Front matter (continued 2)

Cap. III.—The wages of several sorts of artificers and labourers.

Item. Carpenters, masons, etc.... A master carpenter, iii. d. [a day], and an other, ii. d. A mason free mason iiii. d. and other masons iii. d. and their servants i. d. ob.; tylers iii. d. and their knaves i. d. ob.; plasterers and other workers of mud walls and their knaves, by the same manner without meat or drink.s. from Easter to S^t. Michael. And from that time less, according to the rate and discretion of the justices which should be thereto assigned....

Cap. IV.—Shoes &c. shall be sold as in the 20^th year of King Edward III. Artificers sworn to use their crafts as they did in the 20^th year of the King.

Cap. V.—The several punishments of persons offending against this statute.

Item. [Offenders] to be attached by their body, to be before the justices to answer of such contempts, so that they make fine and ransom to the King, in case they be attainted.... And in case that any of them come against his oath and be thereof attainted, he shall have imprisonment for forty days. And if he be another time convict, he shall have imprisonment of a quarter of a year, so that every time he offendeth and is convict, he shall have double pain....

Cap. VI.—No sheriff, constable, bailiff, etc., shall exact anything of the same servants. Their forfeitures shall be employed to the aid of the dismes and quinzimes granted to the King by the Commons.

Cap. VII.—The justices shall hold their sessions four times a year, and at all times needful. Servants which flee from one county to another shall be committed to prison.

FOOTNOTES:

PROSPERITY OF THE LANDLESS LABOURER.

Source.—William Langland, Piers the Plowman, C. Passus ix., ll. 330-337.

Laboreres that han no londe . to liven on bot here hands[25] Deyned noght to dyne a-day . night-old wortes.[26] May no peny ale hem paye .[27] ne a pece of bacon, Bote hit be freesh fleesch other fysh . fried other ybake; And that chaud and pluschaud .[28] for chilling of here mawe. Bote he be heylich yhyred .[29] elles wol he chide, That he was a werkman ywroght . waryen the tyme.[30]

And thenne he corseth[31] the king . and alle the kynges Justices, Suche lawes to lere .[32] laborers to greve. Ac while Hunger was here mayster . wolde none chide, Ne stryve agens the statute . he lokede so sturne.

FOOTNOTES:

FIRST STATUTE OF PROVISORS (1350).

Source.—Statute, 25 Edward III., Statute VI.

Cap. III.— ... That the free election of archbishops, bishops and of all other dignitaries and benefices elective in England, shall hold from henceforth in the manner as they were granted by the King's progenitors, and the ancestors of other lords founders of the said dignities and other benefices.

That prelates and other people of holy Church which have advowsons of any benefices ... shall have their collations and presentments freely to the same in the manner as they were enfeoffed by their donors. And in case that reservation, collation or provision be made by the Court of Rome of any archbishopric, bishopric, dignity, or benefice, in disturbance of free elections, collations, or presentations aforenamed, that at the same time of voidance ... our Lord the King and his heirs shall have and enjoy for the same time the collations, etc., which be of his advowry, such as his progenitors had before that free election was granted.

Cap. IV.—And in case that the presentees of the King or the presentees of other patrons of holy Church ... be disturbed by such provisors, so that they may not have possession of their benefices by virtue of the presentments or collations to them made, or that they which be in possession of such benefices be impeached upon their said possessions by such provisors, their procurators, executors and notaries, shall be attached by their body, and brought in to answer. And if they be convict they shall abide in prison ... till they have made fine and ransom to the King ... and before that they be delivered they shall make full renunciation, and find sufficient surety that they shall not attempt such things in time to come....

Cap. V.—And that meanwhile the King shall have the profits of such benefices so occupied by such provisors, except abbeys, priories, etc., which have colleges or convents and in such houses the college or convent shall have the profits.

THE KING OF ENGLAND REFUSES THE FRENCH KING'S CHALLENGE (1355).

Source.—A. Paulin Paris, Les Grandes Chroniques de France, vi. 18.

In this year '55, the King of England came to Calais at the end of the month of October and rode to Hesdin; and broke the park and burnt the houses which were in the park; but he did not enter the castle or the town. And the King of France, who had made the demand at Amiens, as soon as he heard of the coming of the said King of England when he was in the said town of Amiens, went thence with the people who were with him to go against the said English King. But he did not dare wait, but returned to Calais as soon as he had heard the news that the King of France was coming towards him, burning and pillaging the country through which he passed. The said King of France sent after him to St. Omer, and challenged him, by the Marshal d'Odenham and many other knights, to fight with him if he would, either in single combat or power against power. But the said King of England refused battle, and crossed back over the sea without doing anything more this time, and the King of France returned to Paris.

THE BALLIOLS RESIGN TO THE KING OF ENGLAND THEIR PRETENDED RIGHT (1355-56)

Source.—The Book of Pluscarden in The Historians of Scotland, x. 227.

