Volume 15 / Part 3 / Book 3 — CHAPTER I.

TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW ZEALAND.

SECTION I.

Various Preparations for the Voyage.--Omais Behaviour on embarking.--Observations for determining the Longitude of Sheerness, and the North Foreland.--Passage of the Resolution from Deptford to Plymouth.--Employments there.--Complements of the Crews of both Ships, and Names of the Officers.--Observations to fix the Longitude of Plymouth.--Departure of the Resolution.

Having, on the 9th day of February, 1776, received a commission to command his majesty's sloop the Resolution, I went on board the next day, hoisted the pendant, and began to enter men. At the same time, the Discovery, of three hundred tons burthen, was purchased into the service, and the command of her given to Captain Clerke, who had been my second lieutenant on board the Resolution, in my second voyage round the world, from which we had lately returned.

These two ships were, at this time, in the dock at Deptford, under the hands of the shipwrights; being ordered to be equipped to make farther discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, under my direction.

On the 9th of March, the Resolution was hauled out of dock into the river; where we completed her rigging, and took on board the stores and provisions requisite for a voyage of such duration. Both ships, indeed, were supplied with as much of every necessary article as we could conveniently stow, and with the best of every kind that could be procured. And, besides this, every thing that had been found, by the experience acquired during our former extensive voyages, to be of any utility in preserving the health of seamen, was supplied in abundance.

It was our intention to have sailed to Long Reach on the 6th of May, when a pilot came on board to carry us thither; but it was the 29th before the wind would permit us to move, and the 30th before we arrived at that station, where our artillery, powder, shot, and other ordnance stores were received.

While we lay in Long Reach, thus employed, the Earl of Sandwich, Sir Hugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty, as the last mark of the very great attention they had all along shewn to this equipment, paid us a visit on the 8th of June, to examine whether every thing had been completed conformably to their intentions and orders, and to the satisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage. They, and several other noblemen and gentlemen their friends, honoured me with their company at dinner on that day; and, on their coming on board, and also on their going ashore, we saluted them with seventeen guns, and three cheers.

With the benevolent view of conveying some permanent benefit to the inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands in the Pacific Ocean, whom we might happen to visit, his majesty having commanded some useful animals to be carried out, we took on board, on the 10th, a bull, two cows with their calves, and some sheep, with hay and corn for their subsistence; intending to add to these other useful animals, when I should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope.

I was also, from the same laudable motives, furnished with a sufficient quantity of such of our European garden-seeds, as could not fail to be a valuable present to our newly discovered islands, by adding fresh supplies of food to their own vegetable productions.

Many other articles, calculated to improve the condition of our friends in the other hemisphere in various ways, were, at the same time, delivered to us by order of the Board of Admiralty. And both ships were provided with a proper assortment of iron tools and trinkets, as the means of enabling us to traffic, and to cultivate a friendly intercourse with the inhabitants of such new countries as we might be fortunate enough to meet with.

The same humane attention was extended to our own wants. Some additional clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was ordered for our crews; and nothing was denied to us that could be supposed in the least conducive to health, or even to convenience.

Nor did the extraordinary care of those at the head of the naval department stop here. They were equally solicitous to afford us every assistance towards rendering our voyage of public utility. Accordingly, we received on board, next day, several astronomical and nautical instruments, which the Board of Longitude entrusted to me, and to Mr King, my second lieutenant; we having engaged to that board to make all the necessary observations, during the voyage, for the improvement of astronomy and navigation; and, by our joint labours, to supply the place of a professed observator. Such a person had been originally intended to be sent out in my ship.

The board, likewise, put into our possession the same watch, or time-keeper, which I had carried out in my last voyage, and had performed its part so well. It was a copy of Mr Harrison's, constructed by Mr Kendall. This day, at noon, it was found to be too slow for mean time at Greenwich, by 3' 31" 89; and by its rate of going, it lost, on mean time, 1", 209 per day.

Another time-keeper, and the same number and sort of instruments for making observations, were put on board the Discovery, under the care of Mr William Bayly; who, having already given satisfactory proofs of his skill and diligence as an observator, while employed in Captain Furneaux's ship, during the late voyage, was engaged a second time, in that capacity, to embark with Captain Clerke.

Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who, to skill in his immediate profession, added great proficiency in natural history, was as willing as he was well qualified, to describe every thing in that branch of science which should occur worthy of notice. As he had already visited the South Sea islands in the same ship, and been of singular service, by enabling me to enrich my relation of that voyage with various useful remarks on men and things,[67] I reasonably expected to derive considerable assistance from him, in recording our new proceedings.

[Footnote 67: The very copious vocabulary of the language of Otaheite, and the comparative specimen of the languages of the several other islands visited during the former voyage, and published in Captain Cook's account of it, were furnished by Mr Anderson.--D.]

I had several young men amongst my sea-officers, who, under my direction, could be usefully employed in constructing charts, in taking views of the coasts and headlands near which we should pass, and in drawing plans of the bays and harbours in which we should anchor. A constant attention to this I knew to be highly requisite, if we would render our discoveries profitable to future navigators.

And that we might go out with every help that could serve to make the result of our voyage entertaining to the generality of readers, as well as instructive to the sailor and scholar, Mr Webber was pitched upon, and engaged to embark with me, for the express purpose of supplying the unavoidable imperfections of written accounts, by enabling us to preserve, and to bring home, such drawings of the most memorable scenes of our transactions, as could only be executed by a professed and skilful artist.

Every preparation being now completed, I received an order to proceed to Plymouth, and to take the Discovery under my command. I accordingly gave Captain Clerke two orders, one to put himself under my command, and the other, to carry his ship round to Plymouth.

On the 15th the Resolution sailed from Long Reach, with the Discovery in company, and the same evening they anchored at the Nore. Next day the Discovery proceeded, in obedience to my order; but the Resolution was ordered to remain at the Nore till I should join her, being at this time in London.

As we were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Islands in our way to the intended scene of our fresh operations, it had been determined not to omit this opportunity (the only one ever likely to happen) of carrying Omai back to his native country. Accordingly, every thing being ready for our departure, he and I set out together from London on the 24th, at six o'clock in the morning. We reached Chatham, between ten and eleven o'clock; and, after dining with Commissioner Proby, he very obligingly ordered his yacht to carry us to Sheerness, where my boat was waiting to take us on board.

Omai left London with a mixture of regret and satisfaction. When we talked about England, and about those who, during his stay, had honoured him with their protection or friendship, I could observe that his spirits were sensibly affected, and that it was with difficulty he could refrain from tears. But the instant the conversation turned to his own islands, his eyes began to sparkle with joy. He was deeply impressed with a sense of the good treatment he had met with in England, and entertained the highest ideas of the country and of the people; but the pleasing prospect he now had before him of returning home, loaded with what he well knew would be esteemed invaluable treasures there, and the flattering hope which the possession of these gave him, of attaining to a distinguished superiority amongst his countrymen, were considerations which operated, by degrees, to suppress every uneasy sensation; and he seemed to be quite happy when he got on board the ship.

He was furnished by his majesty with an ample provision of every article which, during our intercourse with his country, we had observed to be in any estimation there, either as useful or as ornamental. He had, besides, received many presents of the same nature from Lord Sandwich, Sir Joseph Banks, and several other gentlemen and ladies of his acquaintance. In short, every method had been employed, both during his abode in England, and at his departure, to make him the instrument of conveying to the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, the most exalted opinion of the greatness and generosity of the British nation.

While the Resolution lay at the Nore, Mr King made several observations for finding the longitude by the watch. The mean of them all gave 0° 44' 0" for the longitude of the ship. This, reduced to Sheerness, by the bearing and estimated distance, will make that place to be 0° 37' 0" E. of Greenwich, which is more by seven miles than Mr Lyons made it by the watch which Lord Mulgrave had with him, on his voyage toward the North Pole. Whoever knows any thing of the distance between Sheerness and Greenwich, will be a judge which of these two observations is nearest the truth.

The variation of the needle here, by a mean of different sets, taken with different compasses, was 20° 37' W.

On the 25th, about noon, we weighed anchor, and made sail for the Downs through the Queen's Channel, with a gentle breeze at N.W. by W. At nine in the evening we anchored, with the North Foreland bearing S. by E. and Margate Point S.W. by S.

Next morning, at two o'clock, we weighed and stood round the Foreland; and when it bore north by the compass, the watch gave 1° 24' E. longitude, which, reduced to the Foreland, will be 1° 21' E. Lunar observations made the preceding evening, fixed it at 1° 20' E. At eight o'clock the same morning we anchored in the Downs. Two boats had been built for us at Deal, and I immediately sent on shore for them. I was told that many people had assembled there to see Omai, but, to their great disappointment, he did not land.

Having received the boats on board, and a light breeze at S.S.E. springing up, we got under sail the next day at two o'clock in the afternoon; but the breeze soon died away, and we were obliged to anchor again till ten o'clock at night. We then weighed with the wind at E. and proceeded down the Channel.

