Volume 10 / Part 2 / Book 4 — CHAPTER XII.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY CAPTAIN GEORGE SHELVOCKE, IN 1719-1722.[248]

INTRODUCTION.

In the introduction to the former voyage, a sufficient account has been given of the motives on which the expedition was founded, and the original plan of acting under an imperial commission; together with motives for changing this plan, and the reason of advancing Captain Clipperton to the chief command. In the new scheme of the voyage, Captain Shelvocke retained the command of the Speedwell, carrying twenty-four guns and 106 men, Mr Simon Hately being his second captain, an officer who has a good character given of him in the account of the former voyage by Captain Rogers. The marines were under the command of Captain William Betagh. Captain Shelvocke has himself written an account of the expedition, and another was published by Captain Betagh, so that the following narrative is composed from both. Shelvocke's narrative is, strictly speaking, an apology for his own conduct, yet contains abundance of curious particulars, written in an entertaining style, and with an agreeable spirit; while the other is written with much acrimony, and contains heavy charges against Captain Shelvocke, yet contains many curious circumstances.--Harris.

[Footnote 248: Harris, I. 198. Callender, III. 502.]

This is one of the best written voyages we have hitherto met with, yet extends rather to considerable length, considering its relative importance. On the present occasion, therefore, it has been endeavoured to lop off as many of its redundances as could be conveniently done without injury, yet leaving every circumstance of any interest or importance. The principal omission, or abbreviation rather, on the present occasion, is the leaving out several controversial matters, inserted by Harris from the account of this voyage by Betagh; which might have sufficient interest among contemporaries, a few years after the unfortunate issue of this misconducted enterprise, but are now of no importance, near a century later.--Ed.

SECTION I.

Narrative of the Voyage from England to the South Sea.

Sailing from Plymouth on the 13th February, 1719, in company with the Success, we kept company no longer than to the 19th, when, between nine and ten at night, we had a violent storm at S.W. which increased so, that by eleven we were under bare poles. At midnight a sea struck us on our quarter, which stove in one of our dead lights on the quarter and another on our stern, by which we shipped a vast quantity of water before we could get them again fastened up, and we were a considerable time under great apprehension of foundering. On the 20th we could not see the Success; and this storm so terrified the greatest part of the crew, that seventy of them were resolved to bear away for England, alleging that the ship was so very crank she would never be able to carry us to the South Sea. But by the resolution of the officers they were brought back to their duty.

As the Canaries were the first place of rendezvous, we continued our course for these islands, where we arrived on the 17th March, and cruised there the time appointed by our instructions.[249] We next sailed for the Cape de Verde Islands, and arrived at Maio on the 14th April.[250] A little before arriving here, Turner Stevens[251] the gunner very gravely proposed to me and the rest of the officers to cruize in the Red Sea; as there could be no harm in robbing the Mahometans, whereas the Spaniards were good Christians, and it was a sin to injure them. I ordered him immediately into confinement, after which he became outrageous, threatening to blow up the ship. Wherefore I discharged him at his own request, and left also here on shore my chief mate, who had challenged and fought with Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant.

[Footnote 249: Clipperton arrived there on the 5th, and sailed thence on the 15th of March.--E.]

[Footnote 250: Clipperton came to St Vincent on the 24th March, and cruized in that neighbourhood for ten days, so that he must have sailed about the 31st, at least a fortnight before the arrival of Shelvocke.--E.]

[Footnote 251: Called Charles Turner by Betagh.--E.]

On the 18th, we went to Port Praya, in the island of St Jago, but finding nothing here but fair promises, I resolved to proceed to the island of St Catharine on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20° 30' S.[252] in hopes of obtaining every thing necessary for our passage into the South Sea, as, according to the account of it by Frezier, it abounds in all the necessaries of life, such especially as are requisite in long voyages. We sailed therefore from Port Praya on the 20th of April, and had a very bad passage, as we were twenty-one days before we could pass the equinoctial. White between the two tradewinds, we had usually slight breezes, varying all round the compass, and sometimes heavy squalls of wind, with thunder, lightning, and rain. In short, the most variable weather that can be conceived, insomuch that we were fifty-five days between St Jago and St Catharines. On the 4th June we made Cape Frio, bearing W. seven leagues off our lat. by observation, 23° 41' S.[253] On the 5th we met and spoke a ship, to which I sent Captain Hately to enquire the news on the coast, and gave him money to buy tobacco, as the Success had our stock on board. She was a Portuguese from Rio de Janeiro bound to Pernambuco, and had no tobacco; but Hately had laid out my money in unnecessary trifles, alleging they would sell for double the money at the next port.

[Footnote 252: This island is in 27° 10' S.]

[Footnote 253: Cape Frio is in 22° 33' S.]

[Captain Betagh gives a very different account of this matter, asserting that Shelvocke hoisted imperial colours and made the Portuguese ship bring to, on which Hately went aboard with a boat's crew well armed, and put the Portuguese captain in such a fright, that he not only sent all sorts of refreshments on board the Speedwell, but a dozen pieces of silk flowered with gold and silver, worth about three pounds a yard, several dozens of China plates and basons, a Japan cabinet, and three hundred moidores in gold; ninety-six of which were afterwards found on Hately, when made prisoner by the Spaniards, when he had nearly been put to death for piracy on their account.][254]

[Footnote 254: It is almost unnecessary to point out, that this paragraph is an addition by Harris to the narrative of Shelvocke, extracted from the journal of Betagh.--E.]

We anchored at the island of St Catharine on the 23d June, where the carpenter went ashore with a gang to fell trees, and saw them into planks. The captain and inhabitants of the island came off to us daily with fresh provisions, which saved our sea-stores while we lay here. I also bought twenty-one beeves, 200 salted drom-fish of large size, and 150 bushels of cassado meal, called by the Portuguese farina de fao. This is about as fine as our oatmeal, and from it a very hearty food is prepared with little trouble. I also bought 160 bushels of calavances, partly for money at a dollar the bushel, and partly in exchange for salt, measure for measure; and likewise provided a quantity of tobacco for the crew.

The account given of this island by Frezier is very exact, only that he takes no notice of an island between the island of Gall and the continent of Brazil, nor of a reef of rocks. To arrive at the proper anchoring place at this island of St Catharine, it is necessary to proceed in the channel between that island and the continent till within or near two small nameless islands, over against the northernmost of which is the watering place on the island of St Catharine, near the entrance of a salt-water creek, opposite to which you may safely anchor in six or seven fathoms on fine grey sand. The isle of St Catharine is about eight leagues and a half long, but no where exceeds two leagues broad; and at one place the channel between it and the continent is only a quarter of a mile broad. The island is covered all over with impassable woods, except where cleared for the plantations. Even the smallest island about it is covered in like manner with a great variety of trees, between which the ground is entirely covered with thorns and brambles, which hinder all access; and the main land of Brazil may be justly termed a vast continued wilderness. Sassafras, so much valued in Europe, is so common here that we laid in a good quantity for fuel. It has great abundance of oranges, both China and Seville, lemons, citrons, limes, bananas, cabbage-palms, melons of all sorts, and potatoes. It has also very large and good sugar-canes, of which they make little use for want of utensils, so that the little sugar, molasses and rum they have is very dear. They have very little game, though the woods are full of parrots, which are good eating. These birds always fly in pairs, though often several hundreds in a flock. Maccaos, cockatoes, plovers, and a variety of other birds of curious colours and various shapes, are to be seen in abundance; particularly one somewhat larger than a thrush, having a spur on the joint of each wing. Flamingoes are often seen here in great numbers, of a fine scarlet colour, and appear very beautiful while flying. This bird is about the size of a heron, and not unlike it in shape.

The fishery is here abundant, as fish of several excellent sorts are in great plenty, and there is the best convenience almost everywhere for hauling the seine. All the creeks and bays are well stocked with mullets, large rays, grantors, cavallies, and drum-fish, so named from the noise they make when followed into shallow water, and there taken. Some of them weigh twenty or thirty pounds each, their scales being as large as crown pieces. The Portuguese call them moroes. The salt-water creek formerly mentioned may be gone up three or four miles, to be near the watering-place; and every rock or stone, even the roots of the mangrove trees, afford a delicious small green oyster. Likewise on the rocks at the sea-side there are sea-eggs, which resemble dock-burrs, but usually three or four times as large, of a sea-green or purple colour. In the inside they are divided into partitions, like oranges, each cell containing a yellow substance, which is eaten raw, and exceeds, in my opinion, all the shell-fish I ever tasted. They have prawns of extraordinary size, and we sometimes caught the sea-horse in our nets. On the savannahs of Areziliba, on the continent opposite the southern end of St Catharine, they have great numbers of black cattle, some of which we had from thence at a very reasonable price.

