, and will command all the island of Zealand.

Wh. I should be glad to meet you there.

Dane. If you summon me by your letters, I will give you a meeting at Copenhagen, or those whom the Protector will send thither; and if you will meet me there, I doubt not but to show you a way to get that town without much difficulty; and then you will have all the isle of Zealand, which is the best part of Denmark, and the rest will follow, being weary of the present tyranny and ill-usage of their King. And if you were masters of Zealand, you might thereby keep in awe the Swede, the Hollander, and all the world that have occasion for the commodities of the Baltic Sea.

Wh. Why then doth not the King of Denmark now keep them in such awe?

Dane. Because he hath neither the money nor ships nor men that England hath.

Wh. What is the ground and reason of payment of the tolls at Elsinore, if ships may pass by without the leave of the castles there?

Dane. Because that is known but to a very few; and what I have told you is under secresy, and I desire that none but the Protector may know it from you; and as for the grounds of paying the tolls at Elsinore, it is rather from the keeping of the lights in Jutland and upon that coast, than from any command that Elsinore hath of the ships that go that way.

Wh. I have heard those lights are very useful.

Dane. Unless they were kept, it would be impossible for ships to sail there in the long nights in winter; and the trade doth enforce them to come that way in October and November, when the nights are very long, because of bringing wine into those parts after the vintage, which is in September.

Wh. They are likewise to carry home corn, which is not inned till August and September. Did not the Hollanders refuse to pay the toll?

Dane. Once they did, and thereupon the last King of Denmark, by advice, commanded that the lights upon the coast should not be kept; and the Hollanders in that autumn lost above thirty ships upon the Danish coast, and came and entreated the King that the lights might be kept again, and promised to pay the tolls as formerly, and have done so ever since.

Wh. Let me say to you, in freedom, how can you, being a native of Denmark, satisfy yourself to discover these things to me, whereby prejudice may come to your country?

Dane. I do not think I betray my country in this, though, my country having left me to be an exile, I might justly leave them; and wheresoever I breathe and am maintained is more my country than that where I was born, and which will not let me breathe there; yet in this I think I may do good service to Denmark, to free them from the tyranny they are under, and to bring them into the free government of the Protector, to whom I shall do any service in my power. But for the King of Denmark, he is governed by his Queen and a few of her party, men of no honour nor wisdom nor experience in public affairs, but proud and haughty, according to the way of these parts of the world.

Wh. I shall not fail to make known to the Protector your great affections to him.

April 6, 1654.

Effects of the English fleet in the North. Monsieur Miller, who had been Resident at Hamburg for her Majesty, came to visit Whitelocke, and after dinner discoursed much of the English fleet now at sea, which, he said, did amuse all the northern parts of the world, what the design thereof might be. Whitelocke did not lessen the wonder, especially in relation to Denmark; yet affirmed nothing positively, as indeed he could not. He inquired of Monsieur Miller if the King of Denmark were making any preparations at sea, or of land forces, or had any design towards Hamburg. Miller said he knew of none, and in his discourse gave Whitelocke good information of the government, strength, and trade of that Hanse Town.

The Secretary Canterstein came to Whitelocke from the Chancellor, and brought to him the articles upon which they had last treated, now altered according to Whitelocke’s desire, except that which concerned the forbidding of our enemies to buy arms in the countries of our confederates. He also delivered to Whitelocke the draft of a preamble for the articles, and another article for the ratifying of all the rest; whereunto Whitelocke consented, and thanked God that his business was brought so near to a good conclusion. Whitelocke received his packet from England, and Thurloe wrote that the Protector was sensible of the Queen’s delaying of Whitelocke, but approved his proceedings. He sent this enclosed order:—

“At the Council Chamber, Whitehall:

“Friday, 17 Martii, 1653.

Order in Council in the matter of a Swedish prize. “On consideration of a letter, this day read in Council, sent from the Lord Ambassador Extraordinary with her Majesty of Sweden, mentioning, among other things, the taking of the ship ‘Charity,’ Paul Paulsen, master, by a private man-of-war, and the carrying of her into Dover, and the hard usage of the master and mariners, which ship is claimed by some citizens of Gothenburg, subjects of the said Queen:

“Ordered, That it be referred to the Commissioners of the Admiralty speedily to put this matter in a way of examination; and, for their information in the premises, to send for the commander of the said man-of-war, and to receive a particular account and satisfaction concerning the disposal of the ship and goods, and the usage of the master and mariners, and thereupon to state the whole case and report it to the Council, to the intent speedy justice may be done therein; and the said Commissioners are likewise to take order that all further proceedings touching the said ship, or her lading or disposal of any part thereof, be stayed and forborne till their report made and further order thereupon shall be given by the Council.

“W. Jessop, Clerk of the Council.”

Thurloe wrote that in case the information given to Whitelocke were found to be true, that the parties offending would be severely punished and right done to those who were injured; and that the Council were very sensible hereof, as a hindrance to Whitelocke’s proceedings and a dishonour to the Protector. He also wrote unto Whitelocke that there was little scruple now of an agreement upon the Dutch treaty, which was as good as concluded; and he sent the news of France and of Scotland and Ireland, as well as that of England, as he constantly used to do. Whitelocke caused this order to be translated into Latin, and made use of it for the advantage of his business.

A description was given to Whitelocke, in writing, of the manner of making gunpowder in these parts, and of their mills and vessels for it, not unlike in many things to their way in England.

April 7, 1654.

The Queen’s plans after abdication. Whitelocke waited on the Queen, and she was pleased to discourse with him to this effect:—

Queen. I am resolved to retire into Pomerland, and this summer to go to the Spa to drink the waters for my health.

Whitelocke. Give me leave, Madam, to put you in mind of two things to be specially taken care of: one is the security of your own person, the other is the settling of your revenue. Your Majesty, being of a royal and bountiful spirit, cannot look into such matters so much beneath you as expenses or accounts; and if care be not taken therein, and good officers, your Majesty may be disappointed and deceived.

Qu. I thank you for this counsel. I intend to have Mr. Flemming with me, to take charge of my revenue; he is a discreet, wise man, and fit for that employment, and to order the expenses of my house; I believe he will neither deceive me himself nor permit others to do it, for he is faithful to me.

Wh. Such a servant is a jewel. I hope care is taken that your Majesty’s revenue be secured in such a manner that you shall not depend upon the pleasure of any other for the receipt of it, but to be in your power as mistress of it, not as a pensioner.

Qu. It shall be settled according to the advice you gave me, and I thank you for it.

Wh. Madam, I account it a happiness if in anything I may be serviceable to your Majesty. Whom doth your Majesty take with you beside Mr. Flemming of that quality?

Qu. I desire the company of Mr. Woolfeldt and his lady, if they will go with me.