On the 30th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we anchored in Plymouth Sound, where the Discovery had arrived only three days before. I saluted Admiral Amherst, whose flag was flying on board the Ocean, with thirteen guns, and he returned the compliment with eleven.

It was the first object of our care on arriving at Plymouth, to replace the water and provisions that we had expended, and to receive on board a supply of port wine. This was the employment which occupied us on the 1st and 2d of July.

During our stay here, the crews were served with fresh beef every day. And I should not do justice to Mr Ommanney, the agent victualler, if I did not take this opportunity to mention, that he shewed a very obliging readiness to furnish me with the best of every thing that lay within his department. I had been under the like obligations to him on my setting out upon my last voyage. Commissioner Ourry, with equal zeal for the service, gave us every assistance that we wanted from the naval yard.

It could not but occur to us as a singular and affecting circumstance, that at the very instant of our departure upon a voyage, the object of which was to benefit Europe by making fresh discoveries in North America, there should be the unhappy necessity of employing others of his majesty's ships, and of conveying numerous bodies of land forces to secure the obedience of those parts of that continent which had been discovered and settled by our countrymen in the last century. On the 6th his majesty's ships Diamond, Ambuscade, and Unicorn, with a fleet of transports, consisting of sixty-two sail, bound to America, with the last division of the Hessian troops, and some horse, were forced into the Sound by a strong N.W. wind.

On the 8th I received, by express, my instructions for the voyage, and an order to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope with the Resolution. I was also directed to leave an order for Captain Clerke to follow us as soon as he should join his ship, he being at this time detained in London.

Our first discoverers of the New World, and navigators of the Indian and Pacific Oceans, were justly thought to have exerted such uncommon abilities, and to have accomplished such perilous enterprises, that their names have been handed down to posterity as so many Argonauts. Nay, even the hulks of the ships that carried them, though not converted into constellations in the heavens, used to be honoured and visited as sacred relics upon earth. We, in the present age of improved navigation, who have been instructed by their labours, and have followed them as our guides, have no such claim to fame. Some merit, however, being still, in the public opinion, considered as due to those who sail to unexplored quarters of the globe; in conformity to this favourable judgment, I prefixed to the account of my last voyage the names of the officers of both my ships, and a table of the number of their respective crews. The like information will be expected from me at present.

The Resolution was fitted out with the same complement of officers and men as she had before; and the Discovery's establishment varied from that of the Adventure, in the single instance of her having no marine officer on board. This arrangement was to be finally completed at Plymouth; and on the 9th we received the party of marines allotted for our voyage. Colonel Bell, who commanded the division at this port, gave me such men for the detachment as I had reason to be satisfied with. And the supernumerary seamen, occasioned by this reinforcement, being turned over into the Ocean man-of-war, our several complements remained fixed, as represented in the following table:--

On the 10th, the commissioner and pay clerks came on board, and paid the officers and crew up to the 30th of last month. The petty officers and seamen had, besides, two months wages in advance. Such indulgence to the latter is no more than what is customary in the navy. But the payment of what was due to the superior officers was humanely ordered by the Admiralty, in consideration of our peculiar situation, that we might be better able to defray the very great expence of furnishing ourselves with a stock of necessaries for a voyage which, probably, would be of unusual duration, and to regions where no supply could be expected.

Nothing now obstructing my departure but a contrary wind, which blew strong at S.W., in the morning of the 11th, I delivered into the hands of Mr Burney, first lieutenant of the Discovery, Captain Clerke's sailing orders; a copy of which I also left with the officer commanding his majesty's ships at Plymouth, to be delivered to the captain immediately on his arrival. In the afternoon, the wind moderating, we weighed with the ebb, and got farther out, beyond all the shipping in the sound; where, after making an unsuccessful attempt to get to sea, we were detained most of the following day, which was employed in receiving on board a supply of water; and, by the same vessel that brought it, all the empty casks were returned.

As I did not imagine my stay at Plymouth would have been so long as it proved, we did not get our instruments on shore to make the necessary observations for ascertaining the longitude by the watch. For the same reason, Mr Bayly did not set about this, till he found that the Discovery would probably be detained some days after us. He then placed his quadrant upon Drake's Island; and had time, before the Resolution sailed, to make observations sufficient for the purpose we had in view. Our watch made the island to lie 4° 14', and his, 4° 13 1/2', west of Greenwich. Its latitude, as found by Messrs Wales and Bayly, on the last voyage, is 50° 21' 30" N.

We weighed again at eight in the evening, and stood out of the sound, with a gentle breeze at N.W. by W.

SECTION II.

Passage of the Resolution to Teneriffe.--Reception there.--Description of Santa Cruz Road.--Refreshment to be met with.--Observations for fixing the Longitude of Teneriffe.--Some Account of the Island.--Botanical Observations.--Cities of Santa Cruz and Loguna.--Agriculture.--Air and Climate.--Commerce.--Inhabitants.

We had not been long out of Plymouth Sound, before the wind came more westerly, and blew fresh, so that we were obliged to ply down the Channel; and it was not till the 14th, at eight in the evening, that we were off the Lizard.

On the 16th, at noon, St Agnes's light-house on the isles of Scilly bore N.W. by W., distant seven or eight miles. Our latitude was now 49° 53' 30" N., and our longitude, by the watch, 6° 11' W. Hence, I reckon that St Agnes's light-house is in 49° 57' 30" N. latitude, and in 6° 20' of W. longitude.

On the 17th[68] and 18th we were off Ushant, and found the longitude of the island to be, by the watch, 5° 18' 37" W. The variation was 23° 0' 50", in the same direction.

[Footnote 68: It appears from Captain Cook's log-book, that he began his judicious operations for preserving the health of his crew, very early in the voyage. On the 17th, the ship was smoked between decks with gunpowder. The spare sails also were then well aired.--D.]

With a strong gale at S., on the 19th, we stood to the westward, till eight o'clock in the morning; when the wind shifting to the W. and N.W., we tacked and stretched to the southward. At this time, we saw nine sail of large ships, which we judged to be French men-of-war. They took no particular notice of us, nor we of them.

At ten o'clock in the morning of the 22d, we saw Cape Ortegal; which at noon bore S.E. 1/2 S., about four leagues distant. At this time we were in the latitude of 44° 6' N.; and our longitude, by the watch, was 8° 23" W.

After two days of calm weather, we passed Cape Finisterre on the afternoon of the 24th, with a fine gale at N.N.E. The longitude of this cape, by the watch, is 9° 29' W.; and, by the mean of forty-one lunar observations, made before and after we passed it, and reduced to it by the watch, the result was 9° 19' 12".

On the 30th, at six minutes and thirty-eight seconds past ten o'clock at night, apparent time, I observed, with a night telescope, the moon totally eclipsed. By the ephemeris, the same happened at Greenwich at nine minutes past eleven o'clock; the difference being one hour, two minutes, and twenty-two seconds, or 15° 35' 30" of longitude. The watch, for the same time, gave 15° 26' 45' longitude W.; and the latitude was 31° 10' N. No other observation could be made on this eclipse, as the moon was hid behind the clouds the greater part of the time; and, in particular, when the beginning and end of total darkness, and the end of the eclipse, happened.

Finding that we had not hay and corn sufficient for the subsistence of the stock of animals on board, till our arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, I determined to touch at Teneriffe, to get a supply of these, and of the usual refreshments for ourselves; thinking that island, for such purposes, better adapted than Madeira. At four in the afternoon of the 31st, we saw Teneriffe, and steered for the eastern part. At nine, being near it, we hauled up, and stood off and on during the night.

At day-light, on the morning of the 1st of August, we sailed round the east point of the island; and, about eight o'clock, anchored on the S.E. side of it, in the road of Santa Cruz, in twenty-three fathoms water; the bottom, sand and ooze. Punta de Nago, the east point of the road, bore N. 64° E.; St Francis's church, remarkable for its high steeple, W.S.W.; the Pic, S. 65° W.; and the S.W. point of the road, on which stands a fort or castle, S. 39° W. In this situation, we moored N.E. and S.W. with a cable each way, being near half a mile from the shore.

We found, riding in this road, La Boussole, a French frigate, commanded by the Chevalier de Borda; two brigantines of the same nation; an English brigantine from London, bound to Senegal; and fourteen sail of Spanish vessels.

No sooner had we anchored, than we were visited by the master of the port, who satisfied himself with asking the ship's name. Upon his leaving us, I sent an officer ashore, to present my respects to the governor; and to ask his leave to take in water, and to purchase such articles as we were in want of. All this he granted with the greatest politeness; and, soon after, sent an officer on board, to compliment me on my arrival. In the afternoon, I waited upon him in person, accompanied by some of my officers; and, before I returned to my ship, bespoke some corn and straw for the live stock; ordered a quantity of wine from Mr McCarrick, the contractor, and made an agreement with the master of a Spanish boat to supply us with water, as I found that we could not do it ourselves.