The Portuguese on this island are a parcel of banditti, who have taken refuge here from the more strictly governed parts of Brazil. Emanuel Mansa, who was captain of the island in the time of Frezier, was still their chief. They enjoy the blessings of a fertile country and wholesome air, and stand in need of nothing from other countries except clothing. They have fire-arms sufficient for their use, and have often need of them, being greatly infected with tigers; for which reason every house has many dogs to destroy these ravenous animals, which yet often make great havock. I have been told that a tiger has killed eight or ten dogs in a night: But when any make their appearance in the day, they seldom escape, as the inhabitants are fond of the diversion of hunting them. These animals are so numerous, that it is quite common to see the prints of their paws on the sandy beach. We could not see any of the fine dwelling-houses mentioned by Frezier; neither have they any place that can be called a town, nor any kind of fortification, except the woods, which are a secure retreat from any enemy that may attack them. I cannot say much about the Indians of those parts, as I never saw above two or three of them.

On the 2d July we saw a large ship at anchor, under Parrots Island, about five miles from where we lay. After securing the watering-place, and what we had there ashore, I sent the launch, well manned and armed, under a lieutenant, to see what she was. The launch returned about noon, reporting that she was the Ruby, formerly an English man-of-war, but now one of the squadron under Martinet, and commanded by Mons. La Jonqniere. She was in, the Spanish service, but most of her officers and crew were French, to the number of about 420. Yet they had no intention to molest us, having quitted the South Sea on report of a rupture between France and Spain. M. La Jonquiere was a man of strict honour, and sent me intimation of his good intentions, with an invitation to dinner, which I accepted, and was well entertained. About this time I heard that Hately had plundered the Portuguese ship, formerly mentioned, of 100 moidores, and had distributed part of the money among the boat's crew, to engage them to secrecy. I examined into this as strictly as possible, intending, if found guilty, to have delivered him up to the captain of St Catharine's, but I could not get sufficient proof. This man also committed so many vile actions in the island of St Catharine, that oar people were often in the utmost danger, from the resentment of the Portuguese; which bad conduct I could neither prevent nor punish, as he had become a great favourite with my mutinous crew.

M. La Jonquiere, with several of his officers and passengers, came on board the Speedwell to dine with me, on the 6th July. While they were on board, Hudson my boatswain raised a mutiny, which was easily quelled by the assistance of the French gentlemen: But the boatswain was sent home in the French ship. On the 15th July, we saw a large ship bearing in for the harbour; but on discovering us, she turned out again. This circumstance alarmed M. La Jonquiere, suspecting she might be our consort, so that he put to sea next morning. The large ship appeared again on the 25th under French colours, being the Solomon of St Malo of forty guns and 160 men, commanded by M. Dumain Girard, bound for Peru and Chili.

At this time great heart-burnings arose in my crew: for, having heard that the people on board the Duke and Duchess had been indifferently treated in regard to their prize-money when they got home, they resolved to secure themselves in time. With this view, and by the advice of Matthew Stewart, chief-mate, they drew up a paper of articles respecting plunder, and sent me a letter insisting on these articles being made the rule of our voyage; to which at last I was obliged to agree, rather than suffer them to proceed in a piratical manner.

On the 3d August the St Francisco Zavier came into the harbour, a Portuguese man of war of forty guns and 300 men, bound from Lisbon for Macao in China, commanded by Mons. Riviere, a Frenchman. We departed from the island of St Catharine on the 9th August. Its northern point being in lat. 27° 20' S. and long. 50° W. from the Lizard.[255] I kept the lead constantly sounding all along the coast of Patagonia, and had regular soundings. From the lat. of 40° to 30° 38' both S. we frequently saw great shoals of seals and penguins, which were always attended by flocks of pintadoes, birds about the size of pigeons. The French call these birds damiers, as their black and white feathers on their back and wings are disposed like the squares of a draught-board. These were also attended by albatrosses, the largest of all sea-fowl, some of them extending their wings twelve or thirteen feet from tip to tip. While passing the mouth of the Rio. Plata, the sea was covered with prodigious quantities of large seaweed, which often greatly incommoded us and deadened our way. On getting farther south we were freed from this inconvenience; after which we saw abundance of things floating on the surface of the sea, like white snakes. We took some of these up, but could not perceive them to have any appearance of life, neither had they the shape of any kind of animal, being only a long cylinder of a white jelly-like substance, perhaps the spawn of some large fish.

[Footnote 255: Only 27° S. and 48° 30' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

As we advanced to the southward, the appetites of our people increased with the cold, which occasioned disputes in the ship. Even at my own table, Captain Betagh of the marines insisted on a larger allowance in such coarse terms, that I confined him till he wrote me a submissive letter, on which I restored him. But this squabble constrained me to allow an extraordinary meal to the people daily, either of flour or calavances; which reduced our stock of provisions, and consumed our wood and water, proving afterwards of great inconvenience. Whales, grampuses, and other fish of monstrous size, are in such vast numbers on the coast of Patagonia, that they were often offensive to us, coming so close to us that it seemed impossible to avoid striking them on every scud of a sea, and almost stifling us with the stench of their breaths, when they blew close to windward. Being ignorant of the Greenland fishery, I cannot pretend to say whether that trade might not be carried on here; but this I may venture to affirm, that the navigation here is safer, and I am apt to believe it has a greater chance of being successful.[256]

[Footnote 256: This southern whale-fishery is now carried on to a considerable extent.--E.]

On the 19th September, about midnight, perceiving the water all at once to be discoloured, we sounded, and had 25 fathoms, on which we stood out from the land, but did not deepen our water in five leagues. This bank must lie very near the entrance into the Straits of Magellan. On this bank we saw great numbers of blubbers, appearing like the tops of umbrellas, curiously streaked with all sorts of colours, being an entirely different species from any I had ever seen before. We now steered for the Straits of Le Maire, and met with very foggy weather on approaching the coast of Terra del Fuego. The fog cleared up on the 23d September, when we had sight of stupendous mountains on that southern land, entirely covered with snow. The nearest point of land was at least eight leagues from us, in the S.W. but before we could ascertain our situation the mist returned. At four next morning, proceeding under easy sail to the S.E. it proved very clear at day-break, and I found we had fallen in with the land about five leagues N.W. from the straits of Le Maire. We had now a full, but melancholy prospect of the most desolate country that can well be conceived, appearing a congeries of chains of mountains in succession, one behind the other, perpetually cloathed in snow.

Hitherto we had not been sensible of any current, either favourable or adverse, after getting to the south of the Rio Plata. But this afternoon we were hurried with incredible rapidity into the straits of Le Maire; and when we had gained about the middle of the passage, the tide slackened. On sounding we had twenty-seven fathoms on a rocky bottom. We had a dear view of Staten-land, which yields a most uncomfortable prospect of a surprising height, quite covered with snow to the very wash of the sea, so that it seems more like a white cloud than firm land. These straits seemed to answer well to the map of Frezier; being about seven leagues through and six wide, and extend almost due north and south. Now the return tide rushed upon us with a violence equal to that which brought us in, and it was astonishing with what rapidity we were driven again to the north, though we had a fresh gale at N.W. so that we seemed to advance six knots by the log; whence I judged this tide ran not less than ten knots. In short, we were carried quite out of the straits to the north in about an hour. Upon this shift of tide there arose such a short sea, and so lofty at the same time, that we alternately dipped our bowsprit and poop-lanterns into the water; our ship all the while labouring most violently, and refusing to answer the helm. The tide shifted again at midnight, and we shot through the straits, steering S. with a brisk gale at N.W. without seeing the land distinctly on either side: And, in the morning, had a good offing to the southward.

We found it very cold before we got thus far; but now we began to feel the utmost extremity of coldness. The bleak western winds had of themselves been sufficiently piercing; but these were always accompanied by snow or sleet, which beat continually on our sails and rigging, cased all our masts, yards, and ropes with ice, and rendered our sails almost useless. We had been so much accustomed to most severe storms, that we thought the weather tolerable when we could carry a reefed main-sail; as we were often for two or three days together lying-to under bare poles, exposed to the shocks of prodigious waves, more mountainous than any I had ever seen. We now sensibly felt the benefit of our awning, without which we could scarcely have lived. The wind continued to rage without intermission from the westward, by which we were driven to the latitude of 61° 30' S. and had such continued misty weather, that we were under perpetual apprehension of running foul of ice islands: But, thank God, we escaped that danger, though under frequent alarms from fog banks and other false appearances. Though the days were long, we could seldom get sight of the sun, so that we had only one observation for the variation in all this passage, which was in lat. 60° 37' S. 5° W. of the straits of Le Maire, when we found it 22° 6' E. On the 1st October, as we were furling the main-sail, one William Camell, cried out that his hands and fingers were so benumbed that he could not hold himself: And, before those near could assist him, he fell down and was drowned. On the 22d October, our fore-top-mast was carried away, and we rigged another next day. Having contrary winds from the time we passed the straits of Le Maire, with the most uncomfortable weather, we made our way very slowly to the west and northwards, the hopes of getting soon into a wanner and better climate supporting us under our many miseries.

SECTION II.

Proceedings in the South Sea, till Ship-wrecked on the Island of Juan Fernandez.