Wh. I suppose they will be very serviceable to your Majesty; and I hope it will not be long, after the business here effected, before you transport yourself into Pomerland, lest any designs should be against your liberty, for, Madam, in this age there be few persons to be trusted.

Qu. That is too great a truth, and I thank you for the caution. I could freely trust yourself with any of my concernments; and if you will come to me into Pomerland, you shall be as welcome as any man living, and we will be merry together.

Wh. I humbly thank your Majesty for your great favour to your servant, who hath a wife and children enough to people a province in Pomerland, and I shall bring them all thither to do your Majesty service.

Qu. If you will bring your lady and all your children and family thither, and settle yourself there, you shall want nothing in my power, and shall be very welcome to me.

Wh. I am your Majesty’s most humble servant; and I pray, Madam, give me leave to ask your Majesty, whether you judge it requisite for me to wait on the Prince of Sweden before my going out of this country.

Qu. I think it very fit and necessary for you to see the Prince before you leave this country; it will be taken as a respect from the Protector to him, and if you do not, it will be looked upon as a neglect of him.

Wh. I am obliged to do all that lies in my power to enlarge the Protector’s interest.

Qu. The Prince being to succeed in the Crown, and in so short a time, it will be fit to keep a fair correspondence with him and to show respect to him, whereof your visit will be a good testimony.

Wh. Madam, your opinion will be a great direction to me in my affairs.

Qu. I think it will be an advantage to your business for you to speak with the Prince himself, who will take it in good part, and hold himself the more obliged to the observance of what shall be agreed upon in your present treaty, being acquainted therewith by you that made it.

Wh. I hope the treaty which your Majesty shall make will be observed by any who shall succeed you; but I acknowledge it is very advisable for me to have some discourse with his Royal Highness, to give him an account of the treaty, and I shall inquire where I may attend him.

Qu. You must go from hence to Stockholm, and so to Nordköping, and the castle where the Prince now resides is within a league of that town; you may have my coaches and horses to transport you, and my servants to guide you thither.

Wh. I humbly desire your Majesty to make choice of any of my coach-horses or saddle-horses that may be useful for you, and to command them; they are all at your Majesty’s service.

Qu. I shall not make choice of any; but if you bestow any of them upon me, they will be very acceptable.

Wh. I humbly acknowledge your Majesty’s great favour in affording a despatch to my business.

Qu. I wish you with the Protector, because I see you are a faithful servant to him, and worthy to serve any prince in Christendom.

Wh. Your Majesty ever had a favour for me, and in nothing more than in my despatch.

Qu. I think it not fit for you to be in Sweden too near the time of the coronation of the new King; and then to go away, and not to see him, would be worse.

Wh. I do intend, upon your Majesty’s advice, to salute him before my going away, and shall desire that the ships may meet me near the place where his Royal Highness is.

Qu. I will give order for it, and will be gone myself not long after; if I had staid here I should have been glad of your longer stay.

Whitelocke took his leave of the Queen, and, being returned home, Field-Marshal Wrangel visited him, and after dinner, being in a good humour, discoursed freely and much of the English fleet at sea. Whitelocke showed him a draught of the ship ‘Sovereign,’ with her dimensions, guns, and men, wherewith he was much pleased. He told Whitelocke that, by command of the Queen, he had prepared ships for Whitelocke’s transportation from Stockholm to Lübeck.

Whitelocke reports on the treaty to Thurloe. Whitelocke made his despatches for England, and in his letters to Thurloe gave this account of the treaty:—

“1. Their first article differs not in substance from the first which I proposed, and therefore I did not object against it; but as to all of them, I reserved a liberty to myself of further consideration and objection. I did a little stick upon the word ’colonias’ in this article, lest it might tend to anything of commerce in America; but finding it only to relate to the amity, I passed it over.

“2. The first part of it agrees in substance with my sixth article, the latter part of it with my fourth article; only I objected against their words in this article, ‘in damnum illius,’ who should be judge thereof, and the omission of that part of my fourth article against harbouring of enemies and rebels.

“3. Their third article agrees in substance with my second article, but is more general, not naming the Sound, and explaining the word ’aliorsum’ in my second article; and I desired that the word ’populos’ might be added after the word ‘subditos.’

“4. Their fourth in the beginning agrees with my third article; that of it touching the trade of America and the fishing I answered, as I gave you a former account, and thereupon denied it, as also that part of it which concerns importation of goods in foreign bottoms, being contrary to our Act of Parliament. In this latter end of their fourth article they likewise bring in again the business of fishing implicitly in the words ‘maribus, littoribus,’ etc., and therefore I desired that all that part might be left out, and in lieu thereof I offered the latter part of my third article beginning with the words ‘solutis tamen,’ etc., and the last of my reserved articles to be admitted; or else, I desired that this whole article of theirs might be omitted, and in lieu thereof my third article, and the last of my reserved articles to be admitted; and they likewise insist to have these words added if that part of their fourth article be omitted, viz. ‘quoad Americæ commercium, piscationem halecum, et mercium importationem, de his in posterum erit conventum.’

“5. Their fifth article agrees in substance with my eleventh, only hath more words to express the same matter.

“6. Their sixth agrees in substance with my thirteenth article, with the addition of words for kind usage, and the omission of the proviso in my thirteenth article as to breaking of bulk; which yet seems to be supplied by the latter part of their sixth article, of conforming to the ordinances of the place.

“7. Agrees with my reserved article, marked with fifteen, only the words ‘nihil inde juris’ I thought fit to be omitted, because in the treaty we are not to meddle with particular rights; yet the sense and desire thereof is answered in the words for restitution. I offered them, if they liked not this, my fifteenth article, which is one of those reserved, omitting only that part as not conducing to this article, viz. ‘Et si lis,’ etc.

“8. Agrees in substance with my twelfth article, only the expressions here are longer; and that for justice to be had agrees with the latter part of my reserved article fifteenth.

“9. In the general differs not in the substance from my seventh, and the beginning of my reserved articles; and the laws in this ninth article, first, second, third, and fourth, are not contrary to the substance of mine; but to the fifth I excepted, as contrary to part of my seventh article, and to their sixth law, as to bringing in of ships and goods from enemies; both which nevertheless, in case we have peace with the Dutch, will be more to our advantage, in my humble opinion, to continue in than to be omitted; as also that not to contend in the harbours; and so the first, second, third, and fourth laws. The seventh law, I humbly conceive, not differing in substance from my articles, nor disadvantageous to England. To their sixth law I desired that my seventh article might be added, the which they denied, as to forbid enemies to either to buy arms, etc.