The road of Santa Cruz is situated before the town of the same name, on the S.E. side of the island. It is, as I am told, the principal road of Teneriffe, for shelter, capacity, and the goodness of its bottom. It lies entirely open to the S.E. and S. winds. But these winds are never of long continuance; and, they say, there is not an instance of a ship driving from her anchors on shore.[69] This may, in part, be owing to the great care they take in mooring them; for I observed, that all the ships we met with, there, had four anchors out; two to the N.E., and two to the S.W.; and their cables buoyed up with casks. Ours suffered a little by not observing this last precaution.

[Footnote 69: Though no such instance was known to those from whom Captain Cook had this information, we learn from Glas, that some years before he was at Teneriffe, almost all the shipping in the road were driven on shore. See Glas's History of the Canary Islands, p. 235. We may well suppose the precautions now used, have prevented any more such accidents happening. This will sufficiently justify Captain Cook's account.--- D.]

At the S.W. part of the road, a stone pier runs out into the sea from the town, for the convenience of loading and landing of goods. To this pier, the water that supplies the shipping is conveyed. This, as also what the inhabitants of Santa Cruz use, is derived from a rivulet that runs from the hills, the greatest part of which comes into the town in wooden spouts or troughs, that are supported by slender posts, and the remainder doth not reach the sea; though it is evident, from the size of the channel, that sometimes large torrents rush down. At this time these troughs were repairing, so that fresh water, which is very good here, was scarce.

Were we to judge from the appearance of the country in the neighbourhood of Santa Cruz, it might be concluded that Teneriffe is a barren spot, insufficient to maintain even its own inhabitants. The ample supplies, however, which we received, convinced as that they had enough to spare for visitors. Besides wine, which is the chief produce of the island, beef may be had at a moderate price. The oxen are small and bony, and weigh about ninety pounds a quarter. The meat is but lean, and was, at present, sold for half a bit (three-pence sterling) a pound. I, unadvisedly, bought the bullocks alive, and paid considerably more. Hogs, sheep, goats, and poultry, are likewise to be bought at the same moderate rate; and fruits are in great plenty. At this time we had grapes, figs, pears, mulberries, plantains, and musk-melons. There is a variety of other fruits produced here, though not in season at this time. Their pumpkins, onions, and potatoes, are exceedingly good of their kind; and keep better at sea than any I ever before met with.

The Indian corn, which is also their produce, cost me about three shillings and sixpence a bushel; and the fruits and roots were, in general, very cheap. They have not any plentiful supply of fish from the adjoining sea; but a very considerable fishery is carried on by their vessels upon the coast of Barbary: and the produce of it sells at a reasonable price. Upon the whole, I found Teneriffe to be a more eligible place than Madeira, for ships bound on long voyages to touch at; though the wine of the latter, according to my taste, is as much superior to that of the former, as strong beer is to small. To compensate for this, the difference of prices is considerable; for the best Teneriffe wine was now sold for twelve pounds a pipe; whereas a pipe of the best Madeira would have cost considerably more than double that sum.[70]

[Footnote 70: Formerly, there was made at Teneriffe a great quantity of Canary sack, which the French call Vin de Malvesie; and we, corruptly after them, name Malmsey (from Malvesia, a town in the Morea, famous for such luscious wine). In the last century, and still later, much of this was imported into England; but little wine is now made there, but of the sort described by Captain Cook. Not more than fifty pipes of the rich Canary were annually made in Glas's time; and he says, they now gather the grapes when green, and make a dry hard wine of them, fit for hot climates, p. 262.--D.]

The Chevalier De Borda, commander of the French frigate now lying in Santa Cruz road, was employed, in conjunction with Mr Varila, a Spanish gentleman, in making astronomical observations for ascertaining the going of two time-keepers which they had on board their ship. For this purpose, they had a tent pitched on the pier head, where they made their observations, and compared their watches, every day at noon, with the clock on shore, by signals. These signals the chevalier very obligingly communicated to us; so that we could compare our watch at the same time. But our stay was too short, to profit much by his kindness.

The three days comparisons which we made, assured us that the watch had not materially, if at all, altered her rate of going; and gave us the same longitude, within a very few seconds, that was obtained by finding the time from observations of the sun's altitude from the horizon of the sea. The watch, from a mean of these observations, on the 1st, 2d, and 3d of August, made the longitude 16° 31' W.; and, in like manner, the latitude was found to be 28° 30' 11" N.

Mr Varila informed us, that the true longitude was 18° 35' 30", from Paris, which is only 16° 16' 30" from Greenwich; less than what our watch gave by 14' 30". But, far from looking upon this as an error in the watch, I rather think it a confirmation of its having gone well; and that the longitude by it may be nearer the truth than any other. It is farther confirmed by the lunar observations that we made in the road, which gave 16° 37' 10". Those made before we arrived, and reduced to the road by the watch, gave 16° 33' 30"; and those made after we left it, and reduced back in the same manner, gave 16° 28'. The mean of the three is 16° 30' 40".

To reduce these several longitudes, and the latitude, to the Pic of Teneriffe, one of the most noted points of land with geographers, (to obtain the true situation of which, I have entered into this particular discussion,) I had recourse to the bearing, and a few hours of the ship's run after leaving Santa Cruz road; and found it to be 12' 11" S. of the road, and 29' 30" of longitude W. of it. As the base, which helped to determine this, was partly estimated, it is liable to some error; but I think I cannot be much mistaken. Dr Maskelyne, in his British Mariner's Guide, places the Pic in the latitude of 28° 12' 54". This, with the bearing from the road, will give the difference of longitude 43', which considerably exceeds the distance they reckon the Pic to be from Santa Cruz. I made the latitude of the Pic to be 28° 18' N. Upon that supposition, its longitude will be as follows:

{The time-keeper, 17° 0' 30" } By {Lunar observations, 16° 30' 20"} W. {Mr Varila, 16° 46' 0" }

But if the latitude of it is 28° 12' 54", as in the British Mariner's Guide, its longitude will be 13° 30' more westerly.

The variation, when we were at anchor in the road, by the mean of all our compasses, was found to be 14° 41' 20" W. The dip of the N. end of the needle was 61° 52' 30".

Some of Mr Anderson's remarks on the natural appearances of Teneriffe, and its productions, and what he observed himself, or learnt by information, about the general state of the island, will be of use, particularly in marking what changes may have happened there since Mr Glas visited it. They here follow in his own words:

"While we were standing in for the land, the weather being perfectly clear, we had an opportunity of seeing the celebrated Pic of Teneriffe. But, I own, I was much disappointed in my expectation with respect to its appearance. It is, certainly, far from equalling the noble figure of Pico, one of the western isles which I have seen; though its perpendicular height may be greater. This circumstance, perhaps, arises from its being surrounded by other very high hills; whereas Pico stands without a rival."

"Behind the city of Santa Cruz, the country rises gradually, and is of a moderate height. Beyond this, to the south-westward, it becomes higher, and continues to rise toward the Pic, which, from the road, appears but little higher than the surrounding hills. From thence it seems to decrease, though not suddenly, as far as the eye can reach. From a supposition that we should not stay above one day, I was obliged to contract my excursions into the country; otherwise, I had proposed to visit the top of this famous mountain."[71]

[Footnote 71: See an account of a journey to the top of the Pic of Teneriffe, in Sprat's History of the Royal Society, p.200, etc. Glas also went to the top of it.--History of the Canary Islands, p. 252 to 259. In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. xlvii. p. 353-356, we have observations made, in going up the Pic of Teneriffe, by Dr T. Heberden. The doctor makes its height, above the level of the sea, to be 2566 fathoms, or 15,396 English feet; and says, that this was confirmed by two subsequent observations by himself, and another made by Mr Crosse, the consul. And yet I find that the Chevalier de Borda, who measured the height of this mountain in August 1776, makes it to be only 1931 French toises, or 12,340 English feet. See Dr Forster's Observations during a Voyage round the World, p. 32.--D.]

"To the eastward of Santa Cruz, the island appears perfectly barren. Ridges of hills run toward the sea; between which ridges are deep valleys, terminating at mountains or hills that ran across, and are higher than the former. Those that run toward the sea, are marked by impressions on their sides, which make them appear as a succession of conic hills, with their tops very rugged. The higher ones that run across, are more uniform in their appearance."

"In the forenoon of the 1st of August, after we had anchored in the road, I went on shore to one of these valleys, with an intention to reach the top of the remoter hills, which seemed covered with wood; but time would not allow me to get farther than their foot. After walking about three miles, I found no alteration in the appearance of the lower hills, which produce great quantities of the euphorbia Canariensis. It is surprising that this large succulent plant should thrive on so burnt-up a soil. When broken which is easily done, the quantity of juice is very great; and it might be supposed that, when dried, it would shrivel to nothing; yet it is a pretty tough, though soft and light wood. The people here believe its juice to be so caustic as to erode the skin;[72] but I convinced them, though with much difficulty, to the contrary, by thrusting my finger into the plant full of it, without afterward wiping it off. They break down the bushes of euphorbia, and, suffering them to dry, carry them home for fuel. I met with nothing else growing there, but two or three small shrubs, and a few fig-trees near the bottom of the valley."