At length, on the 14th November at noon, our spirits were cheared by seeing the coast of Chili; yet here we found ourselves under very great difficulties. Our tedious passage and extraordinary consumption of provisions, had so reduced our wood and water, and even our food, that it was necessary to repair to some place where our wants might be supplied; but it was difficult to resolve where that might be done. We first tried Narborough island, but finding the road unsafe, sailed for the mouth of St Domingo river on the continent, where we had twenty-eight fathoms, shoaling as we advanced from eighteen to less than five as fast as a man could heave the lead. Finding this place too hazardous, we stood out to sea, and were blown farther north than we designed. Being greatly at a loss where to procure wood and water, one Joseph de la Fontaine, a Frenchman, proposed going to the island of Chiloe, assuring us that the towns of Chaiao and Calibuco, the former on the island and the latter on the continent, were rich places, where we could not fail of procuring whatever we wanted. Cliacao was, he said, the usual residence of the governor, and at Calibuco was a wealthy college of Jesuits, having considerable magazines, always well stocked with provisions of all kinds. This person at the same time insinuated among the people, that our expedition would probably turn out unfortunate, if we passed this place, as Captain Clipperton must by this time have alarmed the coast, in consequence of which there would be an embargo on all ships trading to leeward.

My chief inducement for making an attempt on Chiloe was to procure such additional supply of provisions, as might enable us, in case the coast were already alarmed, to retire to some unfrequented island, to remain till the Spaniards should suppose we had abandoned the South Sea; after which we could resume our cruize, when they were under no apprehensions of being molested. Accordingly, on the 30th November, we entered the channel which divides the island of Chiloe from the main land of Chili, and stood in for the harbour of Chacao under French colours, intending to have attacked the towns of Chacao and Calibuco by surprise. Our pilot, however, seemed as much a stranger to the navigation here as I was, and as the wind began to blow fresh with thick weather, I came to anchor in thirteen fathoms, at ten in the morning, between the point of Carelampo and the small island of Pedro Nunez. Soon after coming to anchor, the tide made outwards with prodigious rapidity, and the wind increased greatly, between which the sea became very boisterous, all the channel in which we lay appearing one continued breach or surf. Our ship consequently made a vast strain on her cable, which parted at two in the afternoon, and we could have no hopes to recover our anchor, as the buoy had been staved and sunk about an hour before we were thus set adrift. I did not think it adviseable to risk another anchor, and therefore immediately crossed over for the island of Chiloe, in a boisterous gale with thick rainy weather, surrounded on all hands with seeming shoals, and in a manner bewildered in an unknown navigation. When within a mile of Chiloe, we ranged along shore to the southward,[257] in hope of discovering the town of Chacao. We passed two commodious bays, which had no appearance of any town, and came to a point of land marked by a high pyramidal rock. After getting round this point, we found ourselves entirely out of the tideway, and quite sheltered from all other inconveniences, and came therefore to anchor opposite a cross on the north side of the harbour, having just sufficient day-light to enable us to get into this place of shelter.

[Footnote 257: The direction was more probably to the eastward--E.]

Next morning, I sent the second lieutenant, in the pinnace well manned and armed, to look out for the two towns; and sent at the same time Mr Hately in the launch, to endeavour to find a watering-place. He soon returned, accompanied by an Indian, who had shewn him a very convenient place where we could at once procure both wood and water, even under the command of our guns from the ship, and free from all danger of being surprised. I accordingly sent back the launch with casks to be filled, and several people to cut wood, all well armed, together with an officer of marines and ten men to keep guard. The Indians gave us hopes of a sufficient supply of provisions; but came in the evening to our people who were on shore, to acquaint them that the natives were forbidden to bring any thing to us. As the pinnace had not yet returned, this information gave me much concern, fearing that the enemy had taken her, and had by that means learnt what we were. On the 3d December, about seven in the evening, a Spanish officer came to us, in a boat rowed by eight Indians, being sent by the governor of Chiloe to enquire what we were. Meaning to pass upon him for a French captain well known in these seas, I ordered none of my people to appear on deck but such as could speak French or Spanish, and hoisted French colours. When the officer came on board, I told him my ship was the St Rose, homeward-bound, that my name was Janis le Breton, and that I entreated the governor to spare me what provisions he could conveniently afford, that being my only business on the coast. The officer heard me with much civility, seeming to give implicit credit to all I said; even staid on board all night, and went away next morning, to all appearance well satisfied.

On the 5th in the morning, two boats came towards us full of armed men; but, after taking a view of us, went to a small island in the mouth of the harbour. On the 6th we saw a white flag hoisted on shore, to which I sent my launch completely manned and armed, but they found no person near the flag, to the shaft of which a letter was fastened, and a dozen hams lying close by. The letter was from Don Nicholas Salvo, governor of Chiloe, intimating strong doubts of our ship being the St Rose, complaining of the behaviour of the people in our pinnace, and desiring me to leave the coast. I returned an answer in as proper terms as I could devise, and next morning had another letter, couched in the utmost civility, but absolutely refusing me any refreshments, and demanding the restitution of the Indians said to have been made prisoners by our pinnace. In fact I knew less of our pinnace than he did, and believed that he actually had the people in his hands of whom he now complained.

Despairing of ever seeing my people, and still ignorant where Chacao was situated, having no chart of the island on which I could depend, I determined to change my style of writing to the governor, and try what could be done by threatening to use force. I therefore wrote, that I was determined to have provisions by fair means or foul. Next day I sent my first lieutenant, Mr Brooks, with twenty-nine men well armed in the launch, ordering him to bring off all the provisions he could find. Shortly after, a boat came with a message from the governor, offering to treat with me, if I would send an officer to Chacao: But I answered, that I would treat no where but on board, and that he was now too late, as I had already sent eighty men on shore to take all they could find.

In the evening the launch returned, accompanied by a large piragua, and both were completely laden with sheep, hogs, fowls, barley, and green peas and beans. Soon afterwards, the pinnace arrived with all her crew, but so terrified that I did not expect them to be again fit for service for one while. The officer told me, that he had been forced to fight his way through several canoes, filled with armed Indians, from whom he got clear with the utmost difficulty, and had been under the necessity of making his passage quite round the island, a course of not less than seventy leagues.[258] This proceeded only from excess of terror, as they only met one boat with unarmed Indians and a Spanish sergeant, who came off to them without the least shew of violence, as some of them afterwards confessed, but with this addition, that there were great numbers of people on shore, who they were apprehensive would come off to them. The only excuse the officer could allege was, that the tide had hurried him away, and he forgot in his fright that he had a grappling in the boat, with which he might have anchored till the tide turned.

[Footnote 258: The circuit of the island of Chiloe by sea, could hardly be less than 350 English miles; an arduous navigation in an open boat upon an utterly unknown coast.--E.]

By this strange mismanagement, I missed a favourable opportunity of seizing the town of Chacao, which I might easily have done if I had appeared before it within forty-eight hours after our arrival, when the governor was totally unprovided for resistance. But now, having a whole week allowed for mustering the force of the island, he had collected near a thousand armed Spaniards, as I learnt from the Indian prisoners in the pinnace. I therefore laid aside all thoughts of going to the towns, in the hopes of furnishing ourselves from the Indian farms and plantations, in which I kept one of our boats constantly employed. By the 16th, our decks were full of live cattle, together with poultry and hams in abundance, and such quantities of wheat, barley, potatoes, and maize, that I was quite satisfied. On a moderate computation, we had added four months provisions to the stock we brought from England, so that I was well pleased with the effects of our stay at Chiloe, and prepared to depart. I might certainly have done much more for my own credit and the profit of my owners, had if not been for the mismanagement of the officer in the pinnace.

Chiloe is the first of the Spanish possessions on the coast of Chili, reckoning from the south; and, though it produces neither gold nor silver, is a fine island, and is considered as of great consequence; insomuch that the Spaniards would be under great apprehensions when strange ships enter its ports, did they not confide in the number of its inhabitants, which is extraordinary for this part of the world. The body of this island is in lat. 42° 4' S. being about thirty leagues in length from N. to S. and not above six or seven leagues from E. to W.[259] It is watered by several rivers, and produces many kinds of useful trees, yielding an agreeable prospect, by the great number of Indian farms and plantations dispersed at small distances from each other, on rising grounds among the woods. Within this great island there is an archipelago or cluster of smaller islands, the number of which is not well known; yet the smallest of these is said to be well inhabited, and to abound in cattle. Among these islands there are very uncertain and violent currents, which are by no means safe. I would recommend all strangers to go in at the north end of the great island, giving the northern point of the island a good birth, and then to keep the island side of the channel on board, running along shore to the southward (eastward). Passing two bays, which seem commodious, you come to a point, almost contiguous to which is a high rock, somewhat like a pyramid; and passing between that rock and a small high island near it, you run directly into a harbour resembling the mouth of a river, which forms a safe anchorage. In going in, take care not to come nearer shore than having the depth of five fathoms, as the nearer to the small island the less water; wherefore keep the lead going, and be bold with the shore towards the north side of the harbour, which has the greatest depth, while the south side is shoaly.[260]

[Footnote 259: Chiloe reaches from lat. 41° 50' to 43° 50', both S. and from long. 73° 18' to 74° 24', both W. extending 135 English miles in extreme length, by 35 in medium breadth. See vol. V. p. 592, for an account of the Archipelago of Chiloe.--E.]