In the year 1355, on the 1st of February, Edward of Windsor, chafing at the capture of Berwick, assembled an army and prepared to besiege the said town. But, when the garrison of the town saw this, they feared they could not defend the town for many reasons:—first, because there were few able-bodied men supplied with arms; secondly, because they had no provisions; thirdly, because they feared the said king's ungovernable ferocity; fourthly, because they had no hope of any succour reaching them from their own chiefs. They therefore took the wisest course, and treated for an agreement for the surrender of the town, their lives and property being spared and with a free pass to return to their own country; and they surrendered the town to the King of England, and went home again, enriched with the wealth of the English. After this Edward Balliol broke out in the following words before the King of England, then at Roxburgh, and said: "Most excellent prince, and most mighty above all mortals of the present day, I do here before all your chivalry, entirely, fully, altogether and absolutely resign, yield, give and relinquish to you all my right which I have, claim, or may hereafter have to the throne of Scotland, to the end that you may avenge me of mine enemies, those infamous Scots, who ruthlessly cast me off that I should not reign over them. In proof whereof I will here with my own hand, in token of the said resignation and gift, hand over to you, in the presence of all, the royal crown, the sceptre together with some earth and a stone of the said land of Scotland, in token of possession and investiture, that you may acquire in perpetuity the kingdom formerly my due." Upon this it should be remarked first, that he had no right to it originally, as was seen above; and, if he had any right, he there publicly renounced and resigned that right, which, even though he had been the true king, he could by no means renounce or resign without the consent of the three estates, and that into the hands of him who should have the power of instituting another, which the King of England could not have, as he had formerly entirely, purely, and simply resigned and quitclaimed all his right, pretended or true, as was seen above; nor, even if he had been the true king, could he have resigned without the superior's consent. Also several Kings of England had resigned into the hands of the King of Scotland following upon discussion and a bond, all their pretended right, as aforesaid.

THE BATTLE OF POITIERS (1356).

Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 420-439.

[This passage begins with the report of the French spies.]

"Sir, we have observed accurately the English: they may amount, according to our estimate, to about two thousand men-at-arms, four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred footmen. They are in a very strong position; but we do not imagine they can make more than one battalion: nevertheless, they have posted themselves with great judgment, have fortified all the roads along the hedge-side, and lined the hedges with part of their archers; for, as that is the only road for an attack, one must pass through the midst of them. This lane has no other entry; and it is so narrow, that scarcely can four men ride through it abreast. At the end of this lane, amidst vines and thorns, where it is impossible to ride or march in any regular order, are posted the men-at-arms on foot; and they have drawn up before them their archers, in the manner of an harrow, so that it will be no easy matter to defeat them."

The King asked in what manner they would advise him to attack them: "Sir," replied Sir Eustace, "on foot; except three hundred of the most expert and boldest of your army, who must be well armed and excellently mounted, in order to break, if possible, this body of archers; and then your battalions must advance quickly on foot, attack [the] men-at-arms hand to hand, and combat them valiantly. This is the best advice that I can give you; and if anyone know a better, let him say it."

The King replied, "Thus shall it be then."

It often happens, that fortune in war and love turns out more favourable and wonderful than could have been hoped for or expected. To say the truth, this battle which was fought near Poitiers, in the plains of Beauvoir and Maupertius, was very bloody and perilous; many gallant deeds of arms were performed that were never known, and the combatants on each side suffered much. King John himself did wonders; he was armed with a battle-axe, with which he fought and defended himself....

There was much pressing at this time, through eagerness of taking the King [of France]; and those that were nearest to him, and knew him, cried out, "Surrender yourself, surrender yourself, or you are a dead man!" In that part of the field was a young knight from St. Omer, who was engaged by a salary in the service of the King of England—his name was Denys de Morbeque—who for five years had attached himself to the English, on account of having been banished, in his younger days, from France for a murder committed in an affray at St. Omer. It fortunately happened for this knight that he was at the time near to the King of France, when he was so much pulled about; he, by dint of force, for he was very strong and robust, pushed through the crowd, and said to the King in good French, "Sire, sire, surrender yourself." The King, who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning to him, asked, "To whom shall I surrender myself; to whom? Where is my cousin, the Prince of Wales? If I could see him, I would speak to him." "Sire," replied Sir Denys, "he is not here; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him." "Who are you?" said the King. "Sire, I am Denys de Morbeque, a knight from Artois; but I serve the King of England, because I cannot belong to France, having forfeited all I possessed there." The King then gave him his right-hand glove, and said: "I surrender myself to you." There was much crowding and pushing about, for everyone was eager to cry out, "I have taken him!" Neither the King nor his youngest son Philip were able to get forward, and free themselves from the throng.

The Prince of Wales, who was as courageous as a lion, took great delight that day to combat his enemies. Sir John Chandos, who was near his person, and had never quitted it during the whole of the day, nor stopped to make prisoners, said to him towards the end of the battle: "Sir, it will be proper for you to halt here, and plant your banner on the top of this bush, which will serve to rally your forces, that seem very much scattered; for I do not see any banners or pennons of the French, nor any considerable bodies able to rally against us; and you must refresh yourself a little, as I perceive you are much heated."

Upon this, the banner of the Prince was placed on a high bush; the minstrels began to play, and trumpets and clarions to do their duty.

THE TREATY OF LONDON (1359).

Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), i. 518, 519.

The truce [of Bordeaux] having expired the first day of May, 1359, from that period the English and Navarre garrisons made war for him [King Edward] as King of France, and continued so to do daily....

At that time also, the King of England and the Prince of Wales came to Westminster, to meet the King of France and Lord James de Bourbon; when these four assembled together in counsel, and agreed on a peace, without any arbitrator between them, upon certain conditions which were written down, and also a letter was indited to be sent to France to the Duke of Normandy....

It appeared to the King of Navarre, the Duke of Normandy and his brothers, as well as to the Council of State, that the conditions of peace were too hard;[33] and they gave a unanimous answer to the two lords who had brought them, that "they would much rather endure the great distress they were in at present, than suffer the Kingdom of France to be diminished, and that King John must remain longer in England." ...

The King of England, on receiving their answer, said that since it was so, before the winter was over, he would enter France with a most powerful army, and remain there until there was an end of the war by an honourable and satisfactory peace.

He began by making more splendid preparations than he had ever done before.