[Footnote 72: Glas, p. 231, speaking of this plant, says, "that he cannot imagine why the natives of the Canaries do not extract the juice, and use it instead of pitch, for the bottoms of their boats." We now learn from Mr Anderson their reason for not using it,--D].

"The basis of the hills is a heavy, compact, bluish stone, mixed with some shining particles; and, on the surface, large masses of red friable earth, or stone, are scattered about. I also often found the same substance disposed in thick strata; and the little earth, strewed here and there, was a blackish mould. There were likewise some pieces of slag; one of which, from its weight and smooth surface, seemed almost wholly metalline."

"The mouldering state of these hills is, doubtless, owing to the perpetual action of the sun, which calcines their surface. This mouldered part being afterward washed away by the heavy rains, perhaps is the cause of their sides being so uneven. For, as the different substances of which they are composed, are more or less easily affected by the sun's heat, they will be carried away in the like proportions. Hence, perhaps, the tops of the hills, being of the hardest rock, have stood, while the other parts on a declivity have been destroyed. As I have usually observed, that the tops of most mountains that are covered with trees have a more uniform appearance, I am inclined to believe that this is owing to their being shaded."

"The city of Santa Cruz, though not large, is tolerably well built. The churches are not magnificent without; but within are decent, and indifferently ornamented. They are inferior to some of the churches at Madeira; but I imagine this rather arises from the different disposition of the people, than from their inability to support them better. For the private houses, and dress of the Spanish inhabitants of Santa Cruz, are far preferable to those of the Portuguese at Madeira; who, perhaps, are willing to strip themselves, that they may adorn their churches."

"Almost facing the stone pier at the landing-place, is a handsome marble column lately put up, ornamented with some human figures, that do no discredit to the artist; with an inscription in Spanish, to commemorate the occasion of the erection, and the date."

"In the afternoon of the 2d, four of us hired mules to ride to the city of Laguna,[73] so called from an adjoining lake, about four miles from Santa Cruz. We arrived there between five and six in the evening; but found a sight of it very unable to compensate for our trouble, as the road was very bad, and the mules but indifferent. The place is, indeed, pretty extensive, but scarcely deserves to be dignified with the name of city. The disposition of its streets is very irregular; yet some of them are of a tolerable breadth, and have some good houses. In general, however, Laguna is inferior in appearance to Santa Cruz, though the latter is but small, if compared with the former. We are informed, likewise, that Laguna is declining fast; there being, at present, some vineyards where houses formerly stood; whereas Santa Cruz is increasing daily."

[Footnote 73: Its extended name is St Christobal de la Laguna; and it used to be reckoned the capital of the island, the gentry and lawyers living there; though the governor-general of the Canary Islands resides at Santa Cruz, as being the centre of their trade, both with Europe and America. See Glas's History, p. 248.--D.]

"The road leading from Santa Cruz to Laguna runs up a steep hill, which is very barren; but, lower down, we saw some fig-trees, and several corn fields. These are but small, and not thrown into ridges, as is practised in England. Nor does it appear that they can raise any corn here without great labour, as the ground is so encumbered with stones, that they are obliged to collect and lay them in broad rows, or walls, in small distances. The large hills that run to the S.W., appeared to be pretty well furnished with trees. Nothing else worth noticing presented itself during this excursion, except a few aloe plants in flower, near the side of the road, and the cheerfulness of our guides, who amused us with songs by the way."

"Most of the laborious work in this island is performed by mules; horses being to appearance scarce, and chiefly reserved for the use of the officers. They are of a small size, but well shaped and spirited. Oxen are also employed to drag their casks along upon a large clumsy piece of wood; and they are yoked by the head, though it doth not seem that this has any peculiar advantage over our method of fixing the harness on the shoulders. In my walks and excursions I saw some hawks, parrots which are natives of the island, the sea-swallow or tern, sea-gulls, partridges, wagtails, swallows, martins, blackbirds, and Canary-birds in large flocks. There are also lizards of the common, and another sort; some insects, as locusts; and three or four sorts of dragon flies."

"I had an opportunity of conversing with a sensible and well-informed gentleman residing here, and whose veracity I have not the least reason to doubt. From him I learnt some particulars, which, during the short stay of three days, did not fall within my own observation. He informed me, that a shrub is common here, agreeing exactly with the description given by Tournefort and Linnaeus, of the tea shrub, as growing in China and Japan. It is reckoned a weed, and he roots out thousands of them every year from his vineyards. The Spaniards, however, of the island, sometimes use it as tea, and ascribe to it all the qualities of that imported from China. They also give it the name of tea; but what is remarkable, they say it was found here when the islands were first discovered."

"Another botanical curiosity, mentioned by him, is what they call the impregnated lemon.[74] It is a perfect and distinct lemon, inclosed within another, differing from the outer one only in being a little more globular. The leaves of the tree that produces this sort, are much longer than those of the common one; and it was represented to me as being crooked, and not equal in beauty."

[Footnote 74: The writer of the Relation of Teneriffe, in Sprat's History, p. 207, takes notice of this lemon as produced here, and calls it Pregnada. Probably, emprennada, the Spanish word for impregnated, is the name it goes by.--D.]

"From him I learnt also, that a certain sort of grape growing here, is reckoned an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints; and the air and climate, in general, are remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted to give relief in such diseases. This he endeavoured to account for, by its being always in one's power to procure a different temperature of the air, by residing at different heights in the island; and he expressed his surprise that the English physicians should never have thought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead of Nice or Lisbon. How much the temperature of the air varies here, I myself could sensibly perceive, only in riding from Santa Cruz up to Laguna; and you may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable. I was assured that no person can live comfortably within a mile of the perpendicular height of the Pic, after the month of August."[75]

[Footnote 75: This agrees with Dr T. Heberden's account, who says that the sugar-loaf part of the mountain, or la pericosa, (as it is called,) which is an eighth part of a league (or 1980 feet) to the top, is covered with snow the greatest part of the year. See Philosophical Transactions, as quoted above.--D.]

"Although some smoke constantly issues from near the top of the Pic, they have had no earthquake or eruption of a volcano since 1704, when the port of Garrachica, where much of their trade was formerly carried on, was destroyed."[76]

[Footnote 76: This port was then filled up by the rivers of burning lava that flowed into it from a volcano; insomuch that houses are now built where ships formerly lay at anchor. See Glas's History, p. 244.--D.]

"Their trade, indeed, must be considered as very considerable; for they reckon that forty thousand pipes of wine are annually made, the greatest part of which is either consumed in the island, or made into brandy, and sent to the Spanish West Indies.[77] About six thousand pipes were exported every year to North America, while the trade with it was uninterrupted; at present, they think not above half the quantity. The corn they raise is, in general, insufficient to maintain the inhabitants; but the deficiency used to be supplied by importation from the North Americans, who took their wines in return."

[Footnote 77: Glas, p. 342, says, that they annually export no less than fifteen thousand pipes of wine and brandy. In another place, p. 252, he tells us, that the number of the inhabitants of Teneriffe, when the last account was taken, was no less than 96,000. We may reasonably suppose that there has been a considerable increase of population since Glas visited the island, which is above thirty years ago. The quantity of wine annually consumed, as the common beverage of at least one hundred thousand persons, must amount to several thousand pipes. There must be a vast expenditure of it, by conversion into brandy; to produce one pipe of which, five or six pipes of wine must be distilled. An attention to these particulars will enable every one to judge, that the account given to Mr Anderson, of an annual produce of 40,000 pipes of wine, has a foundation in truth.--D.]

"They make a little silk; but unless we reckon the filtering-stones, brought in great numbers from Grand Canary, the wine is the only considerable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe.'

"None of the race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniards discovered the Canaries, now remain a distinct people;[78] having intermarried with the Spanish settlers; but their descendants are known, from their being remarkably tall, large-boned, and strong. The men are, in general, of a tawny colour, and the women have a pale complexion, entirely destitute of that bloom which distinguishes our northern beauties. The Spanish custom of wearing black clothes continues amongst them; but the men seem more indifferent about this, and in some measure dress like the French. In other respects, we found the inhabitants of Teneriffe to be a decent and very civil people, retaining that grave cast which distinguishes those of their country from other European nations. Although we do not think that there is a great similarity between our manners and those of the Spaniards, it is worth observing, that Omai did not think there was much difference. He only said, 'that they seemed not so friendly as the English; and that, in their persons, they approached those of his countrymen.'"

[Footnote 78: It was otherwise in Glas's time, when a few families of the Guanches (as they are called) remained still in Teneriffe, not blended with the Spaniards. Glas, p. 240.--D.]

SECTION III.

Departure from Teneriffe.--Danger of the Ship near Bonavista.--Isle of Mayo.--Port Praya.--Precautions against the Rain and sultry Weather in the Neighbourhood of the Equator.--Position of the Coast of Brazil.--Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.--Transactions there.--Junction of the Discovery.--Mr Anderson's Journey up the Country.--Astronomical Observations,--Nautical Remarks on the Passage from England to the Cape, with regard to the Currents and the Variation.