[Footnote 260: Shelvocke seems here to describe the harbour leading to the town or village of San Carlos.--E.]

My pilot carried me the contrary way to that here directed, advising me to keep near the main land of Chili, which I did till I got to Carelampo Point, having several small islands to the southward of my course, which proved unfortunate for me by the loss of my anchor. The soil of Chiloe is very fertile, producing all sorts of European fruits and grains, and has fine pasture lands, in which great numbers of cattle are grazed, particularly sheep. The air is wholesome and temperate; yet I suspect the winter may be rigorous, being bounded on the west by an immense ocean, without any land to screen it from the cold moist vapours brought thither by the tempestuous westerly winds, which generally reign in these latitudes, and which must render it uncomfortable in the winter months, as the parallels of latitude to the south of the equator are much colder than those in the same degrees to the northwards.

In this island they have abundance of very handsome middle-sized horses, which the natives are said to manage with great dexterity. They have also an animal, called guanaco or carneso de tierra, that is, sheep of the country, which very much resembles a camel, but not nearly so large. They have long necks, and I have seen one of them between five and six feet high. Their wool or soft hair is very fine. They smell very rank, and move with a very slow majestic pace, which hardly any violence can make them quicken; yet they are of great service at the mines in Peru, where they are employed in carrying the ore and other things. Their flesh is very coarse, as we experienced, having salted some of them for our future use. Besides these, the inhabitants have European sheep and great numbers of hogs, but not many black cattle. The island has plenty of fowls, both wild and tame. Among the former is a small species of goose, found on the banks of the rivers, which are beautifully white, and of an excellent taste. The tame poultry are of the same kinds with our own.

The natives are almost in all respects the same with those on the continent of Chili, of moderate stature, with deep olive complexions, and coarse shaggy black hair, some of them having by no means disagreeable features. They seem naturally of fierce and warlike dispositions; but the oppressions of the Spaniards, and the artifices of the jesuits, who are the missionaries in these parts, have curbed and broken their spirits. Frezier says, that the Indians on the continent, to the southward of this island, are called Chonos, who go quite naked; and that there is a race of men of extraordinary size in the inland parts of the country, called Cacahues,[261] who are in amity with the Chonos, and sometimes accompany them to the Spanish settlements in Chiloe. Frezier says, that he has been credibly informed by eye-witnesses, that some of these were about nine or ten feet high. I had sight of two of these Indians, who came from the southward of St Domingo river, one of whom was a cacique, who did not seem to me to differ in their persons from the ordinary natives of Chiloe. They were decently clothed in ponchos, monteras, and poulains. The poncho is a sort of square carpet, having a slit or hole cut in the middle, wide enough to slip over the head, so that it hangs down over the shoulders, half before and half behind, under which they generally wear a short doublet. On their heads they have a montera, or cap nearly like those of our postillions, and their legs are covered by the poulains, a kind of knit buskins, or hose without feet. In short, their appearance has little or none of the savage. Their habitations are firmly built of planks, but have no chimneys, so that they are very black and sooty within.

[Footnote 261: See an account of the native tribes, inhabiting the southern extremity of South America, vol. V. p. 401.]

They inclose some of their land for cultivation, by means of rails or paling; and although they have plenty of every thing necessary to a comfortable subsistence, they have no bread, from wanting mills in which to grind and prepare their wheat They use a miserable substitute, making a kind of cakes of sea-weeds, which from use is much esteemed by them, and was not even disliked by some of our men. Besides this, they prepare their maize in several manners to answer the purpose of bread, and they use potatoes and other roots with the same intention. They prepare a liquor called chicha from their Indian corn, in imitation of their neighbours on the continent of Chili; but the Spaniards endeavor to curb their propensity to the use of this liquor, as their drinking bouts have often occasioned seditions and revolts. Such of the natives as have no European weapons, use pikes, darts, and other arms of the country. Among these is a running noose on a long leathern thong, called a lays, which they use with surprising dexterity for catching cattle, horses, or other animals, even when at full career. From all that I could see of the natives of Chiloe, or hear respecting the Chilese, they seem to resemble each other in all things, which is not wonderful, considering the near neighbourhood of this island to the continent of Chili. They use small drums, the heads of which are made of goats skins with the hair on, and give a very dull sound.

The natives of Chiloe carry on a small woollen manufacture, consisting of ponchoes and other articles of clothing, formerly mentioned. They also export considerable quantities of cedar, both in plank, and wrought up into boxes, chests, desks, and the like, with which they supply all Chili and Peru. They have no European trade; but the Spaniard who came to me from the governor expressed his astonishment that no trading ships ever put in there, saying they had plenty of money among them, with a safe port, free from the danger of going to the northward among the Spanish ships of war; as a great deal of business might be done here, before intelligence could be sent as far as Lima, and the ships could be fitted out and sent so great a way to wind-ward. It is observed of the Chilese, that, differing from all other nations ever heard of, they have no notion of a Supreme Being, and consequently have no kind of worship; and they are such enemies to civil society that they never live together in towns and villages, so that their country seems thinly inhabited, though very populous, the whole nation being dispersed in farms at a good distance, every family having its own plantation, and raising its own necessaries.

Though thus scattered, they are not wholly independent, each tribe being subject to a chief, called a cacique, whose dwelling is conveniently situated among them, for the more speedy summoning them together on affairs of importance. This is done by the sound of a sort of horn, on hearing which all his vassals repair to him without delay. The chief commands them in war, and has an absolute power of dispensing justice among his subjects, who all consider themselves as his relations, he being as it were the head of his family, and his authority hereditary. In all these respects the inhabitants of Chiloe resemble their neighbours on the continent, excepting that their caciques are stript in a great measure of their power and influence, by the tyranny of the Spaniards, who keep them under the most servile slavery, while the missionaries blind them by a superstitious and imperfect conversion to Christianity, of which not one of these natives know any thing more than merely that they were baptized; all their devotion consisting of mere idolatry of the cross, or the images of saints; for the Spanish clergy use no manner of pains to enlighten their minds, but probably think it better, by keeping them in ignorance, to make them more contented under the rigorous government of the Spaniards. Under this delusion, the caciques have changed their lawful prerogatives for the vain ostentation of being allowed to wear a silver-headed cane, which places them on a footing outwardly with a Spanish captain. Yet have they sometimes rebelled against their proud oppressors, deeming death preferable to slavery, as may be seen in the account of Frezier's voyage.

The vessels used in Chiloe are peculiarly constructed, as, for want of nails and other articles of iron, the planks of which their boats are constructed are sewed together very ingeniously with oziers. These boats are all constructed of three pieces only, the keel or bottom being one piece, and the sides two others; and they are rowed with oars, in the same manner as with us, more or fewer according to their size.

Having nothing farther to detain us in Chiloe, I determined upon proceeding to the island of Juan Fernandez, as directed in my instructions; but my men took it into their heads that great things might be done by a short trip to the Bay of Conception, to which also they were induced by the Frenchman who persuaded us to come to Chiloe. He pretended that there were always five or six ships in the road of Conception, besides others daily coming in or going out, and that these had often both ways considerable sums of money or silver, with other valuable things, on board; and, though large ships, they were of little or no force, neither were there any fortifications at that place to protect them; so that we could not meet any opposition in taking them, even if there were twenty sail. He said their, cargoes consisted chiefly of corn, wine, brandy, flour, and jerked beef; and that the ships bound for Conception always brought money to purchase their cargoes; besides that considerable booty might be made for rich trading passengers, who carry on a considerable trade over land between Conception and Buenos Ayres. He also alleged, that we could not fail of having any ships we might take ransomed; and that we should certainly make our fortunes, if we could only reach Conception before they had notice of our being in these seas. This man therefore advised my people to endeavour to prevail on me to make the best of my way to Conception, before the governor of Chiloe could send our deserter thither; after which all the coast would be alarmed, and we should have no opportunity of meeting with any thing till the Spaniards had imagined we were gone from the South Sea.

In similar cases, all are fond of delivering their sentiments; and, as it is impossible to keep a ship's company in so much awe in so remote a part as in short voyages, my men did not fail to speak their minds somewhat insolently. One William Morphew, who had been in these seas several years, took upon him to tell me, that it did not signify much if we arrived two or three days sooner or later at Juan Fernandez. He said also, that I was a stranger here, but the Frenchman and he were well acquainted with these seas, and every body hoped I would be advised to go to Conception; hoping I would not put a mere punctilious adherence to orders in balance against so fair a prospect, or almost certainty of success, if we arrived there in time. In short, they all assured me that they had the interest of the proprietors in view, as much as their own, and that they would perish sooner than injure them in any respect. They said at the same time, if I had not success in my proceedings nobody could be blamed but myself, and entreated me not to let slip this opportunity, in which they would stand by me with all fidelity.