FOOTNOTES:

THE SIEGE OF PARIS AND THE TREATY OF CALAIS (1360).

Source.—Henry Knighton's Chronicon (Rolls Series), ii. 110, 111.

In the year of grace, 1360, all laymen, of whatever condition, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, were arrayed. And the best armed bowmen of these were sent to the admirals at the sea for the defence of the kingdom.

One admiral was John Wesnam, Prior of the Hospital, and others appointed by the King. It was said that a very strong navy of the enemy was at sea.

The archbishops and bishops conceded great indulgences, throughout their sees, to all those going over the sea against the enemy in defence of the kingdom, and that each one should be able to choose for himself a confessor, according to pleasure. The bishops also, abbots and priors, rectors, vicars, and chaplains, and all ecclesiastical men were prepared, just as the abbots had been; some to be armed men, some to be bowmen, and they were chosen by the mandate of the bishops. And the beneficed who were not able to give personal service, were ready to furnish through their goods a complement of other persons, if the French should enter the land, and the occasion should be opened to them.

Then the admiral, with 160 ships from London, reached the sea by the Thames. And first he ploughed the high sea as far as Boulogne, thence to Honfleur, to crush the insolence of the enemy, who had proposed to attack the land of England. And thus our people did much harm to the French in this peregrination. When, therefore, the King had lain at Rheims for seven weeks, he crossed to Chalons, and thence went into Burgundy. And the Duke of Burgundy came and treated with the King,[34] and the King conceded to him a truce for three years, for him and his, for 200,000 motons[35] paid to the King. In the following Lent King Edward entered into a treaty with the French, and one cardinal and one legate were present, but nothing came of it. Thus the King moved his army towards Paris, burning, killing, and devastating everywhere. And there, near the feast of Easter, he pitched his tents two leagues from the city.

And on Monday after Easter Day, the King placed his army in three lines of battle before the city, trumpets and clarionets blaring, and other musical instruments sounding. The King was in the second line with his men, the Duke of Lancaster, and the Earls of Northampton and Salisbury with theirs in the first line. In the third line, the Prince and the barons with the rest of the people awaiting attack from those who were in the city of Paris, as before they had promised them. However, no one came out of the city to meet them. Thereat King Edward, much displeased, ordered a great part of the suburbs to be set on fire that they might provoke them to battle. Nevertheless none came out to resist them. At length thirty soldiers in good order with their lances advanced straight forward to the gate of the Parisians, seeking from them military operations according to the law of arms. And sixty came out of the city with spears, and much brave fighting took place on both sides; but by the grace of God, which was ever present with the English in all their undertakings, the English conquered the French, and caused them to flee back into the city, leaving some dead, some mortally wounded; but our men, thanks be to God, escaped without any serious injury. Then the King removed to other parts, and handed over the custody of the castles which are in the vicinity of Orleans and Catenesia to the Earl of Lancaster. At that time the Count de Armenak fought in Gascony with the Count de Foy, an ally of the King of England. And on the side of the said count were killed 15,000 men and on our part no one of note, thanks be to God. In this campaign many English nobles died in France; among them the Earl of March, marshall of the army, Guy of Warwick, firstborn of the earl, a most famous soldier, and many other renowned soldiers, knights, and squires. For in their return from the city of Paris towards the district of Orleans in Beauce, suddenly a terrible storm arose with severe thunder and lightning, and killed men without number and more than 6,000 horses, so that the transport of the army almost failed altogether, and made it necessary to retire at once towards England, but God turned the misery of necessity to the honour of the King's majesty. For the Pope sent solemn messengers with letters to the King of England, to treat concerning peace and concord. And they deliberated at Morancez near Chartres, and the discussion was continued to the 5th day of May.... About the Translation of St. Thomas [July 3] John de Valois, King of France, and other prisoners crossed to Calais and deliberated with the French princes concerning the final peace between the kingdoms of England and France.[36]

FOOTNOTES:

THE FATEFUL FOOTPRINTS OF THE ENGLISH (c. 1361).

Source.—Petrarch, Epistolæ Familiares, book xxii., ep. 14.

In short there is an hour in which we see the stability of all things become unstable: faith fails; restfulness becomes unrest. Nor do I bid you turn your eyes afar, but look at your own country and your own time. In my youth, the Britons, whom we called Angles or English, were held to be the most cowardly of all barbarians: now they are a most warlike people and have laid low the French, who long flourished in military glory, by a series of victories so numerous and so unforeseen that those who even lately were inferior to the wretched Scots have not only brought about the pitiful and ignominious downfall of a high King, whom I am not able to call to memory without a sigh, but have so crushed the whole kingdom by fire and sword that I was hardly able to persuade myself on a recent journey that it was the same kingdom that I had before seen. Everywhere a woeful solitude, and lamentation and desolation: everywhere rough uncultivated fields; and ruined and deserted houses, except some which had escaped destruction, being surrounded by the walls of fortifications or cities; indeed in every place were seen the fateful footprints of the English and the fresh and hateful scars wrought by their swords.

NO SUBSIDY ON WOOL WITHOUT ASSENT OF PARLIAMENT (1362).

Source.—Statute, 36 Edward III., cap. xi.

Item. The King by the assent aforesaid, having regard to the grant that the Commons have granted now in this Parliament of wools, leather and woolfells to be taken for three years: will and grant that after the said term passed, nothing be taken nor demanded of the said Commons, but only the ancient custom of half a mark, nor that this grant now made, or which hath been made in times past shall not be had in example nor charge of the said Commons in time to come. And that the merchants denizens may pass with their wools as well as the foreigns without being restrained. And that no subsidy, nor other charge, be set nor granted upon the wools by the merchants nor by none other from henceforth, without the assent of the Parliament.