Having completed our water, and got on board every other thing we wanted at Teneriffe, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, and proceeded on our voyage, with a fine gale at N.E.

At nine o'clock in the evening on the 10th,[79] we saw the island of Bonavista bearing south, distant little more than a league; though, at this time, we thought ourselves much farther off: But this proved a mistake. For, after hauling to the eastward till twelve o'clock, to clear the sunken rocks that lie about a league from the S.E. point of the island, we found ourselves, at that time, close upon them, and did but just weather the breakers. Our situation, for a few minutes, was very alarming. I did not choose to sound, as that might have heightened the danger, without any possibility of lessening it. I make the north end of the island of Bonavista to lie in the latitude of 16° 17' N., and in the longitude of 22° 59' W.

[Footnote 79: As a proof of Captain Cook's attention, both to the discipline and to the health of his ship's company, it may be worth while to observe here, that it appears from his log-book, he exercised them at great guns and small arms, and cleaned and smoked the ship betwixt decks, twice in the interval between the 4th and the 10th of August.--D.]

As soon as we were clear of the rocks, we steered S.S.W., till day-break next morning, and then hauled to the westward, to go between Bonavista and the isle of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for the Discovery, as I had told Captain Clerke that I should touch there, and did not know how soon he might sail after me. At one in the afternoon, we saw the rocks that lie on the S.W. side of Bonavista, bearing S.E., distant three or four leagues.

Next morning, at six o'clock, the isle of Mayo bore S.S.E., distant about five leagues. In this situation we sounded, and found ground at sixty fathoms. At the same time the variation, by the mean of several azimuths taken with three different compasses, was 9° 32 1/2' W. At eleven o'clock, one extreme of Mayo bore E. by N., and the other S.E. by S. In this position, two roundish hills appeared near its N.E. part; farther on, a large and higher hill; and, at about two-thirds of its length, a single one that is peaked. At the distance we now saw this island, which was three or four miles, there was not the least appearance of vegetation, nor any relief to the eye from that lifeless brown which prevails in countries under the Torrid Zone that are unwooded.

Here I cannot help remarking that Mr Nichelson, in his Preface to "Sundry Remarks and Observations made in a Voyage to the East Indies,"[80] tells us, that "with eight degrees west variation, or any thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of them." Such an assertion might prove of dangerous consequence, were there any that would implicitly trust to it. We also tried the current, and found one setting S.W. by W., something more than half a mile an hour. We had reason to expect this, from the differences between the longitude given by the watch and dead reckoning, which, since our leaving Teneriffe, amounted to one degree.

[Footnote 80: On board his majesty's ship Elizabeth, from 1758 to 1764; by William Nichelson, master of the said ship.--London, 1773.]

While we were amongst these islands, we had light breezes of wind, varying from the S.E. to E., and some calms. This shews that the Cape de Verde islands are either extensive enough to break the current of the trade wind, or that they are situated just beyond its verge, in that space where the variable winds, found on getting near the Line, begin. The first supposition, however, is the most probable, as Dampier found the wind westerly here in the month of February; at which time the trade wind is supposed to extend farthest toward the equinoctial.[81] The weather was hot and sultry, with some rain; and, for the most part, a dull whiteness prevailed in the sky, that seems a medium between fog and clouds. In general, the tropical regions seldom enjoy that clear atmosphere observable where variable winds blow; nor does the sun shine with such brightness. This circumtance, however, seems an advantage; for otherwise, perhaps, the rays of the sun, being uninterrupted, would render the heat quite unsupportable. The nights are, nevertheless, often clear and serene.

[Footnote 81: Dampier's Voyages, vol. iii. p.10.--Captain Krusenstern appears to be of the same opinion, as to the Cape de Verde islands being of sufficient magnitude to alter the direction of the trade winds, remarking that S.W. winds are frequently met with there, and that if they are not, the wind is always very moderate in their vicinity. He recommends vessels, on their passage to the equator, to take their course to the westward of these islands, so as to cross the parallel of 17°, or that of the island of Antonio in 26-1/2°, or even that of 27°, and then to steer S.E. by S. directly to the equator. He further advises, that, if possible, the passage of the Line be effected in 20° or 21°, as then there is the advantage of a directly free wind as soon as the S.E. trade sets in, and of course the ship gets quicker to the southward. But this can rarely be done. He himself crossed the equator in 24° 20' W., after a passage of thirty days from Santa Cruz. Ships, he informs us, when crossing in a more westerly direction than 25° and 26°, have been driven by strong currents, and a too southerly trade wind, so near the coast of Brazil, as not to be able to clear Cape St Augustin. The present opportunity is taken of mentioning, that this very cautious and intelligent navigator agrees, in general, with Cook, as to Nichelson's rule. "His instructions for crossing the Line, on the voyage to India, with 6° 30' and 7° 00' west variation, but in returning to Europe, with eight degrees, might have been of use forty years ago, when the method of finding the longitude at sea by distances of the sun and moon was known to very few navigators, and for a time no great error was committed by pursuing them; but at present a variation of seven degrees would hardly be found on the coast of Africa."--The reason is, as the scientific reader must know, that the variation has been on the western increase since the period alluded to. Thus Nichelson found it at St Helena, in 1764, to be 11° 38', and Captain Krusenstern, in 1806, a space of forty-two years, 17° 18' 10".--E.]

At nine o'clock in the morning of the 13th, we arrived before Port Praya, in the island of St Jago, where we saw two Dutch East India ships, and a small brigantine, at anchor. As the Discovery was not there, and we had expended but little water in our passage from Teneriffe, I did not think proper to go in, but stood to the southward. Some altitudes of the sun were now taken, to ascertain the true time. The longitude by the watch, deduced therefrom, was 23° 48' west; the little island in the bay bore W.N.W., distant near three miles, which will make its longitude 23° 51'. The same watch, on my late voyage, made the longitude to be 23° 30' W.; and we observed the latitude to be 14° 53' 30" N.

The day after we left the Cape de Verde islands, we lost the N.E. trade wind; but did not get that which blows from the S.E. till the 30th, when we were in the latitude of 2° north, and in the twenty-fifth degree of west longitude.

During this interval,[82] the wind was mostly in the S.W. quarter. Sometimes it blew fresh, and in squalls; but for the most part a gentle breeze. The calms were few, and of short duration. Between the latitude of 12° and of 7° N., the weather was generally dark and gloomy, with frequent rains, which enabled us to save as much water as filled most of our empty casks.

[Footnote 82: On the 18th, I sunk a bucket with a thermometer seventy fathoms below the surface of the sea, where it remained two minutes; and it took three minutes more to haul it up. The mercury in the thermometer was at 66, which before, in the air, stood at 78, and in the surface of the sea at 79. The water which came up in the bucket, contained, by Mr Cavendish's table, 1/25, 7 part salt; and that at the surface of the sea 1/29, 4. As this last was taken up after a smart shower of rain, it might be lighter on that account.--Captain Cook's log-book.]

These rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them, too often bring on sickness in this passage. Every bad consequence, at least, is to be apprehended from them; and commanders of ships cannot be too much upon their guard, by purifying the air between decks with fires and smoke, and by obliging the people to dry their clothes at every opportunity. These precautions were constantly observed on board the Resolution[83] and Discovery; and we certainly profited by them, for we had now fewer sick than on either of my former voyages. We had, however, the mortification to find our ship exceedingly leaky in all her upper works. The hot and sultry weather we had just passed through, had opened her seams, which had been badly caulked at first, so wide, that they admitted the rain-water through as it fell. There was hardly a man that could lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were all driven out of their cabins, by the water that came through the sides. The sails in the sail-room got wet; and before we had weather to dry them, many of them were much damaged, and a great expence of canvas and of time became necessary to make them in some degree serviceable. Having experienced the same defect in our sail-rooms on my late voyage, it had been represented to the yard-officers, who undertook to remove it. But it did not appear to me that any thing had been done to remedy the complaint. To repair these defects the caulkers were set to work, as soon as we got into fair and settled weather, to caulk the decks and inside weather-works of the ship; for I would not trust them over the sides while we were at sea.

[Footnote 83: The particulars are mentioned in his log-book. On the 14th of August a fire was made in the well, to air the ship below. On the 15th, the spare sails were aired upon deck, and a fire made to air the sail-room. On the 17th, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks, and the bread-room aired with fires. On the 21st, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks; and on the 22d, the men's bedding was spread on deck to air.--D.]

On the first of September[84] we crossed the equator, in the longitude of 27° 38' W., with a fine gale at S.E. by S.; and notwithstanding my apprehensions of falling in with the coast of Brazil in stretching to the S.W., I kept the ship a full point from the wind. However, I found my fears were ill-grounded; for on drawing near that coast, we met with the wind more and more easterly; so that, by the time we were in the latitude of 10° S., we could make a south-easterly course good.