On our way to Conception, we made the islands of Mocha and St Mary on the 23d December, and arrived that same evening in the Bay of Conception, but could not be certain whether there were any ships in the road. I immediately gave orders to man and arm our boats and sent them up that same night, in order to surprise any ships that might be there; and with strict orders, if they found them too strong, to endeavour to prevent them from sending any thing on shore till I were able to work the ship up to them. This I endeavoured to do all night, but to very little purpose; for at day-light next morning I could not discern any thing above us. Captain Hately returned about noon of the 24th, informing me that he had taken a ship of about 150 tons, lately arrived from Baldivia, and having only a few cedar plants on board, with no person in her but the boatswain, an old negro, and two Indian boys. He had left her in the charge of Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, with orders to bring her down the first opportunity; and had taken, while on his return, a small vessel, of about twenty-five tons, near the island Quiri-quinie, which lies in the harbour or bay of Conception, where this small vessel had been taking in pears, cherries, and other fruits, to sell at Conception. Immediately after taking this small vessel, I could perceive with my glass another small boat come in between the islands of Quiri-quinie and Talgaguana, passing within pistol-shot of my pinnace, and yet Captain Hately did not engage her. For this his only excuse, after he came on board, was, that he did not mind her; though our boat's crew said she was full of men.

On the 26th about noon, Mr Brooks brought down the prize, and anchored about half a mile short of us. The boatswain of this prize had not been two hours in the Speed-well, till he told us of a vessel, laden with wine, brandy, and other valuable things, riding at anchor in the Bay of Herradura, about two leagues to the north of us, and bound for Chiloe. On receiving this information, I ordered Mr Randal, my second lieutenant, with twenty five men, to go in the Mercury, which name we gave to the captured flour bark, and, accompanied by the Spanish boatswain of the other prize, to go in search of the vessel in the Bay of Herradura, with positive orders not to land or to make any other hazardous attempt. But they returned next evening with the following melancholy story.

On getting into the bay, they found the vessel hauled dry ashore, when Randal ordered his people to land and bring away what they could find in her, while he and three or four more kept the bark afloat. The people found the bark empty, but seeing a small house hard by, they suspected her cargo might be lodged there, and the inferior officer along with them ordered them to examine that house. The poor fellows went accordingly, without any officer at their head, and without any regard to order, every one endeavouring to be foremost. Their career was soon stopped, as they had hardly got beyond the top of the bank when they discovered the enemy coming furiously towards them. Some of the seamen were of opinion they might have retreated at this time in safety, if they had not been astonished at the strange manner in which they were attacked, by a number of horses galloping up to them without riders, which caused them for some time to stand amazed, not knowing what way to proceed; but on a little reflection they bestirred themselves to make the best of their way to the Mercury, in which they all succeeded except five, who were made prisoners. Fortunately for them, the Mercury had by some accident got aground, or they must all have been cut off, as the Spaniards thought fit to retire on getting within musket-shot of the Mercury. They now got the bark afloat, but as the water was still very low, and they were obliged in going out of the bay to keep very near to a point of land, the Spaniards galled them from that point, under the shelter of the wood. They soon passed this point, having a fair wind, all lying close in the bottom of the bark, so that on this occasion only one man was wounded, who was shot through the thigh. The Spaniards came down upon them in this affair after the following singular manner. They were preceded by twenty or more horses abreast, two deep, and linked together, behind which extraordinary van-guard came the enemy on horseback, lying on the necks of their horses, and driving the others before them, never seen to sit up on their saddles, except to fire their muskets, or when there was no danger. When they got near our people, they threw their lays or running nooses to catch them, and accordingly ensnared James Daniel, one of my foremast-men, who was a good way into the water, and whom they dragged out again at the rate of ten knots. The Spaniards in Chili are universally dexterous in the use of this running noose, for I have seen a Spaniard bring a man up by the foot as he ran along the deck, and they are sure of any thing they fling at, at the distance of several fathoms.

These misfortunes and disappointments made my crew extremely uneasy, and might have had bad consequences, if we had not been agreeably surprised by seeing a large ship coming round the northern point of the island of Quiri-quinie.[262] It was at this time almost dark, so that her people could not perceive what we were, and stood on therefore without fear, so that she came towards us, and was taken without resistance. This ship proved to be the St Fermin, of about 300 tons, last from Cadaco,[263] having only a small cargo, consisting of sugar, molasses, rice, coarse French linen, some woollen cloth and bays of Quito, a small quantity of chocolate, and about five or six thousand dollars in money and wrought plate. I sent Mr Hendric, the owners agent, to inspect her cargo, and to order every thing of value out of her into the Speedwell, and the ship's company sent their agent likewise. They returned in the afternoon, bringing all the bales, boxes, chests, portmanteaus, and other packages, with a large quantity of sugar, molasses, and chocolate, and about seventy hundred weight of good rusk, with all her other stores and eatables. Don Francisco Larragan, the captain of this ship, begged to be allowed to ransom her, which I willingly consented to, and allowed him to go in his own launch to Conception to raise the money, accompanied by a merchant, one of the prisoners.

[Footnote 262: A small island in the entrance of the Bay of Conception.--E.]

[Footnote 263: Callao, or the port of Lima, is perhaps here meant.--E.]

In the mean time we were very busy in searching the prize, lest any thing might have been concealed; and every one who came at any time from the St Fermin was strictly searched by some of our people appointed for the purpose, that they might not appropriate any thing of value. Our carpenter also was employed in making a slight spar-deck over the Mercury, as she might be of great use while cruizing along the coast. On the 30th December a boat came off to us with a flag of truce from the governor of Conception, and an officer, who acquainted us that two of our people, taken in the late skirmish, were still alive, but very much wounded. He brought also a present of seven jars of very good wine, and a letter from Don Gabriel Cano, the governor, in which he demanded to see my commission, as also that I should send ashore Joseph de la Fontaine, who had been servant to one of the mates belonging to Captain La Jonquiere, and some other things that I thought unreasonable, engaging to enter into a treaty, if I would comply with these requisitions. At length a formal treaty was begun, in which I demanded 16,000 dollars for the ransom of the St Fermin alone, while they offered only 12,000 for both the ships and the bark. Finding all his Spanish puncto tended only to entrap us, I set fire to the Solidad, one of our prizes; and, giving them time to comply with my proposals it they would, I set the St Fermin also on fire.

We sailed from the bay of Conception on the 7th January, 1720, intending for Juan Fernandez; and on the 8th we observed the sea to be entirely of a red colour, occasioned, as the Spaniards say, by the spawn of the camarones, or pracous. On the 9th, the plunder taken in the St Fermin was sold by the ship's agent at the mart, and brought extravagant prices. The account being taken, and the shares calculated, the people insisted for an immediate distribution, which was made accordingly, and each foremast-man had after the rate of ten dollars a share, in money and goods. On the 11th we saw the island of Juan Fernandez; and at noon it bore from us five leagues W.S.W. the meridional distance from Conception being 275 miles[264] W. From that day to the 15th, I stood off and on, waiting for my boats which were employed in fishing. In this time I sent the Mercury ashore to stop her leaks, while the boats caught so many fish, that we salted the fill of five puncheons. I could find no marks of Captain Clipperton having been here for a long time; but at length some of my men saw accidentally the words Magee and Captain John cut upon a tree. Magee was the name of Clipperton's surgeon, but no directions were left, as agreed upon in his instructions to me, so that it was evident he never meant I should keep him company, or ever join him again.

[Footnote 264: The difference of longitude between Conception and Juan Fernandez is six degrees of longitude W. and, consequently, 360 minutes or marine miles.--E.]

Being by this certified of the arrival of Clipperton in the South Sea, I directly made the best of my way from Juan Fernandez, being in a pretty good condition as to provisions, by the additional stock of fish caught here, all our casks being filled. On the 21st, while sailing along there with the design of looking into Copiapo, I put Mr Dodd, second lieutenant of marines, into the Mercury, with a reinforcement of eight men, and sent her next evening to cruize close in with the land, while I kept with the Speedwell in the offing, to prevent being discovered from the land. On this occasion I took care to give the officer commanding the Mercury a copy of my commission, with all necessary instructions how to proceed, appointing the Moro, or head-land of Copiapo, to be our place of meeting. The business of the Mercury was to look into the port of Copiapo, called Caldera,[265] near which there are some gold-mines, and from whence considerable quantities of gold are exported in small vessels; and our bark had the advantage of being of that country build, so that she could not excite suspicion. Next day I hove in sight of the head-land of Copiapo, and lay to the southward, that I might not be seen from that port, which is to the northward of the Moro de Copiapo. While here, opposite a small island which lies athwart the mouth of Copiapo river, I sent the pinnace to fish between that isle and the main, and soon after saw a vessel crowding all sail towards us. She at first seemed too large for the Mercury, yet turned out to be her; when the officer told me he had looked into the port, but could see no shipping; but he had looked into a wrong place, and having made him sensible of his error, I sent him again to the right place, which was about six leagues farther north.