REGULATION OF WEARING APPAREL BY STATUTE (1363).

Source.—Statute, 37 Edward III., caps. viii.-xiv.

Cap. VIII.: The diet and apparel of servants.

Item. For the outrageous and excessive apparel of divers people, against their estate and degree to the great destruction and impoverishment of the land: it is ordained, that grooms, as well servants of lords, as they of mysteries and artificers, shall be served to eat and drink once a day of flesh or of fish, and the remnant of other victuals, as of milk, butter, and cheese, and other such victuals, according to their estate. And that they have cloths for their vesture, or hosing, whereof the whole cloth shall not exceed two marks, and that they wear no cloth of higher price, of their buying, nor otherwise, nor nothing of gold nor of silver embroidered, aimeled,[37] nor of silk, nor nothing pertaining to the said things. And their wives, daughters and children of the same condition in their clothing and apparel, and they shall wear no veils passing xii^d a veil.

Cap. IX.: The apparel of handicraftsmen and yeomen, and of their wives and children.

Item. That people of handicraft and yeomen shall take nor wear cloth of an higher price for their vesture or hosing than within forty shillings the whole cloth, by way of buying, nor otherwise, nor stone, nor cloth of silk, nor of silver, nor girdle, knife, button, ring, garter, nor owche, ribband, chains, nor no such other things of gold, nor of silver, nor no manner of apparel embroidered, aimeled, nor of silk by no way. And that their wives, daughters, and children, be of the same condition in their vesture and apparel. And that they wear no veil of silk, but only of yarn made within the realm, nor no manner of furr, nor of budge,[38] but only lamb, cony, cat, and fox.

Cap. X.: What apparel gentlemen under the estate of knights, and what esquires of two hundred mark-land &c. may wear, and what their wives and children.

Item. That esquires and all manner of gentlemen under the estate of a knight, which have no land nor rent to the value of an hundred pounds by year, shall not take nor wear cloth for their clothing or hosing of an higher price than within the price of four marks and an half the whole cloth by way of buying, nor otherwise, and that they wear no cloth of gold, nor silk, nor silver, nor no manner of clothing imbroidered, ring, buttons, nor owche of gold nor of silver, nor nothing of stone, nor no manner of furr, and that their wives, daughters, and children be of the same condition, as to vesture and apparel, without any turning up or purfle.[39] And that they wear no manner of apparel of gold, or silver, nor of stone, but that esquires, which have lands or rent to the value of ii. C. marks by year and above, may take and wear cloths of the price of v marks the whole cloth, and cloth of silk and of silver, ribband, girdle and other apparel reasonably garnished of silver. And that their wives, daughters, and children may wear furr turned up of miniver, without ermines or letuse, or any manner of stone, but for their heads.

Cap. XI.: The apparel of merchants, citizens, burgesses, and handicraftsmen.

Item. That merchants citizens and burgesses artificers, people of handy-craft as well within the city of London, as elsewhere which have clearly goods and chattels to the value of v. C. pounds and their wives and children may take and wear in the manner as the esquires and great men, which have land or rent to the value of C. li. by year. And those who have goods etc. to value of M. li.... may take and wear in the manner as esquires and gentlemen which have land and rent to the value of ii. C. li. by year, and no groom, yeoman, or servant of merchant artificer or people of handicraft shall wear otherwise in apparel than is above ordained of yeomen of lords.

Cap. XII.: The apparel of knights.

Item. That knights which have land or rent within the value of ii. C. li. shall take and wear cloth of vi. marks the whole cloth, for their vesture, and of none higher price. And they that wear not cloth of gold, nor cloths, mantle nor gold furred with miniver nor of ermins, nor no apparel broidered of stone, nor otherwise: and that their wives daughters and children be of the same condition. And that they wear no turning up of ermine nor of letuses, nor no manner of apparel of stone, but only for their heads.

But all knights and ladies which have land or rent over the value of iv. C. mark by year, to the sum of M. li. shall wear at their pleasure, except ermins and letuses and apparel of pearl and stone, but only for their heads.

Cap. XIII.: The apparel of several sorts of clerks.

Item. That clerks, which have degree in any church, cathedral, collegial or schools or clerk of the King, that hath such estate that requireth furr, shall do and use according to the constitution of the same. And all other clerks which have ii. C. marks of land by year shall wear and do as knights of the same rent. And other clerks within the same rent, shall wear as the esquires of C. li. of rent. And after all those, as well knights as clerks, which by this ordinance may wear furr in the winter, in the same manner shall wear linure in the summer.

Cap. XIV.: The apparel of ploughmen, and others of mean estate; and the forfeitures of offenders against this ordinance.

Item. That carters, ploughmen, drivers of the plough, oxherds, cowherds, etc. and all other people that have not forty shillings of goods, nor of chattels, shall not take nor wear any manner of cloth, but blanket, and russett wool of twelve pence, and shall wear the girdles of linen according to their estate, and that they come to eat and drink in the manner as pertaineth to them and not excessively. And it is ordained that if any wear or do contrary to any of the points aforesaid that he shall forfeit against the King all the apparel that he hath so worn against the form of this ordinance.

FOOTNOTES:

THE HAUGHTINESS OF THE ENGLISH (1367).

Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), iii. 209.