“10. Agrees in part with my ninth, only the latter part of it seems to bring in the trade of America, and a liberty contrary to the Act of Navigation; but they insist that the same is saved by the latter words of this article, ‘modò consuetudines antiquæ;’ but I was not satisfied herewith, and desired that that part of it which is marked might be omitted, and the latter part of my ninth article, viz. ’utrisque utrinque observantibus,’ etc. inserted, which I humbly conceive will help it; or else I desire that this tenth article may be wholly omitted, and in lieu thereof my ninth may be agreed.

“11. To this article of theirs I wholly excepted, because it agrees not with any of mine, nor with reason, that when our enemies have forbidden any to bring contraband goods to us, that yet we should permit them to be brought unto our enemies. They told me that the Queen had sent unto the States to repeal that placard of theirs. I answered, that when I was certified that that placard was repealed, I would then desire to know the Protector’s further pleasure herein; but before that be done, I thought it would be in vain to trouble him about it.

“12. Is not expressly in any of my articles, but agreed by the Council of State unto Mr. Lagerfeldt, only the form of the letters of safe-conduct not fully assented unto; therefore I desired that the same might be remitted to a future agreement; but as to the rest of this article, it is not repugnant to the substance of mine, that the navigation and commerce may be free.

“13. In the first part of it agrees almost verbatim with my tenth article; the latter part of it, concerning satisfaction for losses, is much altered from what it was at first exhibited, and is now put on both parties, and referred to future agreement, wherein there can be no prejudice to our Commonwealth; but before, it was reproachful to the justice thereof and laid on our part only; now it is no more than what the Council and State promised in their papers to Mr. Lagerfeldt.

“14. Agrees in substance with my ninth article.

“15. Contains the substance of my fifth article, but is expressed more generally, and, as I humbly believe, no less to the advantage of our Commonwealth.

“I found more readiness in the Queen to consent to what I proposed than in her Commissioners; but some things she told me she could not consent to, because they were against the interest of her people, and were not considerable to England. I gave her thanks for my despatch. She said she had an ambition to have the honour of making an alliance with the Protector herself before she quitted the Government, and that she might testify her respects to him, and therefore had gone as far as possibly she could; and indeed there is now very little difference, but only in words and expressions, from the sense and substance of what I first proposed. And I presume that what is here agreed by me will give good satisfaction and contentment to the Protector and Council, and I apprehend it clearly within my instructions; acknowledging the goodness of God to me in this business, where I met with so many difficulties, and of so great weight, that yet in a fortnight’s time it should be brought to a full conclusion, with honour and advantage to the Protector and present Government, for which I have taken all care.

“The articles are not yet drawn up, but I hope we shall sign them the next week, and presently after I intend to demand audience to take my leave and to remove from hence, and, as soon as I can, to come to Lübeck, and from thence to Hamburg; and I have by this post humbly desired my Lord Protector to appoint some of his ships to meet me at Hamburg as soon as they can, for my transportation from thence to England. And I humbly entreat your favour to put his Highness in mind of it, and that you will take care that the orders may be had, and the ships to come as soon as may be to the Elbe, to Hamburg, where I shall stay for them, or till I receive his Highness’s further commands; and I choose this way as the shortest, and where I shall meet with any despatches that may come from England. I presume you will be troubled with an importunate suitor for hastening my return.

“I received your letters of the 17th March, and the order of the Council concerning the Swedish ship, for which I return my humble thanks. The Queen, and the Chancellor and others here, were much satisfied with it. The Chancellor and his son have been very civil to me, and lately furthering my despatch. I hope the same goodness of God which hath hitherto brought me through this great business will give me a safe return to my dear country and friends, where I may have opportunity with thankfulness to acknowledge your constant favour and kindness to

“Your affectionate friend to serve you,

“B. W.

“Upsal, April 7th, 1654.”

April 8, 1654.

A masque at Court. The master of the ceremonies came to Whitelocke from the Queen, to desire his company this evening at a masque; and they had this discourse:—

Whitelocke. Present my thanks to her Majesty, and tell her I will wait upon her.

Precedence claimed by Denmark. Mast. Cer. What would your Excellence expect in matter of precedence, as in case you should meet with any other ambassador at the masque?

Wh. I shall expect that which belongs to me as Ambassador from the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland; and I know no other ambassador now in this Court besides myself, except the Ambassador of the King of Denmark, who, I suppose, hath no thoughts of precedence before the English Ambassador, who is resolved not to give it him if he should expect it.

Mast. Cer. Perhaps it may be insisted on, that he of Denmark is an ambassador of an anointed king, and you are only ambassador to the Protector—a new name, and not sacré.

Wh. Whosoever shall insist on that distinction will be mistaken, and I understand no difference of power between king and protector, or anointed or not anointed; and ambassadors are the same public ministers to a protector or commonwealth as to a prince or sultan.

Mast. Cer. There hath always been a difference observed between the public ministers of kings and of commonwealths, or princes of inferior titles.

Wh. The title of Protector, as to a sovereign title, hath not yet been determined in the world as to superiority or inferiority to other titles; but I am sure that the nation of England hath ever been determined superior to that of Denmark. I represent the nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Protector, who is chief of them; and the honour of these nations ought to be in the same consideration now as it hath been formerly, and I must not suffer any diminution of that honour by my person to please any whatsoever.

Mast. Cer. I shall propose an expedient to you, that you may take your places as you come: he who comes first, the first place, and he who comes last, the lower place.

Wh. I shall hardly take a place below the Danish Ambassador, though I come into the room after him.

Mast. Cer. But when you come into the room and find the Danish Ambassador set, you cannot help it, though he have the upper place.

Wh. I shall endeavour to help it, rather than sit below the Danish Ambassador.

Mast. Cer. I presume you will not use force in the Queen’s presence.

Wh. Master, it is impossible for me, if it were in the presence of all the queens and kings in Christendom, to forbear to use any means to hinder the dishonour of my nation in my person.

Mast. Cer. I believe the Danish Ambassador would not be so high as you are.

Wh. There is no reason why he should: he knows his nation never pretended to have the precedence of England, and you, being master of the ceremonies, cannot be ignorant of it.

Mast. Cer. I confess that your nation always had the precedence of Denmark when you were under a king.

Wh. I should never give it from them though they were under a constable.

Mast. Cer. If you insist upon it, the Danish Ambassador must be uninvited again, for I perceive that you two must not meet.

Wh. I suppose the gentleman would not expect precedence of me.

Mast. Cer. I can assure you he doth.

Wh. I can assure you he shall never have it, if I can help it. But I pray, Master, tell me whether her Majesty takes notice of this question of precedence, or did she wish to confer with me about it?

Mast. Cer. The Queen commanded me to speak with you about it, hoping that the question might be so composed that she might have the company of you both at her entertainment.

Wh. I shall stay at home rather than interrupt her Majesty’s pleasures, which I should do by meeting the Danish Ambassador, to whom I shall not give precedence, unless he be stronger than I.