[Footnote 265: The port of Caldera, or English harbour, is about twelve or fifteen miles to the N. of Copiapo river, having a considerable interposed promontory.--E.]

Next morning our pinnace returned, bringing only a few penguins which she had taken on the island in the bay of Copiapo. The Mercury had looked into Caldera, but saw nothing; and instead of making use of the land-wind to come off to me, had kept along shore in the bottom of the bay till the land-wind came in so strong that she was nearly lost on the lee-shore. On the 27th, I sent Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, and Mr Rainor, first lieutenant of marines, to relieve Mr Randal and Mr Dodd in the Mercury, which I had fitted with a gang of oars, and, upon trial, she was found to make way at the rate of three knots, which might render her extremely useful in a calm. The 5th February, I dispatched Mr Brooks ahead in the Mercury, to see if there were any ships in the harbour of Arica, in lat. 18° 26' S. and next day, at one p.m. having ranged along shore, by the breakers of Pisagua, Camarones, and Victor, I got sight of the head-land of Arica, with a ship at anchor on its northern side, and saw the Mercury standing out of the bay, by which I judged the ship was too warm for her, and therefore made all haste to get up to her with the Speedwell. On coming up, we found that the ship was already taken, and the Mercury only accidentally adrift. This prize was called the Rosario, of 100 tons, laden with cormorants dung, which they use for manuring the land which produces the cod-pepper, or Capsicum, from the cultivation of which they make a vast profit in the vale of Arica. The only white face in this ship was the pilot, whom I sent ashore to see if the owner would ransom his ship, the cargo being worth gold to them, but entirely useless to us. Next morning I received a letter from Miguel Diaz Gonzale, the owner of the ship, insisting pitifully on his poverty and distress, having a large family to provide for, and promising to meet me at Hilo or Quaco, to treat for a ransom.

We soon after took a small bark of ten tons, laden with guana, or cormorants dung, and having also some dried fish, which lay within a mile of Arica. By this time all the adjacent country was up in arms, and great numbers had come down to the coast, well mounted and armed, and seemingly well disciplined. To try their courage, I ordered the Mercury and launch to draw near the shore, as if we had really intended to land, though the landing-place here is altogether impracticable for European boats; and I also cannonaded the town briskly. Our balls made no execution, yet ploughed up the sand in front of the Spanish horse, throwing it all over them: But neither this, nor the approach of my small craft, made any impression, for they stood firm, and at least shewed the countenance of as good troops as could be wished. This much disappointed me, as it shewed my men that the Spaniards were far from being cowards, as they had been represented. As soon as it was dark, Gonzales came off to me, and I agreed to let him have back his ship and six negroes on receiving 1500 dollars, reserving right to take any thing out of her that might be useful to us; and at ten next night he brought me the agreed sum, being the weight of 1300 dollars in ingots of virgin silver, called pinnas by the Spaniards, and the rest in coined dollars. He also made great enquiry for English commodities, for which he offered high prices, complaining that the French only supplied them with paltry goods and mere trifles, for which they carried off vast sums. He added, that he supposed the English merchants were all asleep, or too rich, as they did not come near them: And, although their ports were not so open as in other parts of the world, they yet know how to manage matters tolerably well; and that their governors, being generally Europeans, who seldom remained above three years in the country, used any means to improve their time, and could easily be gained so as to act very obligingly. He said much more as to the blindness of the English, in suffering the French pedlars to carry on, uninterruptedly, the most considerable branch of traffic in the world. Before leaving me, he desired me to carry his ship two or three leagues out to sea, and then to turn her adrift, on purpose to deceive the governor and the king's officers; and, if I would meet him at Hilo (Ilo,) about twenty-five leagues to the north-westwards, he would purchase from me any coarse goods I had to dispose of, which might be done there with all imaginable secrecy. At this time also, the master of the small bark came off in a balsa. This is an odd sort of an embarkation, consisting of two large seal skins, separately blown up, like bladders, and made fast to pieces of wood. On this he brought off two jars of brandy and forty dollars; which, considering his mean appearance, was as much as I could expect. One part of his cargo was valuable, being a considerable quantity of excellent dried fish.

The port of Arica, formerly so famous for the great quantities of silver shipped from thence, is now much diminished in its riches, and appears mostly a heap of ruins, except the church of St Mark, and two or three more, which still look tolerably well. What helps to give it a very desolate appearance is, that the houses near the sea are only covered with mats. Being situated on the sea-shore, in an open roadstead, it has no fortifications of any kind to defend or command the anchorage, the Spaniards thinking it sufficiently secured by the heavy surf, and the rocky bottom near the shore, which threaten inevitable destruction to any European boats, or other embarkation, except what is expressly contrived for the purpose, being the balsas already mentioned. To obstruct the landing of an enemy, the Spaniards had formerly a fort and entrenchments, flanking the storecreeks; but being built of unburnt bricks, it is now fallen to ruins. In 1680, when Dampier was here, being repulsed before the town, the English landed at the creek of Chacota, to the south of the head-land, whence they marched over the mountain (Gordo) to plunder Arica. Earthquakes also, which are frequent here, have at last ruined the town, and Arica is now no more than a little village of about 150 families, most of them negroes, mulattoes, and Indians, with very few whites. On the 26th November, 1605,[266] the sea, violently agitated by an earthquake, suddenly overflowed, and broke down the greatest part of the town, and the ruins of its streets are to be seen at this day. What remains of Arica is not now liable to such an accident, being situated on a little rising ground at the foot of the head-land. Most of the houses are only constructed of a sort of fascines, made of flags or sedges, bound together, called totora, set up on end, crossed by canes and leather thongs; or are made of canes set on end, having the intervals filled with earth. The use of unburnt bricks is reserved for churches and the stateliest houses; and as no rain ever falls here, they are only covered with mats, so that the houses seem all in ruins when seen from the sea. The parish church, dedicated to St Mark, is handsome enough. There are also three religious houses, one a monastery of seven or eight mercenarians, a second is an hospital of the brothers of St John of God, and the third a monastery of Franciscans, who formerly had a house a short way from town, in the pleasantest part of the vale, near the sea.

[Footnote 266: Perhaps this date ought to have been 1705.--E.]

The vale of Arica is about a league wide next the sea, all barren ground except where the old town stood, which is divided into small fields of clover, some small plantations of sugar-canes, with olive-trees and cotton-trees intermixed, and several intervening marshes, full of the sedges of which they build their houses. Growing narrower about a league eastward at the village of St Michael de Sapa, they begin to cultivate the agi, or Guinea pepper, which culture extends over all the rest of the vale, in which there are several detached farms exclusively devoted to its culture. In that part of the vale, which is very narrow, and about six leagues long, they raise yearly to the value of above 80,000 crowns. The Spaniards of Peru are so much addicted to this spice, that they dress no meat without it, although so hot and biting that no one can endure it, unless accustomed to its use; and, as it cannot grow in the Puna, or mountainous country, many merchants come down every year, who carry away all the Guinea pepper that grows in the districts of Arica, Sama, Taena, Locumba, and others, ten leagues around, from all of which it is reckoned they export yearly to the value of 600,000 dollars, though sold cheap. It is hard to credit that such vast quantities should go from hence, as the country is so parched up, except the vales, that nothing green is to be seen. This wonderful fertility is produced by the dung of fowls, which is brought from Iquique, and which fertilizes the soil in a wonderful manner, making it produce four or five hundred for one of all sorts of grain, as wheat, maize, and so forth, but particularly of this agi, or Guinea pepper, when rightly managed. When the plants are sufficiently grown in the seed-bed to be fit for transplanting, they are set out in winding lines like the letter S, that the furrows for conveying the water may distribute it equally to the roots of the plants. They then lay about the root of each plant of Guinea pepper as much guana, or bird's dung formerly mentioned, as will lie in the hollow of the hand. When in blossom, they add a little more; and, lastly, when the pods are completely formed, they add a good handful more to each plant, always taking care to supply them with water, as it never rains in this country; otherwise, the salts contained in the manure, not being dissolved, would burn the plants, as has been found by experience. It is also for this reason that this manure is laid on at different times, as already explained, the necessity of which has been found by long use, and by the superior value of the crops thus produced.