I, the author of this history, was at Bordeaux when the Prince of Wales marched to Spain, and witnessed the great haughtiness of the English, who are affable to no other nation than their own; nor could any of the gentlemen of Gascony or Aquitaine, though they had ruined themselves by their wars, obtain office or appointment in their own country; for the English said they were neither on a level with them nor worthy of their society, which made the Gascons very indignant, as they showed the first opportunity that presented itself. It was on account of the harshness of the Prince's manners that the Count d'Armagnac and the Lord d'Albreth, with other knights and squires, turned to the French interest. King Philip of France, and the good John his son, had lost Gascony by their overbearing pride; and in like manner did the Prince. But King Charles, of happy memory, regained them by good humour, liberality, and humility. In this manner the Gascons love to be governed....

Such are the Gascons; they are very unsteady, but they love the English in preference to the French, for the war against France is the most profitable; and this is the cause of their preference.

"TIME-HONOURED LANCASTER" (May-June, 1376).

Source.—Harleian MSS. (British Museum), 247, fol. 173; and 6217, fols. 3-4.[40]

... There arose this question amongst them [the Commons] which of the knights should be their speaker, for they had fully resolved to deny the King's request until certain abuses were corrected.... Careful they were, as is said, about their speaker for they doubted certain of the King's secretarys who they thought would have disclosed their drifts, for they were captious and in great and especial favour with the King. In this space God moved the spirit of a knight of their company called Peter de la Mare, pouring into him wisdom, and boldness to the conceit of his mind, and with all such constancy that he neither feared the threats of his enemies nor the subtleties of such as envied his preferment, &c. Peter, trusting in God, and standing together with his fellows before the nobles (whereof the chief was John Duke of Lancaster whose doings were ever contrary, for, as it is thought, he wanted the grace of God, &c.), he began thus:

"Lords and nobles, by whose faith and diligence the realm is governed, it is well known to your wisdoms, how with like vexations the Commons have been often oppressed, now paying fifteenths, otherwhiles ninths and tenths, to the King's use, which they would take in good part, if the King or his realm took any commodity, thereby, nor would they grieve at it if it had been bestowed in the King's wars, although scarcely prosperous; but it is evident neither the King nor the realm do have any profit thereby. And because it cannot be known how such great expences should arise, the commonalty require an account of such as received the same to the King's use, neither is it credible that the King should want such an infinity of treasure if they were faithful that served him."

When he had thus said, they having not wherewith to answer, the judges held their peace.

The night following the Duke [of Lancaster] consulted with his private men how he might put off that that redounded to his infamy and manifest dishonour. After divers men's opinions diversely told, he, liking of none of their ways, is reported to have said: "What," saith he, "do these base and ignoble knights attempt? Do they think they be kings or princes of this land? Or else whence is this haughtiness and pride? I think they know not what power I am of. I will therefore early in the morning appear unto them so glorious and will show such power among them and with such vigour I will terrify them, that neither they nor their like shall dare henceforth to provoke me to wrath." Boasting in this sort and vainly assuring himself, one of his gentlemen is said to have given him this answer: "My lord," saith he, "it is not unknown to your honour what helps these knights, not of the common sort, as you affirm, but mighty in arms and valiant, have to undershore them; for they have the favour and love of the lords, and especially of the Lord Prince Edward, your brother, who giveth them his council and aid effectually. The Londoners also, all and everyone, and common people be so well affected towards them that they will not suffer them to be overlaid with reproachful language, or to be molested with the least injury in the world. Yea, and the knights themselves abused in any reproachful manner, shall be enforced to attempt all extremities against your person and your friends, which, haply, otherwise they would never do." With this admonition the duke's guilty conscience was very much troubled. He was afraid indeed that it would so come to pass, as the gentleman had said unto him, and that so his honour should ever more distained.[41] Whereas he knew that if mention were openly made of his wicked acts he could not satisfy the people by any purgation, nor for trouble of mind and guiltiness of conscience durst, though he were willing thereto, wage battle against his enviers....

O unfortunate duke and miserable, O that destroyest with thy treason and lack of sense and reason, whom thou guidest to battle, and whom in peace thou shouldst guide through examples of good works, thou leadest them through bye ways and bringest them to destruction, for thou whereas either God, or, that I may so say, Nature, the mother of all things hath given thee a soul and discretion, than the which nothing is more excellent, so dost abject and abase thyself, that a man may think you to differ nothing from a brute beast. Behold, O most miserable man, thinkest thyself to flourish, which accountest thyself happy, in what sort thy own miseries do overbear thee, thy lusts do torment thee; to whom that which thou hast is not sufficient, and yet fearest lest it will not long continue thine.

The sting of conscience for thy lewd acts prick and vex thee but would God and the fear of laws and judgment terrify thee as it doth others, truly then thou wouldst even against thy will, amend that is amiss.

The Duke therefore, as afore is touched, punished with the most sharp pricks of his conscience and terrified with the answers of his councillors, laid aside all vigour and stoutness of stomach, and the next day came into the assembly of the knights, and, contrary to all expectations, showed himself so favourable and so mild that he drew them all into admiration. They knew how proud Moab was ii or iii days before, although they regarded not his arrogancy; and they said, is not this the change of the right hand of the highest? The Duke, counterfeiting modesty, deceitfully seemed to comfort them, saying he knew well the desire of the knights to be zealous, and to tender the state of the realm and therefore, whatsoever they thought good to be corrected they should speak, and he would put thereto the wished remedy.

FOOTNOTES:

LAMENT FOR THE BLACK PRINCE.

Source.—Chronicon Angliæ, 1328-1388 (Rolls Series), 91.