Mast. Cer. The Queen makes this masque chiefly for your Excellence’s entertainment, therefore you must not be absent, but rather the Danish Ambassador must be uninvited; and I shall presently go about it.

Order on the Swedish ships. Whitelocke returned a visit to Grave Eric, and showed him the Order of the Council touching the Swedish ships, much in favour of them, and which seemed very pleasing to the Grave; but he also showed to Whitelocke several letters which he had received from masters of Swedish ships, of new complaints of taking of their ships; and he desired that the Order showed him by Whitelocke might be extended to those whose ships had been since taken; which Whitelocke promised to endeavour, and said that he should be in a better capacity to serve him, and to procure discharges for their ships and goods, when he should be himself in England; and therefore desired that, by his despatch, they would hasten him thither, which the Grave promised to do. At his going away, Grave Eric invited Whitelocke to dine with him on Monday next, and to come as a particular friend and brother, and not by a formal invitation as an ambassador. Whitelocke liked the freedom, and promised to wait on him; and was the more willing to come, that he might see the fashion of their entertainments, this being the first invitation that was made to him by any person in this country.

General Grave Wirtenberg visited Whitelocke. He is a Finlander by birth, of an ancient family, who had applied himself wholly to the military profession, wherein he became so eminent, and had done so great service for this Crown, that he was had in great esteem, especially with the soldiery. He was a Ricks-Senator, and one of the College of War, and at present had the charge of General of the Ordnance, which is of higher account here than in England, being next in command to the Generalissimo, and over the soldiery which belong not to the train, and is often employed as a general. This gentleman seemed worthy of his honour; he was of a low stature, somewhat corpulent, of a good mien, and plain behaviour, more in the military than courtly way. His discourse declared his reason and judgement to be very good, and his mention of anything relating to himself was full of modesty. He took great notice of the English navy and soldiery, and of the people’s inclinations and violent desires of liberty. He spake only Swedish and High Dutch, which caused Whitelocke to make use of an interpreter, his kinsman Andrew Potley.

The masque. In the evening, according to the invitation from the Queen, Whitelocke went to Court to the masque, where he did not find the Danish Ambassador. But some of the Court took notice of the discourse which had been between the master of the ceremonies and Whitelocke touching precedence, and they all approved Whitelocke’s resolution, and told him that the Queen highly commended him for it, and said that he was a stout and faithful servant to the Protector and to his nation, and that she should love him the better for it; nor was the contest the less pleasing because with the Dane in Sweden.

From eight o’clock at night till two the next morning they were at the masque, which was in the usual room fitted for the solemnity, in which the Queen herself was an actor. The floor where they danced was covered with tapestry and hung about with red velvet, but most adorned by the presence of a great number of ladies richly dressed and beautified both by nature and habit, attending on their mistress; and there were also many senators, officers, courtiers, and nobility,—a very great presence of spectators. The music was excellent, especially the violins, which were many, and rare musicians and fittest for that purpose. The Queen herself danced very well at two entries: in the first she represented a Moorish lady, in the second a citizen’s wife; in both the properties were exactly fitted, and in all the rest of the actors and dancers.

There were no speeches nor songs; men acting men’s parts, and women the women’s, with variety of representations and dances. The whole design was to show the vanity and folly of all professions and worldly things, lively represented by the exact properties and mute actions, genteelly, without the least offence or scandal.

It held two hours; and after the dances the Queen caused her chair to be brought near to Whitelocke, where she sat down and discoursed with him of the masque. He (according to his judgement) commended it and the inoffensiveness of it, and rare properties fitted to every representation, with the excellent performance of their parts by all, especially by the Moorish lady and citizen’s wife; at which the Queen smiled, and said she was glad he liked it. He replied, that any of his countrymen might have been present at it without any offence, and he thanked her Majesty for the honour she gave him to be present at it. The Queen said she perceived that Whitelocke understood what belonged to masques and the most curious part of them, the properties,—with much like discourse; after which she retired to her chamber, and Whitelocke to his lodging.

April 9, 1654.

Monsieur Bloome came to dine with Whitelocke, and to put him in mind of Grave Eric’s request to him to dine with him the next day. He also sent to invite Whitelocke’s two sons and Colonel Potley.

The Spanish Envoy departs with rich presents. In the afternoon Piementelle came to take his leave of Whitelocke, and said he intended to begin his journey the next morning. Whitelocke offered himself or his coaches and servants, to attend him out of town; but he said it was not the custom when a public minister departed from a place to use any ceremony, but to leave him to the liberty of ordering and taking his journey, but thanked Whitelocke for his favour.

Though it were the Lord’s Day, yet Piementelle fell into discourse of the last night’s masque, which he could not be present at publicly as formerly, because he had taken his leave of the Queen and Senators, yet, being desirous to see it, was admitted into the tiring-room; and he told Whitelocke that after the Queen had acted the Moorish lady and retired into that room to put off her disguise, Piementelle being there, she gave him her visor; in the mouth whereof was a diamond ring of great price, which shined and glistered gloriously by the torch and candle light as the Queen danced; this she bade Piementelle to keep till she called for it. Piementelle told her he wondered she would trust a jewel of that value in the hands of a soldier; she said she would bear the adventure of it. And when the masque was ended, Piementelle offered the ring again to the Queen, who told him that he had not kept it according to her commands, which were till she called for it, which she had not yet done, nor intended as long as she lived, but that he should keep it as a memorial of her favour. The Spaniard had cause to rest satisfied with the Queen’s answer and her real and bountiful compliment, the ring being worth ten thousand crowns, which he brought away with him, besides many other jewels and presents from the Queen of great value, not publicly known. He took leave of Whitelocke and of his sons, Colonel Potley, and the gentlemen, with great civility.

April 10, 1654.

Whitelocke dines with Grave Eric Oxenstiern. Between eleven and twelve o’clock, the usual dining-time here, Whitelocke, with his sons and Potley, attended only by two gentlemen, one page, and two lacqueys, went to Grave Eric’s lodging to dinner. His rooms were not stately nor richly furnished, but such as could be had in that place. The outer room for servants was like a little hall; within that was a larger room, narrow and long, where they dined; within that was a smaller room hung with tapestry, used for a withdrawing-room: all below stairs, which is not usual in these parts.

Grave Eric met Whitelocke at the door of the lodging; in the dining-room was his father the Chancellor, and divers friends with him. The father and son went in with Whitelocke to the withdrawing-room, where, after a quarter of an hour’s discourse, they were called to dinner, the meat being on the table; then a huge massy basin and ewer of silver gilt was brought for them to wash—some of the good booties met with in Germany. After washing, one of the pages (after their manner) said grace in Swedish.