For the carriage of this guana, or fowl's dung, the people at Arica generally use that sort of little camels which the Indians of Bern call Llamas, the Chilese, Chilihneque, and the Spaniards, Carneros de la tierra, or native sheep. The heads of these animals are small in proportion to their bodies, and are somewhat in shape between the head of a horse and that of a sheep, the upper lips being cleft like that of a hare, through which they can spit to the distance of ten paces against any one who offends them, and if the spittle happens to fall on the face of a person, it causes a red itchy spot. Their necks are long, and concavely bent downwards, like that of a camel, which animal they greatly resemble, except in having no hunch on their backs, and in being much smaller. Their ordinary height is from four feet to four and a half; and their ordinary burden does not exceed an hundred-weight. They walk, holding up their heads with wonderful gravity, and at so regular a pace as no beating can quicken. At night it is impossible to make them move with their loads, for they lie down till these are taken off, and then go to graze. Their ordinary food is a sort of grass called yeho, somewhat like a small rush, but finer, and has a sharp point, with which all the mountains are covered exclusively. They eat little, and never drink, so that they are very easily maintained. They have cloven feet like sheep, and are used at the mines to carry ore to the mills; and, as soon as loaded, they set off without any guide to the place where they are usually unloaded. They have a sort of spur above the foot, which renders them sure-footed among the rocks, as it serves as a kind of hook to hold by. Their hair, or wool rather, is long, white, grey, and russet, in spots, and fine, but much inferior to that of the Vicunna, and has a strong and disagreeable scent.

The Vicunna is shaped much like the Llama, but much smaller and lighter, their wool being extraordinarily fine and much valued. These animals are often hunted after the following manner: Many Indians gather together, and drive them into some narrow pass, across which they have previously extended cords about four feet from the ground, having bits of wool or cloth hanging to them at small distances. This so frightens them that they dare not pass, and gather together in a string, when the Indians kill them with stones tied to the ends of leather thongs. Should any quanacos happen to be among the flock, these leap over the cords, and are followed by all the vicunnas. These quanacos are larger and more corpulent, and are also called viscachas. There is yet another animal of this kind, called alpagnes, having wool of extraordinary fineness, but their legs are shorter, and their snouts contracted in such a manner as to give them some resemblance to the human countenance. The Indians make several uses of these creatures, some of which carry burdens of about an hundred-weight. Their wool serves to make stuffs, cords, and sacks. Their bones are used for the construction of weavers utensils; and their dung is employed as fuel for dressing meat, and warming their huts.

Before the last war, a small fleet called the armadilla used to resort yearly to Arica, partly composed of kings ships, and partly those of private persons. By this fleet, European commodities were brought from Panama, together with quicksilver for the mines of La Paz, Oruro La Plata, or Chuguizaca, Potosi, and Lipes; and in return carried to Lima the king's fifth of the silver drawn from the mines. Since the galleons have ceased going to Porto-Bello, and the French have carried on the trade of supplying the coast of the South Sea with European commodities, Arica has been the most considerable mart of all this coast, and to which the merchants of the five above-mentioned rich, towns resort. It is true that the port of Cobija is nearer Lipes and Potosi; but being situated in a barren and desert country, where nothing can be procured for the subsistence of man or beast, the merchants chuse rather to go to Arica, though more distant, as they are sure to find at that place every thing they need. Besides, they find no great difficulty in bringing there their silver privately in a mass, and compounding with the corregidores or chief magistrates to avoid paying the royal fifth.

On leaving Arica, we sailed for the road of Ilo, about 75 miles to the N.W. where we arrived that same afternoon, and saw a large ship with three small ones at anchor. The great ship immediately hoisted French colours, being the Wise Solomon of 40 guns, commanded by Mons. Dumain, who was resolved to protect the vessels that were beside him, and to oppose my coming into the road. As it grew dark before I could get into the road, I sent my third lieutenant, Mr La Porte, a Frenchman, to inform Mr Dumain who we were: But my officer no sooner got on board than he was tumbled out again, the Frenchman calling him a renegado; and Mr Dumain sent me word he would sink me if I offered to anchor there. La Porte also told me, that to his knowledge the French ships often accepted Spanish commissions, when there were English cruizers on this coast, having great privileges in trade allowed them for this service; and he could plainly see that the French ship was double manned, by means of inhabitants from the town, who were partly French; and, as he supposed, would come to attack me as soon as the wind was off shore. While thus talking, the French ship fired several guns at us, as if to shew that they were ready, and meant shortly to be with us. At first, this bravado heated me not a little, and I had some design of turning the Mercury into a fire-ship, by the help of which I might have roasted this insolent Frenchman: But, having reflected on the situation of affairs at home, and fearing my attacking him might be deemed unjustifiable, notwithstanding his unwarranted conduct, I thought it best to stand out of the harbour.

On the 12th February, the moiety of the money taken at Arica was divided among the company according to their shares. On the 22d we found ourselves in the heights of Calao, the port of Lima; on which I furled all my sails, resolving to get away in the night; knowing, if we were discovered from thence, that we should certainly be pursued by some Spanish men of war, as there are always some in that port. On the 26th, the officers in the Mercury desired to be relieved, and I spoke to Captain Hately, whose turn it was to take the command of that bark. This gentleman had been long a prisoner among the Spaniards in this country, which he was well acquainted with, having travelled between Payta and Lima by land, on which occasion he had observed several rich towns, which made him conceive we might do something to purpose, by cruizing along the coast, as far as the island of Lobos, in lat. 7° S. I approved of this, as it was probable we might meet some of the Panama ships, which always keep well in with the land, in order to have the benefit of the land-breezes. As the company of the Mercury seemed delighted with this project, I augmented their complement, giving them a month's provisions on board. I also lent Captain Hately my pinnace, mounted his bark with two of our quarter-deck guns, and gave him a copy of my commission, although it was very likely we should have frequent sight of the Mercury, between our present intended separation, and our intended rendezvous at the island of Lobos, not above sixty leagues from where we then were.

When every thing was ready for their departure, Captain Betagh, whose turn it was to relieve the marine officer in the Mercury, being unwilling to go, went among our people with a terrified countenance, saying, that he and those with him in the Mercury were going to be sacrificed. Hearing this, I addressed my ship's company, telling them I could not conceive what this pestilent fellow meant by making such an uproar. I appealed to them all, if it had not been customary to relieve the officers in this manner, ever since we had this vessel in company, and asked them if ever they knew me select any man for going upon an enterprise, and had not, on the contrary, left it always to their own choice to go on any particular service out of the ship. I then desired to know who among them were of Betagh's opinion? Upon this, they all declared with one voice, that they had never entertained any such opinion; but, on the contrary, that I should always find them obedient to my commands. In the next place, I ordered the Mercury along side, and acquainted her crew with the speech Betagh had made in the Speedwell, and desired to know if any of them were apprehensive of being sold or sacrificed. At this they all set up a loud huzza, and requested they might go on the intended cruize in the Mercury. Accordingly Hately and Betagh went on board that bark, and put off from us, giving us three cheers, and stood right in for the land.

It may be proper to take some notice of the proceedings of the Mercury after she left me, as I have been informed from some of themselves and some prisoners. The very next day they took a small bark laden with rice, chocolate, wheat, flour, and the like; and the day following, another. On the 4th day, they took a ship of near 200 tons, in which were 150,000 dollars. Flushed with this success, Betagh prevailed upon Hately, and most of the people in the Mercury, not to rejoin me, saying, they had now enough to appear like gentlemen as long as they lived, but it would be a mere nothing when the owner's part was taken out, and the rest divided into 500 shares. He therefore thought, since fortune had been so kind to them, they ought to make the best of their way to India, as they had sufficient provisions and all other requisites for the voyage, and Captain. Hately was well able to conduct them to some port in the East Indies. This plan was accordingly resolved on, and they fell to leeward of the place of rendezvous. But, weighing with himself the prodigious extent of the run, and its many hazards, and well knowing the treatment he might expect in India, if his treachery were discovered, Captain Hately became irresolute, and could not determine what was best to be done, so that he kept hovering on the coast. In the mean time, some of his crew went away in his boat to surrender themselves to the enemy, rather than be concerned in such a piratical undertaking. Betagh and his accomplices still kept Hately warm with liquor, and at length brought him to the resolution of leaving the South Sea. But they had no sooner clapped their helm a-weather for this purpose than they saw a sail standing towards them, which proved to be a Spanish man of war, which caught them, and spoilt their India voyage. The English prisoners were very indifferently used; but Betagh, being a Roman Catholic, and of a nation which the Spaniards are very fond of,[267] was treated with much respect, and was even made an officer.

[Footnote 267: He seems to have been a Fleming, taken on board at Ostend, when the voyage was originally intended to have proceeded under an imperial commission.--E.]

In the morning of the 29th February, we saw a vessel at anchor in the road of Guanchaeo, and anchored alongside of her at eleven a.m. She was called the Carmasita, of about 100 tons, having only two Indian men and a boy on board, and her only loading was a small quantity of timber from Guayaquil. From these prisoners, I was informed of a rich ship being in the cove of Payta, having put in there to repair some damage she had sustained in a gale of wind. On this information I put immediately to sea, but in purchasing our anchor, the cable parted, and we lost our anchor. Our prize being new and likely to sail well, I took her with us, naming her the St David, designing to have made her a complete fire-ship as soon as we should be rejoined by the Mercury, in which there were materials for that purpose. Next day we looked into Cheripe, whence we chased a small vessel, which ran on shore to avoid us. Next morning, being near Lobos, our appointed rendezvous with the Mercury, I sent ashore my second lieutenant, Mr Randal, with two letters in separate bottles, directing Captain Hately to follow me to Payta, to which port I now made the best of my way, and arrived before it on the 18th of March, and sent Mr Randal to look into the cove, to bring me an account of what ships were there, that I might know what to think of the information we had received from our prisoners.