[Footnote 84: The afternoon, as appears from Mr Anderson's Journal, was spent in performing the old and ridiculous ceremony of ducking those who had not crossed the equator before. Though Captain Cook did not suppress the custom, he thought it too trifling to deserve the least mention of it in his Journal, or even in his log-book. Pernetty, the writer of Bougainville's Voyage to the Falkland Islands, in 1763 and 1764, thought differently; for his account of the celebration of this childish festival on board his ship, is extended through seventeen pages, and makes the subject of an entire chapter, under the title of

Baptême de la Ligne

.

It may be worth while to transcribe his introduction to the description of it. "C'est un usage qui ne remonte pas plus haut que ce voyage célébre de Gama, qui a fourni au Camoens le sujet de la Lusiade. L'idée qu'on ne sçauroit être un bon marin, sans avoir traversé l'Equateur, l'ennui inséparable d'une longue navigation, un certain esprit republicain qui regne dans toutes les petites societés, peut-être toutes ces causes reunies, ont pu donner naissance à ces especes de saturnales. Quoiqu'il en soi, elles furent adoptées, en un instant, dans toutes les nations, et les hommes les plus eclairés furent obligés de se soumettre à une coutume dont ils reconnoissoient l'absurdité. Car, partout, dès que le peuple parle, il faut que le sage se mette à l'unison."--Histoire d'un Voyage aux Isles Malouines, p. 107, 108.--D.]

On the 8th, we were in the latitude of 8° 57' S.; which is a little to the southward of Cape St Augustine, on the coast of Brazil. Our longitude, deduced from a very great number of lunar observations, was 34° 16' W.; and by the watch, 34° 47'. The former is 1° 43', and the latter 2° 14' more westerly than the island of Fernando de Noronha, the situation of which was pretty well determined during my late voyage. Hence I concluded that we could not now be farther from the continent than twenty or thirty leagues at most; and perhaps not much less, as we neither had soundings nor any other signs of land. Dr Halley, however, in his voyage, published by Mr Dalrymple, tells us,[85] that "he made no more than one hundred and two miles, meridian distance, from the island [Fernando de Noronha] to the coast of Brazil;" and seems to think that "currents could not be the whole cause" of his making so little. But I rather think that he was mistaken, and that the currents had hurried him far to the westward of his intended course. This was, in some measure, confirmed by our own observations; for we had found, during three or four days preceding the 8th, that the currents set to the westward; and, during the last twenty-four hours, it had set strong to the northward, as we experienced a difference of twenty-nine miles between our observed latitude and that by dead reckoning. Upon the whole, till some better astronomical observations are made on shore on the eastern coast of Brazil, I shall conclude that its longitude is thirty-five degrees and a half, or thirty-six degrees W., at most.

[Footnote 85: Page 11.]

We proceeded on our voyage, without meeting with any thing of note, till the 6th of October. Being then in the latitude of 35° 15' S., longitude 7° 45' W., we met with light airs and calms by turns, for three days successively. We had, for some days before, seen albatrosses, pintadoes, and other petrels; and here we saw three penguins, which occasioned us to sound; but we found no ground with a line of one hundred and fifty fathoms. We put a boat in the water, and shot a few birds; one of which was a black petrel, about the size of a crow, and, except as to the bill and feet, very like one. It had a few white feathers under the throat; and the under-side of the quill-feathers were of an ash-colour. All the other feathers were jet black, as also the bill and legs.

On the 8th, in the evening, one of those birds which sailors call noddies, settled on our rigging, and was caught. It was something larger than an English black-bird, and nearly as black, except the upper part of the head, which was white, looking as if it were powdered; the whitest feathers growing out from the base of the upper bill, from which they gradually assumed a darker colour, to about the middle of the upper part of the neck, where the white shade was lost in the black, without being divided by any line. It was web-footed; had black legs and a black bill, which was long, and not unlike that of a curlew. It is said these birds never fly far from land. We knew of none nearer the station we were in, than Gough's or Richmond Island, from which our distance could not be less than one hundred leagues. But it must be observed that the Atlantic Ocean, to the southward of this latitude, has been but little frequented; so that there may be more islands there than we are acquainted with.

We frequently, in the night, saw those luminous marine animals mentioned and described in my first voyage. Some of them seemed to be considerably larger than any I had before met with; and sometimes they were so numerous, that hundreds were visible at the same moment.

This calm weather was succeeded by a fresh gale from the N.W., which lasted two days. Then we had again variable light airs for about twenty-four hours; when the N.W. wind returned, and blew with such strength, that on the 17th we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope; and the next day anchored in Table Bay, in four fathoms water, with the church bearing S.W. 1/4 S., and Green Point N.W. 1/4 W.

As soon as we had received the usual visit from the master attendant and the surgeon, I sent an officer to wait on Baron Plettenberg, the governor; and, on his return, saluted the garrison with thirteen guns, which compliment was returned with the same number.

We found in the bay two French East India ships; the one outward, and the other homeward bound. And two or three days before our arrival, another homeward-bound ship of the same nation had parted from her cable, and been driven on shore at the head of the bay, where she was lost. The crew were saved; but the greatest part of the cargo shared the same fate with the ship, or (which amounted to the same) was plundered and stolen by the inhabitants, either out of the ship, or as it was driven or carried on shore. This is the account the French officers gave to me; and the Dutch themselves could not deny the fact. But, by way of excusing themselves from being guilty of a crime disgraceful to every civilized state, they endeavoured to lay the whole blame on the French captain, for not applying in time for a guard.

As soon as we had saluted, I went on shore, accompanied by some of my officers, and waited on the Governor, the Lieutenant-Governor, the Fiscal, and the Commander of the troops. These gentlemen received me with the greatest civility; and the Governor, in particular, promised me every assistance that the place afforded. At the same time I obtained his leave to set up our observatory on any spot I should think most convenient; to pitch tents for the sail-makers and coopers; and to bring the cattle on shore, to graze near our encampment. Before I returned on board, I ordered soft bread, fresh meat, and greens, to be provided, every day, for the ship's company.

On the 22d, we set up the tents and observatory, and began to send the several articles out of the ship which I wanted on shore. This could not be done sooner, as the militia of the place were exercising on, or near, the ground which we were to occupy.

The next day, we began to observe equal altitudes of the sun, in order to ascertain the rate of the watch, or, which is the same thing, to find whether it had altered its rate. These observations were continued every day, whenever the weather would permit, till the time of our departure drew near. But before this, the caulkers had been set to work to caulk the ship; and I had concerted measures with Messrs Brandt and Chiron, for supplying both ships with such provisions as I should want. Bakers, likewise, had been ordered, immediately after our arrival, to bake such a quantity of bread as I thought would be requisite. As fast as the several articles destined for the Resolution were got ready, they were carried on board.

On the 26th, the French ship sailed for Europe, and by her we sent letters to England. The next day, the Hampshire East India ship, from Bencoolen, anchored in the bay, and saluted us with thirteen guns, which we returned with eleven.

Nothing remarkable happened till the evening of the 31st, when it came on to blow excessively hard at S.E., and continued for three days; during which time there was no communication between the ship and the shore. The Resolution was the only ship in the bay that rode out the gale without dragging her anchors. We felt its effects as sensibly on shore. Our tents and observatory were torn to pieces; and our astronomical quadrant narrowly escaped irreparable damage. On the 3d of November the storm ceased, and the next day we resumed our different employments.

On the 6th, the Hampshire India ship sailed for England. In her I sent home an invalid, whom Captain Trimble was so obliging as to receive on board. I was afterward sorry that I had not availed myself of this opportunity to part with two or three more of my crew, who were troubled with different complaints; but, at this time, there was some hope of their health being re-established.

In the morning of the 10th, the Discovery arrived in the bay. Captain Clerke informed me that he had sailed from Plymouth on the 1st of August, and should have been with us here a week sooner, if the gale of wind had not blown him off the coast. Upon the whole, he was seven days longer in his passage from England than we had been. He had the misfortune to lose one of his marines, by falling overboard; but there had been no other mortality amongst his people, and they now arrived well and healthy.

Captain Clerke having represented to me that his ship was in want of caulking; that no time might be lost in repairing this defect, next day I sent all my workmen on board her, having already completed this service on board the Resolution. I lent every other assistance to the captain to expedite his supply of provisions and water, having given him an order to receive on board as much of both articles as he could conveniently stow. I now found that the bakers had failed in baking the bread I had ordered for the Discovery. They pretended a want of flour; but the truth was, they were doubtful of her coming, and did not care to begin till they saw her at anchor in the bay.