The table was long and narrow; in the middle of it, on the further side, under a canopy of velvet, were set two great chairs: Whitelocke sat in the right-hand chair, and Woolfeldt in the other, on his left-hand. On the other side of the table, over against these, were set two other like great chairs; in the right-hand chair sat the Ricks-Droitset, and in the left-hand chair the Chancellor. By Whitelocke sat Grave Gabriel Oxenstiern and Senator Vanderlin in lesser chairs, and by Woolfeldt sat Whitelocke’s sons and Potley. On the other side, in lesser chairs, by the Droitset, sat the Senators Beilke and Bundt the younger; by the Chancellor sat Senator Bundt the elder and Baron Douglas; at the upper end of the table sat Grave Eric, and at the lower end stood the carver. The dishes were all silver, not great, but many, set one upon another, and filled with the best meat and most variety that the country did afford; and indeed the entertainment was very noble—they had four several courses of their best meat, and fish and fowl, dressed after the French mode.

They had excellent Rhenish wine, and indifferent good sack and claret; their beer very thick and strong, after the manner of the country. When the four courses were done, they took off the meat and tablecloth, and under it was another clean cloth; then they brought clean napkins and plates to every one, and set a full banquet on the table, and, as part thereof, tobacco and pipes, which they set before Whitelocke as a special respect to him, and he and two or three more of the company took of it as they sat at table; and they so civilly complied with Whitelocke as not to observe their own customs, but abstaining from healths or any excess.

They all sat bare at the table, according to their usage, chiefly (though no occasion were for it at this time) to avoid the trouble of often putting off and on their hats and caps in healths. They were full of good discourse, more cheerful than serious. Most at the table spake or understood somewhat of English, for which reason they were chosen to accompany Whitelocke here, as a compliment to his nation; they discoursed also in several other languages, as Swedish, High Dutch, French, and Latin.

After dinner, which was very long, they sat yet longer at the table, Whitelocke expecting when they would rise; till Douglas informed him, that he being the guest, and an ambassador, they used it as a respect to him, that none of the company would offer to rise till he first arose from the table. As soon as this was known to Whitelocke, he presently rose and the rest with him, and the Chancellor and he retired into the withdrawing-room; where, after compliments and thanks for his noble treatment (which it was said the father made, though put out in the son’s name, and was full of respect and magnificence), Whitelocke exchanges his full powers. Whitelocke thought fit to show to the Chancellor his powers to treat, and they had conference to this effect.

Whitelocke. Father, if you please to peruse this writing, you will be satisfied that the Protector, since the late change of Government in England, hath thought me worthy to be trusted and furnished with sufficient power as to this treaty.

Chancellor. My dear son, this is very full, and a large testimony of the good opinion your master hath of you. All your powers and the originals of your commissions (according to custom) are to be left with us, to be registered in our Chancery.

Wh. I suppose you will also deliver to me the originals of your powers, to be enrolled (according to the English custom also) in our Chancery.

Chan. That shall be done.

Wh. The like shall be done on my part; and the Protector will be ready to do whatever shall be judged further necessary for the ratifying of this business.

Chan. It will be requisite that you let me have in Latin your instructions from the Protector.

Wh. I shall cause it to be done, except such part of them as are secret.

Chan. That which is to be reserved in secresy I desire not to see; there will be sufficient besides to show your powers.

Wh. They will fully appear.

Chan. I should counsel you, before your departure out of this kingdom, to make a visit to the Prince of Sweden; he will take it in good part, and it will testify a respect of the Protector to him, and render the alliance the more firm.

Wh. It is my purpose to visit the Prince; not that I am in doubt of the validity of the treaty made with the Queen, unless the Prince approve of it, but, as you advise, to show the respect of the Protector to his Kingly Highness, and to acquit myself of a due civility.

Chan. It will be fit for you to do it; and I shall advise you, at your return home, to put the Protector in mind of some particulars which, in my judgement, require his special care.

Wh. I shall faithfully do it, and I know they will be received with much the more regard coming from you: I pray do me the favour to let me know them.

Oxenstiern’s advice to Cromwell. Chan. I would counsel the Protector to take heed of those dangerous opinions in matters of religion which daily increase among you, and, if not prevented and curbed, will cause new troubles, they never resting till themselves may domineer in chief.

Wh. Will not the best way to curb them be to slight them, and so they will fall of themselves?

Chan. I doubt they have taken too much root to fall so easily; but if they be not countenanced with preferments, they will the sooner wither and decay.

Wh. That will surely lessen them.

Chan. The Protector must also be careful to provide money and employment for his soldiers, else he will hardly keep them in order.

Wh. That is very requisite; and for money there is good provision already made.

Chan. He must likewise be watchful of the King’s party, who will be busy at work, especially upon the new change.

Wh. The care thereof is the life of our affairs, and his Highness is most vigilant.

Chan. It behoves him to be so, for they that could not vanquish him by arms will endeavour to do it by craft and treachery of your own party, which you must look to.

Wh. He hath good intelligence of their plots.

Chan. It will also be prudence in him to let the people see that he intends not to rule them with an iron sceptre, nor to govern them by an army, but to give them such a liberty and enjoyment of the benefit of their laws that the continuance of his government may become their interest, and that they may have no cause to desire a change; else, though they must bear the yoke for a time, yet as soon as they meet with an opportunity they will shake it off again.

Wh. This is counsel proper to come from such a mind and judgement as yours is, and I shall not fail to report it to his Highness; and your Excellence hath rightly stated the disposition of my countrymen, who love peace and liberty, and will hardly brook slavery longer than they are forced to it by necessity; and the best way to govern them is to let them enjoy their laws and rights, which will rule them better than an iron sceptre.

Chan. It is the disposition of all generous and free people, as the English are, whom I truly respect, and him that is their head, that gallant person the Protector.

They had much other discourse; and after being together till six o’clock, the father and son, and the Chancellor and Whitelocke, called one another, and all the company parted.

April 11, 1654.

The Queen proposes a secret article. The Chancellor had promised to procure Whitelocke his despatch in a few days. He sent Canterstein to communicate to him the articles drawn in form, with the amendments, to see if there were any mistake in them. Whitelocke and the secretary perused them together, and agreed on all except two or three points, in which was some small difference; and Canterstein promised to hasten the engrossing of them.

Many strangers dining with Whitelocke made him the later in his visit to the Queen, to take his leave of her Majesty before her intended journey to see her mother. She promised Whitelocke that during her absence she would leave order with the Chancellor and his son to conclude the treaty, and at her return she would do what belonged to her for the speedy despatch of Whitelocke, to his contentment. She promised also to give order to her Chancellor about the business of Guinea, whereof they had much discourse.