Who being dead, the whole hope of the English perished; for while he lived they feared no inroad of any enemy, even as when he was present, they feared no warlike encounter. For never when he was present were any foul deeds done, nor did any soldiers turn renegade; and, as it was said of the great Alexander, he attacked no people that he did not conquer, he besieged no city that he did not take. Let these witness to what I say: the battle of Creçy, the siege of Calais, the battle of Poitiers where the King of France was taken; the war in Spain [1367] where Henry the Bastard, the invader of that kingdom, was put to flight, and the courageous Peter, the lawful King, was restored to his dominion; and, finally, that greatest siege of the city of Limoges (September 19, 1370), and the ruin of that city, where, although he was weighed down by so great infirmity of body that he could scarcely sit on his horse at the time, he nevertheless so inspired his men that they believed it impossible for any city to be able to resist their strength. His body was borne to Canterbury, there, as he, while living, had commanded, to be buried, bewailed by the whole realm of England. O thou untimely, too-eager Death, who bearest away that one of the English who seemed to be of help! Oh, what sorrow dost thou give to the old King, his father, taking from him not only his own desire, but that of the whole people, namely that his first born should sit after him upon his throne and should judge the people in equity! Oh, what lamentations dost thou give to the country which believes itself shorn of a protector now he is no longer present! What tears dost thou give to the citizens deprived of so great a prince; what exultations to the enemy, the fear of so great a defender being removed! In truth, unless God, who protected him in battle, and now took him out of the world (perchance we English should place a greater hope in the Lord God, lest the poor English-born be set at variance among themselves) shall raise his hand, our enemies, who surround us on every side, will surely rage upon us even to our destruction, and will destroy our place and people. Rise up, O God, help us and protect us for Thy name's sake.

RENEWAL OF THE WAR (1376-77).

Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), ii. 178.

After the feast of Michaelmas, when the funeral of the [Black] Prince had been performed, in a manner suitable to his birth and merit, the King of England caused the young Prince Richard to be acknowledged as his successor to the Crown after his decease, by all his children, the Duke of Lancaster, the Earl of Cambridge, the Lord Thomas, his youngest son, as well as by all the barons, earls, prelates, and knights of England. He made them solemnly swear to observe this, and on Christmas Day he had him seated next to himself, above all his children, in Royal state, that it might be seen and declared he was to be King of England after his death.

The Lord John Cobham, the Bishop of Hereford, and the Dean of London, were at this time sent to Bruges on the part of the English. The French had sent thither the Count de Saltzbourg, the Lord de Châtillon, and Master Philibert l'Espiote. The prelates, ambassadors from the Pope, had still remained there, and continued the negotiations for peace.

They treated of a marriage between the young son of the Prince and the Lady Mary, daughter of the King of France: after which the negotiators of each party separated, and reported what they had done to the respective Kings.

About Shrovetide a secret treaty was formed between the two Kings for their ambassadors to meet at Montreuil-sur-Mer, and the King of England sent to Calais Sir Guiscard d'Angle, Sir Richard Sturey, and Sir Geoffry Chaucer. On the part of the French were the Lords de Coucy and De la Rivieres, Sir Nicholas Bragues, and Nicholas Bracier. They for a long time discussed the subject of the above marriage; and the French, as I was informed, made some offers, but the others demanded different terms, or refused treating. These Lords returned, therefore, with their treaties to their sovereigns; and the truces were prolonged to the first of May.

The Earl of Salisbury, the Bishop of St. David's, Chancellor of England, and the Bishop of Hereford, returned to Calais, and with them, by orders of the King of France, the Lord De Coucy, and Sir William De Dormans, Chancellor of France.

Notwithstanding all that the prelates could say or argue, they never could be brought to fix upon any place to discuss these treaties between Montreuil and Calais, nor between Montreuil and Boulogne, nor on any part of the frontiers; these treaties, therefore, remained in an unfinished state. When the war recommenced, Sir Hugh Calverley was sent Governor of Calais.

JOHN OF GAUNT ATTACKS WILLIAM OF WYKEHAM (1377).

Source.—Chronicon Angliæ, 1328-1388 (Rolls Series), 106, 107.

The Duke [of Lancaster] spewed out the venom of serpents which was in him and directed the sting of his malice against the Bishop of Winchester, Lord William Wykeham, seeking a knot in a bulrush and an occasion for condemning him in every way and manner that he could. At length, among the many things which, as it is said, he falsely deposed against him, he declared that he had been false to the lord King at the time when he was discharging the office of Chancellor. And although the said Bishop would have been prepared to bring forward sufficient honest witnesses and accounts to prove his innocence,[42] nevertheless, William Skipworth unjustly sitting as justiciar, he [the duke] caused him to be condemned without answer, and the temporalities of his bishopric to be taken from him by royal authority. And, in order that he might gain popular favour, he demanded, in the power of the King, that the same goods should be given to the aid of the son of the [Black] Prince, Richard de Bordeaux, Earl of Chester, who had lately received by gift of the King the principality and name of his father. Moreover, he prohibited the same bishop, in place of the King, from taking it on himself to come within twenty miles of the royal presence. Thus was he avenged against the said bishop.

Now the cause of all this malice was, as it is said, that the same Bishop had said that he [John of Gaunt] was not the son of the King or Queen; but in the time when the Queen was delivered at Gaunt, she had given birth not to a boy, but to a girl, whom she had overlaid; and, fearing the royal indignation, she had ordered the son of a certain Flemish woman, born at the same time, to be put in its place; thus she had fostered one to whom she had not given birth, namely, this man, the notorious Duke of Lancaster. These things the Queen, in her last hours, had related to the bishop under seal of confession; and had prayed him steadfastly that, if at any time it should happen that he [John of Gaunt] should either have designs on the kingdom, or if the said kingdom should in any way whatever devolve on him, he, the said bishop, should make known his birth, lest he, a false heir, should inherit the kingdom of England.