I have before made mention of our getting our cattle on shore. The bull and two cows, with their calves, were sent to graze along with some other cattle; but I was advised to keep our sheep, sixteen in number, close to our tents, where they were penned up every night. During the night preceding the 14th, some dogs having got in amongst them, forced them out of the pen, killing four, and dispersing the rest. Six of them were recovered the next day; but the two rams, and two of the finest ewes in the whole flock, were amongst those missing. Baron Plettenberg being now in the country, I applied to the Lieutenant-Governor, Mr Hemmy, and to the Fiscal. Both these gentlemen promised to use their endeavours for the recovery of the lost sheep. The Dutch, we know, boasted that the police at the Cape was so carefully executed, that it was hardly possible for a slave, with all his cunning and knowledge of the country, to effectuate his escape. Yet my sheep evaded all the vigilance of the Fiscal's officers and people. However, after much trouble and expence, by employing some of the meanest and lowest scoundrels in the place (who, to use the phrase of the person who recommended this method to me, would, for a ducatoon, cut their master's throat, burn the house over his head, and bury him and the whole family in the ashes), I recovered them all but the two ewes. Of these I never could bear the least tidings; and I gave over all enquiry after them, when I was told that, since I had got the two rams, I might think myself very well off. One of these, however, was so much hurt by the dogs, that there was reason to believe he would never recover.

Mr Hemmy very obligingly offered to make up this loss, by giving me a Spanish ram, out of some that he had sent for from Lisbon. But I declined the offer, under a persuasion that it would answer my purpose full as well, to take with me some of the Cape rams: the event proved that I was under a mistake. This gentleman had taken some pains to introduce European sheep at the Cape; but his endeavours, as he told me, had been frustrated by the obstinacy of the country people, who held their own breed in greater estimation, on account of their large tails, of the fat of which, they sometimes made more money than of the whole carcase besides; and who thought that the wool of European sheep would, by no means, make up for their deficiency in this respect.[86] Indeed, I have heard some sensible men here make the same observation. And there seems to be foundation for it. For, admitting that European sheep were to produce wool of the same quality here as in Europe, which experience has shewn not to be the case, the Dutch had not hands, at the Cape of Good Hope, to spare for the manufacturing even their own clothing. It is certain that, were it not for the continual importation of slaves, this settlement would have been thinner of people than any other inhabited part of the world.

[Footnote 86: "The most remarkable thing in the Cape sheep, is the length and thickness of their tails, which weigh from fifteen to twenty pounds. The fat is not so tallowish as that of European mutton, and the poorer sort use it for butter."--

Kolben's Cape of Good Hope

(English translation), vol. ii. p. 65. De la Caille, who finds every thing wrong in Kolben, says, the weight of the tails of the Cape sheep is not above five or six pounds.--

Voyage de la Caille

, p. 343. If the information given to Captain Cook may be depended upon, it will prove, that, in this instance at least, Kolben is unjustly accused of exaggeration.--D.

According to Mr Bingley and others, the tail of this sheep sometimes weighs nearly one-third of the whole carcase, and consists of a substance intermediate betwixt fat and marrow, which is often used instead of butter. The fleeces are very fine, long and beautiful; and, in Thibet, where the breed is also found, are worked into shawls. A similar breed is said to be found in other countries, as Barbary, Ethiopia, the vicinity of Aleppo, Persia, and Asiatic Russia. Kolben's account is conceived to be perfectly credible.--E.]

While the ships were getting ready for the prosecution of our voyage, some of our officers made an excursion to take a view of the neighbouring country. Mr Anderson, my surgeon, who was one of the party, gave me the following relation of their proceedings.[87]

[Footnote 87: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxvi. p. 268 to 319, is an Account of Three Journies from the Cape Town into the Southern Parts of Africa, in 1772, 1773, and 1774; by Mr Francis Masson, who had been sent from England for the discovery of new plants, towards the improvement of the Royal Botanical Garden at Kew. Much curious information is contained in Mr Masson's account of these journies. M. de Pagés, who was at the Cape in 1773, gives some remarks on the state of that settlement, and also the particulars of his journey from False Bay to the Cape Town.--

Voyage vers le Pole du Sud

, p. 17 to 32.--D.

It is unnecessary to apprise the reader, that our acquaintance with the Cape has been most materially increased since the date of this publication, and that several travellers have devoted their labours to the illustration of its natural history.--E.]

"On the 16th, in the forenoon, I set out in a waggon, with five more, to take a view of some part of the country. We crossed the large plain that lies to the eastward of the town, which is entirely a white sand, like that commonly found on beaches, and produces only heath, and other small plants of various sorts. At five in the afternoon we passed a large farm-house, with some corn-fields, and pretty considerable vineyards, situated beyond the plain, near the foot of some low hills, where the soil becomes worth cultivating. Between six and seven we arrived at Stellenbosh, the colony next to that of the Cape for its importance.

"The village does not consist of more than thirty houses, and stands at the foot of the range of lofty mountains, above twenty miles to the eastward of the Cape Town. The houses are neat; and, with the advantage of a rivulet which runs near, and the shelter of some large oaks, planted at its first settling, forms what may be called a rural prospect in this desert country. There are some vineyards and orchards about the place, which, from their thriving appearance, seem to indicate an excellent soil; though, perhaps, they owe much to climate, as the air here has an uncommon serenity.

"I employed the next day in searching for plants and insects about Stellenbosh, but had little success. Few plants are in flower here at this season, and insects but scarce. I examined the soil in several places, and found it to consist of yellowish clay, mixed with a good deal of sand. The sides of the low hills, which appear brown, seem to be constituted of a sort of stone marl.

"We left Stellenbosh next morning, and soon arrived at the house we had passed on Saturday; the owner of which, Mr Cloeder, had sent us an invitation the evening before to visit him. This gentleman entertained us with the greatest hospitality, and in a manner very different from what we expected. He received us with music, and a band also played while we were at dinner; which, considering the situation of the place, might be reckoned elegant. He shewed us his wine-cellars, his orchards, and vineyards; all which, I must own, inspired me with a wish to know in what manner these industrious people could create such plenty, in a spot where, I believe, no other European nation would have attempted to settle.

"In the afternoon we crossed the country, and passed a few plantations, one of which seemed very considerable, and was laid out in a taste somewhat different from any other we saw. In the evening we arrived at a farm-house, which is the first in the cultivated tract called the Pearl. We had, at the same time, a view of Drakenstein, the third colony of this country, which lies along by the foot of the lofty hills already mentioned, and contains several farms or plantations, not very extensive.

"I went, on the 19th in the forenoon, in quest of plants and insects, which I found almost as scarce as at Stellenbosh; but I met with more shrubs or small trees, naturally produced, in the valleys, than in any part of the country I had hitherto seen.

"In the afternoon we went to see a stone of a remarkable size, called by the inhabitants the Tower of Babylon, or the Pearl Diamond.[88] It lies, or stands, upon the top of some low hills, at the foot of which our farm-house was situated; and though the road to it is neither very steep nor rugged, we were above an hour and a half in walking to it. It is of an oblong shape, rounded on the top, and lies nearly S. and N. The E. and W. sides are steep, and almost perpendicular. The S. end is likewise steep, and its greatest height is there; from whence it declines gently to the N. part, by which we ascended to its top, and had an extensive view of the whole country.

[Footnote 88: In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii, part i. p. 102, we have a letter from Mr Anderson to Sir John Pringle, describing this remarkable stone. The account sent home from the Cape, and read before the Royal Society, is much the same with that now published, but rather fuller. In particular, he tells Sir John, that he went to see it at Mr Masson's desire, who probably had not had an opportunity of sufficiently examining it himself. In the account of his journies above referred to, p. 270, he only says, "there are two large solid rocks on the Perel Berg, each of which (he believes) is more than a mile in circumference at the base, and upwards of 200 feet high. Their surfaces are nearly smooth, without chink or fissures; and they are found to be a species of granite, different from that which composes the neighbouring mountains."

Mr Anderson having, with his letter to Sir John Pringle, also sent home a specimen of the rock, it was examined by Sir William Hamilton, whose opinion is, that "this singular, immense fragment of granite, most probably has been raised by a volcanic explosion, or some such cause." See his Letter to Sir John Pringle, annexed to Mr Anderson's, in the Philosophical Transactions.--D.]

"Its circumference, I think, must be at least half a mile, as it took us above half an hour to walk round it, including every allowance for the bad road, and stopping a little. At its highest part, which is the S. end, comparing it with a known object, it seems to equal the dome of St Paul's church. It is one uninterrupted mass of stone, if we except some fissures, or rather impressions, not above three or four feet deep, and a vein which runs across near its N. end. It is of that sort of stone called, by mineralogists, Saxum conglutinatum, and consists chiefly of pieces of coarse quartz and glimmer, held together by a clayey cement. But the vein which crosses it, though of the same materials, is much compacter. This vein is not above a foot broad or thick; and its surface is cut into little squares or oblongs, disposed obliquely, which makes it look like the remains of some artificial work. But I could not observe whether it penetrated far into the large rock, or was only superficial. In descending, we found at its foot a very rich black mould; and on the sides of the hills some trees of a considerable size, natives of the place, which are a species of olea.[89]

[Footnote 89: "It is strange that neither Kolben nor de la Caille should have thought the Tower of Babylon worthy of a particular description. The former [vol. ii. p. 52, 53, English translation] only mentions it as a high mountain. The latter contents himself with telling us, that it is a very low hillock,

un tres bas monticule. Voyage de la Caille

, p. 341. We are much obliged to Mr Anderson for his very accurate account of this remarkable rock, which agrees with Mr Sonnerat's, who was at the Cape of Good Hope so late as 1781. His words are, "La Montagne de la

Perle

, merite d'être observée. C'est un des plus hautes des environs du Cap. Elle n'est composée que d'un seul bloc de granit crevassé dans plusieurs endroits."