On the 21st, I steered directly in for the cove of Payta, which I entered under French colours about four in the afternoon. We found only a small ship there, of which Mr Brooks took possession in the launch. About seven p.m. we came to anchor within three quarters of a mile of the town. The town seemed to be moderately large and populous, and there might probably be some land-forces for its defence, being the rendezvous of the ships which trade between Panama and Caloa; yet, as the taking of this place was treated in our instructions as a matter of importance, I consulted with my officers as to the best manner of making the attempt. Leaving the charge of the ship with the master, Mr Coldsea, and a few hands, to look after the negroes we had on board, and with orders to bring the ship nearer to the town, for the more expeditiously embarking any plunder we might make; I landed with forty-six men, well armed, about two in the morning of the 22d, and marched directly up to the great church without the slightest opposition, for we found the town entirely deserted by the inhabitants.

At day-light, we observed large bodies of men on the hills, on both sides of the town, which we expected would have come down to attack us; but, on marching up towards them, they retired before us. Hitherto we had taken no prisoners, except an old Indian and a boy, who told us that Captain Clipperton had been here some time before, and had set some prisoners ashore, who assured them he meant not to do them any injury; but that the inhabitants, not thinking fit to trust him, had removed all their valuable effects into the mountains, among which were 400,000 dollars belonging to the king, which had been a fine prize for Clipperton, who certainly would have found no greater difficulty in taking this town than I did.

I was constrained suddenly to halt, in consequence of hearing a gun fired from the ship, soon after which word was brought me that she was ashore. I hurried off as fast as I could, carrying with us the union-flag, which I had planted in the church-yard; and, as we were re-embarking, the enemy came running down the hill, hallooing after us. When I got on board, I found the ship entirely afloat, but within her own breadth of the rocks; and, as the water was quite smooth, we soon warped her off again. We then returned to the town, whence the Spaniards retired as peaceably as before. The remainder of the day was employed in shipping off what plunder we could find, which consisted of hogs, brown and white calavances, beans, Indian corn, wheat, flour, sugar, and as many cocoa nuts[268] as we were able to stow away, together with pans and other conveniences for preparing it, so that we were now amply provided with excellent breakfast meat for the rest of our voyage, and were, besides, full of other provisions.

[Footnote 268: Cacao, chocolate-nuts, are almost certainly here meant.--E.]

At eight in the morning of the 23d, a messenger came in to know what ransom I would take for the town and the ship, for which I demanded 10,000 dollars in twenty-four hours. At eight next morning, I had a letter from the governor, signifying, that as I wrote in French, neither he nor any one about him could understand its contents; but if I would write in Latin or Spanish, I might depend on a satisfactory answer. In the afternoon, I sent for one of our quarter-deck guns on shore, which was mounted at our guard, and was fired at sun-set, midnight, and break of day. The messenger returned in the morning of the 24th, accompanied by the master of the ship we had taken, and on hearing of their arrival, I went on shore to know what they had to propose. I understood from them that the governor was determined not to ransom the town, and did not care what become of it, provided the churches were not burnt. Though I never had any intention to destroy any place devoted to divine worship, I answered that I should have no regard to the churches, or anything else, when I set the town on fire; and I told the master of the vessel, he might expect to see her in flames immediately, if not ransomed without delay. This seemed to make a great impression, and he promised to return in three hours with the money. I then caused every thing to be taken out of the town that could be of any use to us, after which I ordered the town to be set on fire in several places; and, as the houses were old and dry, it instantly became a bonfire.

In the midst of this conflagration, the people in the Speedwell made many signals for me to come on board, and kept continually firing towards the mouths of the harbour. As I could only guess the meaning of all this, I went on board as soon as possible in a canoe, having only three men along with me. Before I could reach the ship, I could distinctly see a large ship, with a Spanish flag at her fore-topmast-head, and her fore-topsail a-back. At this sight, two of my three men were ready to faint, and if it had not been for my boatswain, I doubt if I should have got on board; and if the Spanish admiral had acted with vigour, he might have taken the ship long enough before I got to her. It is bare justice to Mr Coldsea to say, that he fired so smartly on the Spaniard as to induce him to act with great precaution, which had been quite unnecessary if he had known our weakness. His caution, however, gave me the opportunity of getting on board: and, in the mean time, my officers were so unwilling to leave our guard-gun ashore, that they spent a great while in getting it into the boat, so that I was afraid the enemy would attack us before our people could get on board. The Spaniard was, however, in no hurry, thinking, no doubt, that we could not well escape him, yet was within pistol-shot of us before the last of our men got on board, being about fifty in all. We now cut our cable, but our ship fell round the wrong way, so that I had just room enough to fall clear of the enemy. Being now close together, the formidable appearance of the enemy struck an universal damp on the spirits of my people; some of whom, in coming off from the shore, were for jumping into the water and swimming on shore, which a few actually did.

The enemy was a fine European-built ship, of 50 guns, and the disproportion was so great between us, that there seemed no hopes of escaping, as we were under his lee. I endeavoured to get into shoal water, but he becalmed me with his sails, and confined us for the best part of an hour, during which he handled us very roughly with his cannon, making very little use of his small-arms, never allowing us a moment's ease, but as soon as his broadside was ready, he gave his ship the starboard helm, bringing as many of his guns to bear as possible, and at the same time kept me from the wind. We returned his fire as briskly as we could; but, in our precipitate retreat from the town, most of our small arms were wetted, so that it was long before they were of any use. During this action, there was a strange contusion on shore, where the people had flocked down from the hills to extinguish the fire in Payta, in which some of them were busily employed, while others stood on the shore, spectators of our engagement. I was long in despair of getting away from the Spaniard, expecting nothing less than to be torn in pieces by his superior fire, unless we could have an opportunity of trying our heels with him while our masts remained standing. I expected every minute that he would board us, and hearing a hallooing among them, and seeing their forecastle full of men, I concluded that they had come to this resolution; but soon saw that it proceeded from our ensign being shot down, on which I made another be displayed in the mizen-shrouds, on sight of which they lay snug as before, keeping close upon our quarter. Intending at length to do our business at once, they clapped their helm hard a-starboard, in order to bring their whole broadside to bear, but their fire had little effect, and it muzzled themselves, which gave us an opportunity to get away from them.

This certainly was a lucky escape, after an engagement of three glasses with an enemy so much our superior; for he had 56 guns and 450 men, while we had only 20 guns mounted and only 73 men, of whom 11 were negroes and two Indians. He had farther the vast advantage over us of being in perfect readiness, while we were in the utmost confusion; and in the middle of the engagement, a third of my people, instead of fighting, were hard at work in preparing for an obstinate resistance; particularly the carpenter and his crew, who were busy in making port-holes for stern-chase guns, which, as it happened, we made no use of. Yet were we not unhurt, as the loss of my boat and anchor were irreparable, and may be said to have been the cause of that scene of trouble which fell upon us soon after; as we had now only one anchor remaining, that lost at Payta being the third, and we had not now a boat of any kind. I have since learnt that some of our shots in the engagement were well directed, and that we killed and wounded several of the enemy.

Having thus got away from the Peregrine, I slipped off in the evening with much ado from the Brilliant, her consort, on board of which Betagh now was, and even desired to be the first to board me. I was now in a very uncomfortable situation, not having the smallest hope of meeting with the Success; and I had learned at Payta, that the Spaniards had laid on an embargo for six months, so that we had nothing to expect in the way of prizes; and, having seen our prize taken, we had reason to expect that all our designs were discovered by the enemy. Having now only one anchor and no boat, it is not to be wondered that I gave up all idea of making an attempt on Guayaquil, which I at first proposed, having intelligence that there were several ships of considerable value in that river, in consequence of the embargo, which might have done me some service, if I had been better provided. In this situation, it was resolved, in a committee of my officers, to return to the southwards, or to windward, as the Spaniards must necessarily continue their trade with Chili, in spite of their embargo; after which we proposed to water at Juan Fernandez, and then to cruize on the coast of Conception, Valparaiso, and Coquimbo, for the coasting traders, among whom we might supply ourselves with anchors, cables, and boats, and a vessel to fit out as a fire-ship. I also proposed, before leaving the coast of Chili, to make an attempt on La Serena or Coquimbo. After all this, I proposed to proceed for the coast of Mexico, and thence to the Tres Marias and California, as the most likely means of meeting with the Success; besides which, the former of these places might be commodious for salting turtle, to serve as sea stores, and the latter for laying in a stock of wood and water; after which we might lie in the track of the Manilla ship. But if we could not succeed in that attempt, we might then satisfy ourselves with cruizing for the Peruvian ships, which bring silver to Acapulco for purchasing the Indian and Chinese commodities.