She was pleased to propound to Whitelocke a secret article to be between her and the Protector, and not to be in the treaty between her Commissioners and Whitelocke, nor to be known to any of them. She said, that if it might be done, she should take it in very good part; but if Whitelocke thought it not likely to be done, then she would think no more of it. She said the substance of what she desired was that it might be agreed, by a particular article between the Protector and her, that in case those here should not perform what they promised to her upon her resignation of the government, that then it should be in the power of the Protector to break the treaty now made, and not to be bound by it.

Whitelocke was much troubled at this proposal, and upon a great difficulty in it—that if he should deny it, the Queen might be distasted and break off from his treaty; and to consent to it he had no commission, nor held it reasonable; but he told the Queen that it was a matter of great weight, deserving her Majesty’s serious thoughts what to do in it. He said he had no instructions upon any such article as this, nor could agree to it; but if her Majesty pleased to have such an article drawn up, and to sign it herself and send it to the Protector, he promised to use his best interest to persuade his Highness to a consent thereunto, and to sign it at Whitelocke’s return to England, and so to return it to her Majesty.

She said that Woolfeldt should confer with Whitelocke about the drawing up of such an article, whom she would trust in it, but not any of the Swedes, because it might concern them, and occasion prejudice to them. Whitelocke agreed that Woolfeldt was a fit person to be trusted in this business, and one with whom he should willingly confer about any service for her Majesty; that he believed something might be done herein to the Queen’s advantage, but whether in this way of a secret article, and as part of the treaty, he doubted, lest thereby offence might be given, and the treaty thereby, as to both parts, be weakened. The Queen replied that it would keep those here in some fear lest if they should break with her, that then the Protector would not keep the treaty with them.

Whitelocke thought it best to be at some reserve in this article of secresy, not wholly to dissuade the Queen from it, lest she might be distasted. He saw advantage to the Protector to have it put into his power to break the treaty upon this occasion; but he doubted the honour and clearness of it, and therefore he judged it best to say the less at this time. Only he observed what a condition the Queen had brought her affairs unto when she thought not fit to trust any of her countrymen in this business; and before her resignation she distrusted the performance of the conditions of it towards herself, and therefore would have this secret article as a bridle to them. But as she distrusted her own party, so she testified great confidence in the Protector and in Whitelocke, to whom she propounded this secret article of so much concernment to her.

Whitelocke persuaded her Majesty to appoint faithful persons to order her revenue for her, and not to stay long here after her resignation, because she would then find a great difference in the carriage of persons to her. She said she had taken care about her revenue as he had advised her, and that she would be gone out of Sweden presently after her resignation; that she expected the alteration of men’s carriages towards her after it, but it would not trouble her; that the world was of such a condition, that nothing of respect was to be looked for but where advantage was hoped for by it. She never esteemed the fawnings of men for their own ends, but her own private contentment and satisfaction.

Whitelocke sent his son James and his secretary (Earle) to Canterstein with a copy of the form which Whitelocke intended to follow in the instrument intended to be delivered by him, where he put the Protector’s name first, and some other small variations, as usage required; wherewith Canterstein promised to acquaint the Chancellor and to return an answer.

Whitelocke employed his son for his experience to be gained in these affairs.

April 12, 1654.

Woolfeldt opposes the secret article. Mr. Woolfeldt having done Whitelocke the favour to dine with him, they retired and discoursed privately to this effect:—

Woolfeldt. The Queen was pleased the last night to send for me, and to communicate to me the matter of a secret article which, she said, she had before imparted to you.

Whitelocke. What is your opinion of such an article?

Woolf. Truly, I dissuaded her from it, as not convenient, in my poor opinion, for either party.

Wh. I know your judgement is grounded upon solid reason.

Woolf. My reasons are, because this article is to be kept secret, and to be added as a part of the treaty by her Majesty without the knowledge of those here, which, when it shall come to be known, will give them the more cause of objection and hatred against her for it, and expose her to more inconveniences than it can bring advantage to her; and therefore I thought it better for her Majesty to forbear it.

Wh. Your reasons were the true ones: was her Majesty convinced by them?

Woolf. She seemed to make more doubt of it than at first, but told me that you were not much against it, and desired to confer with me about it while she was out of town, and she wished me to prepare something against her return.

Wh. As I told her Majesty, I can consent to nothing in this point, having no instructions in any matter of this nature, as you will easily believe; but if her Majesty shall think fit to have anything drawn up by way of a secret article, all that I can do will be to present it to the Protector at my return home, and I know he will be as ready as any person to show respect to the Queen; but what he will do as to a consent in this particular I cannot tell, but am doubtful lest it may be apprehended as a weakening of the treaty and alliance.

Woolf. That is a great and true objection against it; and, in my opinion, it would be better for the Queen to write a letter to the Protector in general compliment, and in it to desire him to be a friend to her, and to give her his assistance upon any occasion that may fall out concerning her; and this letter may be sent by you, and delivered by your hand to the Protector, when you may acquaint him with anything further or more particularly relating to her Majesty.

Wh. I think this will be much the better way; and if such a letter be sent by me, I hope I shall be able to procure such an answer, or, upon any occasion, such a return as will be to the contentment of her Majesty. But in case the Queen should sign such an article, and then the Protector should not approve it, it would distaste the Queen and her friends, and she would be censured to have done too low an act in it.

Woolf. I had yesterday a long discourse with the Chancellor about your affairs of England, and particularly of your fleet now at sea—what should be the design of having so strong a fleet at sea, the sea-war between you and your enemies being reported at an end, and peace concluded; and whether your design might be for France or Spain or Portugal.

Wh. Or for the defence of England.

Woolf. He was much amused about it.

Wh. I hope that was not lessened by you.

Woolf. No indeed; I endeavoured to amuse him more, and told him, that for France, England did not care to have it; it would be but a charge and no benefit to them, and embroil them in a long chargeable war.

Wh. England hath had experience thereof formerly when they were masters of France, and many of us think our own country as good as France.

Woolf. I am of that opinion; and I told him there was as little probability for any design against Spain because of its distance, and little advantage to England by a war with them.

Wh. I hope you commended a kingdom called Denmark?

Woolf. I first told him that for Portugal or the Indies the like objections were against any design for them; but as for Denmark, I told him that England had just cause to make war upon that king, and that it would be no hard business to gain upon him; and the advantage of traffic made me think that to be the most probable design of any other to be intended by this great fleet of England, wherein it is most likely for you to gain advantage to your Commonwealth and to give offence to none, having a just cause of quarrel against him.

Wh. Your brother the King of Denmark hath given cause indeed to be visited.

Woolf. I shall inform you of one thing, of which you may now make advantage. Your King James made a treaty with the last King of Denmark concerning the Isles of the Orcades, which were claimed by the Dane as part of their territories; and after the death of King James and our last King, that then, upon payment of £13,000 by the Dane, he should have the Orcades again. Now both these kings being dead, according to that treaty it is in the liberty of the King of Denmark to redeem those islands; and it would be good for you, in the treaty with that Crown, who would be included in your treaty with the Hollanders, to have a clause for the present King of Denmark to quit his pretences to the Orcades upon the treaty with King James.