Voyage aux Indes

, tom. ii. p. 91.

Mr Sonnerat tells us, that Mr Gordon, commander of the troops at the Cape, had lately made three journies up the country, from which, when he publishes his journal, we may expect much curious information.--D.]

"In the morning of the 20th we set out from the Pearl; and going a different road from that by which we came, passed through a country wholly uncultivated, till we got to the Tiger hills, when some tolerable corn-fields appeared. At noon we stopped in a hollow for refreshment, but, in walking about here, were plagued with a vast number of musquitoes or sand-flies, which were the first I saw in the country. In the afternoon we set out again, and in the evening arrived at the Cape Town, tired with the jolting waggon."

On the 23d we got on board the observatory, clock, etc. By a mean of the several results of the equal altitudes of the sun, taken with the astronomical quadrant, the astronomical clock was found to lose on sidereal time, 1' 8",368 each day. The pendulum was kept at the same length as at Greenwich, where the daily loss of the clock on sidereal time was 4".

The watch, by the mean of the results of fifteen days observations, was found to be losing 2",261, on mean time, each day, which is 1",052 more than at Greenwich; and on the 21st, at noon, she was too slow for mean time by 1'h 20' 57",66. From this 6' 48",956 is to be subtracted, for what she was too slow on the 11th of June at Greenwich, and her daily rate since; and the remainder, viz. 1° 14' 8",704, or 18° 32' 10", will be the longitude of the Cape Town by the watch. Its true longitude, as found by Messrs Masson and Dixon, is 18° 23' 15". As our observations were made about half a mile to the E. of theirs, the error of the watch in longitude is no more than 8' 25". Hence we have reason to conclude, that she had gone well all the way from England, and that the longitude, thus given, may be nearer the truth than any other.

If this be admitted, it will, in a great measure, enable me to find the direction and strength of the currents we met with on this passage from England. For, by comparing the latitude and longitude by dead reckoning with those by observation and the watch, we shall, from time to time, have, very accurately, the error of the ship's reckoning, be the cause what it will. But as all imaginable care was taken in heaving, and keeping the log, and every necessary allowance made for lee-way, heave of the sea, and other such circumstances, I cannot attribute those errors that did happen to any other cause but currents; but more particularly when the error was constantly the same way for several days successively.

On the contrary, if we find the ship a-head of the reckoning on one day, and a-stern of it on another, we have reason to believe that such errors are owing to accidental causes, and not to currents. This seems to have been the case in our passage between England and Teneriffe. But, from the time of our leaving that island, till the 15th of August, being then in the latitude of 12° N. and longitude 24° W. the ship was carried 1° 20' of longitude to the westward of her reckoning. At this station the currents took a contrary direction, and set to E.S.E. at the rate of twelve or fourteen miles a day, or twenty-four hours, till we arrived into the latitude of 5° N. and longitude of 20° W.; which was our most easterly situation after leaving the Cape de Verde Islands till we got to the southward. For in this situation the wind came southerly, and we tacked and stretched to the westward; and, for two or three days, could not find that our reckoning was affected by any current. So that I judged we were between the current that generally, if not constantly, sets to the east upon the coast of Guinea, and that which sets to the west toward the coast of Brazil. This westerly current was not considerable till we got into 2° N. and 25° W. From this station to 3° S. and 30° W. the ship, in the space of four days, was carried 115 miles in the direction of S.W. by W. beyond her reckoning; an error by far too great to have any other cause but a strong current running in the same direction. Nor did its strength abate here; but its course was afterward more westerly, and to the N. of W., and off Cape Augustine N. as I have already mentioned. But this northerly current did not exist at twenty or thirty leagues to the southward of that Cape, nor any other, that I could perceive, in the remaining part of the passage. The little difference we afterward found between the reckoning and observations, might very well happen without the assistance of currents, as will appear by the table of Day's Works.[90]

[Footnote 90: The curious reader will find some interesting, though not decisive, remarks concerning the currents of the Atlantic Ocean in Clerke's Prog. of Mar. Disc. vol. i. p. 358.--E.]

In the accounts of my last voyage, I remarked, that the currents one meets with in his passage generally balance each other. It happened so then, because we crossed the Line about 20° more to the eastward than we did now; so that we were, of consequence, longer under the influence of the easterly current, which made up for the westerly one. And this, I apprehend, will generally be the case, if you cross the Line 10° or 15° to the E. of the meridian of St Jago.

From these remarks I shall draw the following conclusion, that after passing the Cape de Verde Islands, if you do not make above 4° or 5° easting, and cross the Line in, or to the westward of, the meridian of St Jago, you may expect to find your ship 3° or 4° to the westward of her reckoning by the time you get into the latitude of 10° S. If, on the other hand, you keep well to the E. and cross the Line 15° or 20° to the E. of St Jago, you will be then as much to the E. of your reckoning; and the more you keep to the eastward, the greater will be your error, as has been experienced by some India ships, whose people have found themselves close upon the coast of Angola, when they thought its distance was above 200 leagues.

During the whole of our passage from England, no opportunity was omitted of observing, with all the attention and accuracy that circumstances would permit, the variation of the compass, which I have inserted in a table, with the latitude and longitude of the ship at the time of observation. As the longitude may be depended upon, to a quarter or half a degree at most, this table will be of use to those navigators who correct their reckoning by the variation. It will also enable Mr Dun to correct his new Variation Chart, a thing very much wanted.

It seems strange to me, that the advocates for the variation should not agree amongst themselves. We find one[91] of them telling us, as I have already observed, "that with 8° W. variation, or any thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands by night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of them." Another, in his chart,[92] lays down this variation ninety leagues to the westward of them. Such a disagreement as this, is a strong proof of the uncertainty of both. However, I have no doubt the former found here, as well as in other places, the variation he mentions. But he should have considered, that at sea, nay even on land, the results of the most accurate observations will not always be the same. Different compasses will give different variations; and even the same compass will differ from itself two degrees, without our being able to discover, much less to remove, the cause.

[Footnote 91: Nichelson.]

[Footnote 92: Mr Dun.]

Whoever imagines he can find the variation within a degree, will very often see himself much deceived. For, besides the imperfection which may be in the construction of the instrument, or in the power of the needle, it is certain that the motion of the ship, or attraction of the iron-work, or some other cause not yet discovered, will frequently occasion far greater errors than this. That the variation may be found, with a share of accuracy more than sufficient to determine the ship's course, is allowed; but that it can be found so exactly as to fix the longitude within a degree, or sixty miles, I absolutely deny.[93]

[Footnote 93: Few readers, it is presumed, require to be informed, that the mode of endeavouring to ascertain the longitude by the variation of the compass is no longer in use. In a work already referred to, Clerke's Prog. of Mar. Disc., a singular enough communication is inserted respecting the effect of tallow on the compass. It is subscribed by Lieutenant Mason of the marines; but whether the experiments it relates have been repeated by others, or if the inference it maintains has been otherwise confirmed, the writer has yet to learn. He thought it right, however, to notice it, as the more extensively hints are spread which concern the advancement of useful discovery, the greater chance we have of correcting errors, and perfecting science, The same reason justifies his remarking, that the most important observations respecting the variation of the compass made of late years, are those of Captain Flinders, as to the effect of the ship's course upon it. The reader will find them in the appendix to the account of his voyage lately published, 2d volume. Similar observations have still more recently been made by an officer on board his majesty's ship Sibyl, while in the North Sea protecting our Greenland fishery. They form an appendix to the Account of a Voyage to Spitzbergen, by Mr John Laing, Surgeon, published at Edinburgh, 1815. Of their importance and accuracy, notwithstanding the small scale on which they were made, and the meagre manner in which they have been communicated, it is impossible for a moment to doubt. The concluding remark is entitled to considerable regard.--"After a more enlarged series of observations shall have been taken, and after the attention of astronomers is directed to this fact, one may confidently expect a most important improvement in the science of navigation." The value of the discovery alluded to, will at once appear from what is said in the way of enquiry as to similar observations to those made in the North Sea applying to ships coming from the Baltic, viz. that if so, "they most effectually account for ships getting down on the coast of Holland, when they suppose themselves well over in Mid-channel; and therefore prove the loss of so many of our brave tars when coming from that sea."--P. 163. As a paper, containing Captain Flinders's observations on this subject, had been sent to the officer who makes this communication, by the Lords of the Admiralty, it is reasonable to expect that official agency is engaged to benefit the world by maturing he discovery.--E.]