FOOTNOTES:

MASTER JOHN WICLIF (1377).

Source.—Harleian MS. 2261, fols. 399, 399b.

Master John Wiclif, doctor of divinity in the University of Oxford, began to sustain openly in the said University erroneous conclusions contrary to the state of the universal Church and conclusions of heresy, and especially against canons, monks, and religious men possessionate, which drew to him in this time divers fellows of the same sect dwelling in Oxford, going barefoot with long gowns of russet, that they might publish and fortify their errors against men contrarious to them, preaching openly the said errors. Among whom they said that the sacrament in the altar after the sacrament or consecration is not the very body of Christ. Also he said that temporal lords and men might take away meritoriously the goods [of] men of the Church sinning or trespassing. Nevertheless, the Pope with his council damned xxiii conclusions as vain, erroneous and full of heresy, and sent bulls direct to the Metropolitan of England and to the Bishop of London that they should cause the said Master John to be arrested and to examine him of the said conclusions. That inquisition done, and a declaration made, the Archbishop of Canterbury commanded and prohibited the said Master John and his co-disciples to use the said conclusions, and so they were still for a season. But soon after, by supportation of lords and other noble men, they took to them more wicked opinions, and had great continuation in their malice.

A TORCHLIGHT PROCESSION (1377).

Source.—Harleian MS. (British Museum) 247, fol. 172b.

At the same time the commons of London made great sport and solemnity to the young prince. For upon the Monday next before the Purification of our Lady at night and in the night, were 130 men disguisedly apparelled and well mounted on horseback to go on mumming to the said prince, riding from Newgate through Cheap[side], where many people see them, with great noise of minstrelsy trumpets,——,[43] cornets and shaumes and great plenty of wax and torches lighted. And in the beginning they rid 48, after the manner of esquires, two and two together, clothed in coats and cloaks of red say or sendall and their faces covered with vizards well and handsomely made; after these esquires came 48 like knights well arrayed after the same manner; after the knights came one excellently arrayed and well mounted as he had been an Emperor; after him some 100 paces came one nobly arrayed as a pope; and after him came 24 arrayed like cardinals; and after the cardinals came 8 or 10 arrayed and with black vizards like devils nothing amiable, seeming like legates; riding through London and over London bridge towards Kenyton (Kennington) where the young prince made his abode with his mother. And the duke of Lancaster, and the earls of Cambridge, Hertford, Warwick and Suffolk and many other lords were there with him to behold the solemnity. And when they were come before the manor, they alighted on foot and entered into the hall; and soon after the prince with his mother and the other lords came out of the chambers into the hall and the said mummers saluted them, showing a pair of dice upon a table to play with the prince, which dice were subtly made, so that when the prince should cast he should win. And the said players and mummers set before the prince three jewels each after other, the first a ball of gold, then a cup of gold, then a gold ring, the which the said prince won at three casts, as before it was appointed; and after that they set before the prince's mother, the duke of Lancaster and the other earls every one a gold ring and the mother and the lords won them; and then the prince caused to bring the wine and they drank with great joy, commanding the minstrels to play; and the trumpets began to sound and other instruments to pipe etc. and the prince and the lords danced on the one side and the mummers on the other a great while. And then they drank and took their leave and so departed towards London.

FOOTNOTES:

THE KING OF FRANCE EQUIPS A FLEET (1377).

Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), ii. 181.

During the negotiations for peace, the King of France had been very active in providing ships and galleys; the King of Spain had sent him his admiral, Sir Fernando Sausse, who, with Sir John de Vienne, Admiral of France, had sailed for the Port of Rye, which they burnt, five days after the decease of King Edward, the vigil of St. Peter, in June, and put to death the inhabitants, without sparing man or woman.

Upon news of this coming to London, the Earls of Cambridge and Buckingham were ordered to Dover with a large body of men-at-arms. The Earl of Salisbury and Sir John Montague, on the other hand, were sent to the country near Southampton.

After this exploit the French landed in the Isle of Wight. They afterwards burnt the following towns: Portsmouth, Dartmouth, Plymouth, and several others. When they had pillaged and burnt all in the Isle of Wight, they embarked and put to sea, coasting the shores until they came to a port called Poq (? Pool). The Earl of Salisbury and Sir John Montague defended the passage, but they burnt a part of the town of Poq. They again embarked and coasted towards Southampton, attempting every day to land; but the Earl of Salisbury and his forces, who followed them along the shore, prevented them from so doing.

The fleet then came before Southampton; but Sir John Arundel, with a large body of men-at-arms and archers, guarded well the town, otherwise it would have been taken. The French made sail from thence towards Dover, and landed near to the Abbey of Lewes, where there were great numbers of the people of the country assembled. They appointed the Abbot of Lewes, Sir Thomas Cheney, and Sir John Fuselée their leaders, who drew up in good array to dispute their landing, and to defend the country. The French had not the advantage, but lost several of their men, as well might happen. However, the better to maintain the fight, they made the land, when a great skirmish ensued, and the English, being forced to retreat, were finally put to flight. Two hundred at least were slain, and the two knights with the Abbot of Lewes made prisoners.

The French re-embarked and remained at anchor before the abbey all that night. They then heard for the first time, from their prisoners, the death of King Edward [June 20] and the coronation of King Richard, and also a part of the regulation of the kingdom, and that great numbers of men-at-arms were under orders to march to the coast.

CHARACTER OF EDWARD III.

Source.—Harleian MS. 2261, fol. 400a.