Wh. This is a very material thing, and I shall not fail to do somewhat in it, if I can return to England time enough; and I thank you for putting me in mind of it.

Discussion on the Guinea settlements. Grave Eric came to Whitelocke, who had much discourse with him touching Guinea, and the injuries done by the Swedes to the English there.

Grave Eric. One of the principal persons of the Swedish plantation there is now in this country, and complains of injuries done by the English to the Swedes there. I think it may be fit to hear both the complaints of the one and of the other part, and thereupon to come to some agreement upon the whole matter.

Whitelocke. I have here many examinations taken upon oath concerning this matter.

Gr. Eric. Those complaints ought to be determined by the King of that country, who sold the lands to the planters, and can resolve all differences about that matter.

Wh. I believe that the complaints of this nature are properly to be made to the Queen, whose subjects are concerned in them, and they are always under her rule.

Gr. Eric. The Queen will make no difficulty to do justice in this case, and I hope that the Protector will do the like.

Wh. You need not at all to doubt it.

Gr. Eric. This messenger, now come to me, hath brought me letters from the Queen, in which there is mention of this business.

Wh. Why may not an article touching Guinea be inserted with the rest?

Gr. Eric. That will not be convenient, because the articles are entirely concluded and engrossed on our part; and this of Guinea is but a particular business, which till now came not under consideration, nor hath been examined, and it will be better to have an article by itself upon this subject.

Wh. I am satisfied with your reason, and think this way will be no disadvantage to the merchants of either nation. I desire an addition to the article touching passports, that none shall do anything contrary to the letters of passport.

Gr. Eric. I cannot consent to that, for it will render the whole article fruitless in both parts; and there is another article, that in case any shall act anything in prejudice of the treaty, he shall be punished.

In consideration of this article, and in regard that the agreement touching the form of passports was remitted to something to be done therein afterwards, and he found Eric stiff against any alteration, Whitelocke did not think it material to insist further upon it. As to that which Whitelocke desired to the last article of ratification, that the words “vel successoribus suis” might be omitted, Eric said he would consent thereunto if he found it material, and desired the business might be finished; and he desired Whitelocke to excuse a little small delay at present by his absence for a few days, he being necessitated to go out of town tomorrow, but at his return all should be concluded; and as soon as the Queen came back, the whole business should be finished, which had been done before, but by reason of the Queen’s unexpected journey.

April 13, 1654.

Whitelocke confers with the Chancellor, and invites him to dinner. In the morning the Chancellor came to Whitelocke and staid with him near three hours. They had much debate touching Guinea, to the like effect as before with his son; they had also debate about the amendments which Whitelocke had desired might be inserted in the articles, chiefly that touching passports, to which the Chancellor would by no means agree. He likewise said to Whitelocke:—

Chancellor. The Queen caused the articles to be copied out, to the end (as I believe) to communicate them to the Prince, which will be for the greater validity of the treaty and alliance.

Whitelocke. I am glad her Majesty is pleased to take the advice of the Prince in this business, and am willing to promise myself that nothing is contained in the articles which he will not approve.

Chan. I believe the same.

Wh. This might be the occasion that my business was not finished before her Majesty’s going out of town.

Chan. I myself am also going into the country, and come now to take my leave of you.

Wh. I hope you will return before her Majesty.

Chan. I purpose to stay abroad but four or five days; and I find that frequent exercise and change of air tendeth very much to the improving of my health.

Wh. I do heartily wish your health, and hope that the Queen and you will shortly be in town again, and that then my business will be finished.

Chan. There is no doubt but that your business will be despatched within a very few days after the Queen’s return.

They had much other discourse touching the affairs of England, in which the Chancellor testified much respect to England and to the Protector.

Whitelocke invited the Chancellor to dinner to his house, but he excused himself, alleging that his age and infirmities would not permit him to take a meal out of his own house, or at the houses of some of his children, where he might enjoy the same liberty as at his own house. Whitelocke told him that he should have the same liberty at his house, who was one of his sons, as he could take at the houses of any other of his children; but the Chancellor earnestly desired to be excused, and Whitelocke thought not fit further to importune him, but desired him to hasten his return hither, which he promised to do.

Whitelocke received his letters from England, and in that from Thurloe he writes:—

Letters from Thurloe. “There hath been consideration taken of your return home, but the issue of the treaty with the Dutch not being yet known, his Highness’s resolutions as to your return are deferred until the next; the difficulty of that business lies in the article relating to the Danes, etc. All things else remain as they did by my last, so that your Excellence will be saved this week the labour of reading my long letter. This day we have a fast for the great drought.

“My Lady was here with me to hasten your return, wherein I should be glad to be instrumental. I pray God preserve your Excellence, and bless the affairs under your hand. I am,

“Your Excellence’s humble servant,

“Jo. Thurloe.

“March 24th, 1653.

“I saw a letter to his Highness from Upsal, wherein some expressions were used as if your Excellence were like to be removed from the Seal. His Highness commanded me to assure you that there are no such intentions, but much the contrary, whereof your Excellence will have real demonstrations upon all occasions.”

April 14, 1654.

Passport given to a Swedish ship. Grave Eric desired Whitelocke to give a passport to a Swedish ship bound from Stockholm to Portugal. The Chancellor requested the same, and both father and son engaged to Whitelocke that there was nothing aboard the vessel, nor any design in her voyage, against England; that she was freighted for Portugal only, and that they should esteem the favour as done to themselves, because they had a share in the goods on board this ship. Whitelocke, though he were hardly persuaded to give his passports to Swedish ships or to any other, yet considering the time when this was desired, and the persons desiring it, he thought not fit to deny it, but gave it in this form.130

Whitelocke gave an account in his letters this day to Thurloe of all passages of moment since his last, and wrote further:—

Letters to Thurloe. “My letters, I confess, have been tedious heretofore, but I ask your pardon, and do hope that my business is now at such a period that I shall not have occasion to trouble you with the like.

“There is little to do here at this time; almost all the great lords and courtiers are gone out of town, so that here is a lamentable silent place. I shall be heartily glad to receive my Lord’s order to authorize my return; but my business being now ended, I presume I may expect his pleasure at any other place. I purpose to visit the Queen-mother and the Prince of Sweden, because other ambassadors have done it, and I have been particularly invited to it. I think it will be a respect from my Lord Protector which they will take very kindly, and may be some strength to the alliance, and is not the less requisite for me, because our enemies report that none but mechanics are of our party; but since our being here the Swedes acknowledge the contrary.

“I hope within two or three weeks to be at sea, and that my God, who hath hitherto been so good to me, will give me a safe return to my Lord and to my native country, to whom I wish all prosperity.

“Your affectionate friend to serve you,

“B. W.

“Upsal, 14th April, 1654.

“I hope you will pardon the importunity of my wife’s solicitation, being for my return. I have been informed this week that some Holland ships are loading here with ordnance and other provisions of war. I hope his Highness hath been pleased to give order for two or three ships to be at Hamburg for my transportation into England, and therein I entreat your favour.

“B. W.”

In this letter Whitelocke also gave advice, what he had been informed touching the treaty between King James and the last King of Denmark concerning the Orcades, with his humble opinion what was fit to be done in that business, upon the comprehension of the Dane in the Dutch treaty, yet nothing was done therein; however, Whitelocke was satisfied in the acquittal of himself to have done his duty.

Upon the earnest request of some Scots and English gentlemen on the behalf of Colonel Halsall, now in this town, Whitelocke gave him this pass.131

April 15, 1654.

Excursion with the French Resident. The Resident of France having desired Whitelocke that when he went abroad to take the air he would give him leave to accompany him, Whitelocke sent to him, this fair day inviting and leisure not hindering it. They went together in Whitelocke’s coach to a wood, about an English mile from Upsal, full of pines, fir-trees, and juniper, and very fair and pleasant walks in it. The beauty of the day and place had also invited thither at this time the Ambassador of Denmark and the Holland Resident, who, perceiving Whitelocke’s coaches and company, crossed out of the way where they were, and betook themselves to another walk; but Whitelocke kept on in his, and with the French Resident had much general discourse, but little of matters of state, because they could not trust one the other; yet Whitelocke learnt from him the condition of several persons in principal credit in the Court of France, and the way of their management of affairs. This gentleman was very civil and courteous and good company, desiring the conversation of Whitelocke, which he afforded him both going abroad and in his house, to which the Resident did him the favour to be no stranger.

Whitelocke told him he purposed to go by Nordköping, and by the way to visit the Queen-mother and the Prince, and to have his ship meet him there. The Resident said the ship could not easily come to Nordköping, being no good harbour; but his best way would be to go from thence to Calmar, and his ship to meet him there, the haven being open and the ship may come near the town; and that Nordköping was the midway between Stockholm and Calmar, and the ship might be as soon at Calmar as at Nordköping; that the passage to Lübeck was much easier from Calmar than from Nordköping, and with a good wind might be made from Calmar in two days. But hereof Whitelocke intended to have the advice of some Swedes.

April 16, 1654.

Great wealth of the Oxenstiern family. Monsieur Bloome this Lord’s Day dined with Whitelocke, and told him that the Chancellor had left him in town to keep Whitelocke company in the absence of the Chancellor, and to assure him that the Chancellor would return again in a very few days. Whitelocke made much of him, and had good informations from him. He said that Grave John Oxenstiern, the Chancellor’s eldest son, had at that time, whilst his father was alive, above £20,000 sterling of yearly revenue, which he had from his father and by his wife, an inheritrix; and that Grave Eric, the second son, had in his father’s lifetime near £10,000 sterling of yearly revenue, besides what both of them might expect from their father: and therefore both father and sons might, as they did, live in great state and with attendance of much port and ceremony.

Grave Leonhough bestowed a visit on Whitelocke. He is a senator and one of the College of War, a person of great esteem and good parts; his conversation was full of civility; his discourse (in French) was rational, and for the most part upon matter of war, history, and the mathematics. In his company was an officer, his brother-in-law, who had served the King of Portugal in his late wars, and was a civil person, and seemed a gallant man. This Grave had been long bred up in the wars, and was now a Major-General; and his discourse showed him to be knowing and modest. He demanded of Whitelocke many questions touching the affairs of England, and particularly of the late civil dissensions there, and had a full account thereof from Whitelocke, by which he seemed to receive much satisfaction, and acknowledged that he had not heard the truth before, and that this relation justified the proceedings of the Parliament. He spake nothing to Whitelocke touching his business of the treaty, nor did Whitelocke mention it to this Grave, whom he never saw before, and because it was a day for other duties.

April 17, 1654.

A serenade to Whitelocke. Upsal being very empty, by the absence of the Queen and all the great Lords, who were retired to their country-houses, but most of them to Stockholm, it was given out that her Majesty would not return to this place, but remain at Stockholm, and that the General Assembly should be held there; which was not believed by Whitelocke, because the Queen had assured him that she would return to Upsal within eight or ten days, and she never brake her word with him.

Her absence, and the leisure which they had thereby, gave opportunity to some of her musicians (Italians and Germans) to pass a compliment on Whitelocke, to come to his house, and with great ceremony to entertain him with their vocal and instrumental music, which was excellent good; and they played many lessons of English composition, which the gentlemen who were musical of Whitelocke’s family brought forth unto them.

April 18, 1654.

The Swedish army. Whitelocke returned a visit to the Grave Leonhough, whose lodgings were but mean, such as the town would afford, but his treatment was with great civility. Amongst other discourse he inquired touching the discipline of war and ordering the soldiery in England, who, he said, must be well paid, or else they could not be kept in good order. Whitelocke acknowledged that to be very true, and said that in England special care was taken for the constant and due pay of the armies much beyond other countries, by which means they were kept in the best and strictest discipline of any armies in the world; that violence or plunder, contrary to the articles of war, was severely punished.

The Grave acquainted Whitelocke that he was to go out of town the next day to a general muster, about four leagues from hence, within the province where he had the government; which occasioned Whitelocke to inquire of him, and to be informed that this was the standing militia of the country, and that the manner of it was thus:—

The whole militia of Sweden in the country, besides the standing forces of their armies in service, doth consist of 50,000 horse and foot, whereof 12,000 horse and 38,000 foot in the several provinces are constantly in a readiness to be drawn forth in fourteen days’ time. In Sweden are about 5000 horse and 20,000 foot, and in Finland and the other provinces about 8000 horse and 20,000 foot: in all, above 50,000. That the Crown is not at any charge for the pay of these militia forces, unless they are drawn forth into actual service, and then they are paid as their other army forces are, which is not very much or constant; but when they are in an enemy’s country they live upon the country, and take contribution, if not plunder; and somewhat is allowed them by the Crown, as so much in money (which is a very small proportion) and such a weekly quantity of bread, butter, and cheese for every foot-soldier, and a like proportion for the horsemen; whose charge may be guessed at by that of their officers, of whom it was affirmed that the allowance to a captain of horse was his stove and his stable, and twenty rix-dollars a year. His stove they call his fire, candle, and entertainment for himself; his stable, that is horse-meat, and room, and shoeing; and for himself from the Crown (besides what he gets from the country) but twenty rix-dollars a year, with the like proportion for other officers and soldiers.