This noble and mighty King Edward, among all other men of nobility in the world, was a man of great goodness called gracious, excelling all his predecessors by virtue and grace given to him of God, a bold man in heart, dreading not sinister fortune in battles, having great fortune in them both by sea and land. Also he was meek, benign, and familiar to all manner of people, devout to God, honouring the church of God, and having his ministers in great reverence. Also he was moderate in cures temporal, provide in council, affable and eloquent, meek in behaviour, having compassion on men in tribulation. Also he was elegant and beauteous of body, having a comfortable and pleasant countenance, like to the sight of an angel, for God had endued him with such excellence of grace that a man would have thought as for a surety that he should have sped well in the day following after that he had dreamed of the said King. This noble King governed his reign gloriously unto his later days, large in gifts, excessive in expenses, endued with all honesty of manners. Whereof his fame was so increased among people of Barbary, insomuch that they said there was no land in the world that had so noble a prince, and that England should never have so noble again after his death. But the inordinate lust of the flesh used in his old age helped him much unto death. Also it is to be attended, as the acts afore express, that like as in his beginning all things enjoyed to him, and in the midst of his age glorious and fortunate, so the said King drawing to age and towards death, all things were as unfortunate to him, for his sins and many incommodities began to spring, having after him long continuation, which thing was to be sorrowed.

THE PEASANTS' REVOLT (1381).

Source.—Chronicle of Adam of Usk (translated and edited by Sir E. Maunde Thompson, 1904), 13.

During this King Richard's reign great things were looked for. But he, being of tender years, others, who had the care of him and his kingdom, did not cease to inflict on the land acts of wantonness, extortions, and unbearable wrongs. Whence sprang that unnatural deed, when the commons of the land and especially those of Kent and Essex, under their wretched leader Jack Straw, declaring that they could no longer bear such wrongs, and above all wrongs of taxes and subsidies, rose in overwhelming numbers against the lords and the King's officers, and, marching to London on the eve of Corpus Christi [June 12], in the year of our Lord 1381, struck off the heads of Simon Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury, then the King's Chancellor, Sir Robert Hales the treasurer, and many others, hard by the Tower of London. And on the places where these lords were beheaded there are set up to this day two marble crosses, a lasting memorial of so monstrous a deed.

In this rising of the commons were many great men of the land in many places beheaded. The Savoy, the palace of the Duke of Lancaster and the fairest in the kingdom, standing near London, on the bank of Thames, was, from the commons' hatred of the duke, utterly destroyed by them with fire; and the duke himself, for fear of them, fled into Scotland. To appease them and to quiet their fury, the King granted that the state of villeinage, as well in their persons as in their labour, should be henceforth done away, freedom fully given, and all prisoners set at large. And this he commanded and made to be openly proclaimed throughout the counties of the kingdom. And then what a throe of grief passed through the desolated land! For they boasted that they would slay all those of higher birth, would raise up King and lords from among themselves, would stablish new laws, and, in a word, would make new, or rather disfigure, the face and estate of the whole island. Then every man struck off the head of his enemy, and despoiled his richer neighbour. But, by the mercy of God, when their leader, being in Smithfield near London, doffed not his hood before the King nor in anything did reverence to the King's Majesty, his head was deftly struck off, in the very midst of his flock of kites, by Sir William Walworth, knight and citizen of London: and straightway, being raised on the point of a sword, it was shown before them. Then the commons, in sore dread, sought flight by stealth, and there and then casting away their rebellious weapons, as though unguilty of such riot and wickedness, like foxes into their holes, they pitifully crept home. But the King and the lords pursued them, and some they made to be dragged behind horses, some they slew with the sword, some they hanged on the gallows, some they quartered; and they destroyed thousands.

WONDROUS AND UNHEARD-OF PRODIGIES (1381).

Source.—H.T. Riley's Memorials of London (London, 1868), 449-451.

Among the most wondrous and hitherto unheard-of prodigies that have ever happened in the City of London, that which took place there on the Feast of Corpus Christi, the 18th day of June, in the 4th year of the reign of King Richard the Second, seems deserving to be committed to writing, that it may be not unknown to those to come.

For on that day, while the King was holding his Council in the Tower of London, countless companies of the commoners and persons of the lowest grade from Kent and Essex suddenly approached the said City, the one body coming to the town of Southwark, and the other to the place called "Mileende," without Algate. By the aid also of perfidious commoners within the City, of their own condition, who rose in countless numbers there, they suddenly entered the City together, and, passing straight through it, went to the mansion of Sir John, Duke of Lancaster, called "Le Savoye," and completely levelled the same with the ground and burned it. From thence they turned to the Church of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, without Smithfield, and burnt and levelled nearly all the houses there, the church excepted.

On the next morning, all the men from Kent and Essex met at the said place called "Mileende," together with some of the perfidious persons of the City aforesaid; whose numbers in all were past reckoning. And there the King came to them from the Tower, accompanied by many knights and esquires, and citizens on horseback, the lady his mother following him also in a chariot. Where, at the prayer of the infuriated rout, our Lord the King granted that they might take those who were traitors against him, and slay them, wheresoever they might be found. And from thence the King rode to his wardrobe, which is situated near to Castle Baynard; while the whole of the infuriated rout took its way towards the Tower of London; entering which by force, they dragged forth from it Sir Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor of our Lord the King, and Brother Robert Hales, Prior of the said Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, the King's Treasurer; and together with them, Brother William Appeltone, of the Order of Friars Minor, and John Leg, Serjeant-at-Arms to the King, and also, one Richard Somenour, of the Parish of Stebenhuthe; all of whom they beheaded in the place called "Tourhille," without the said Tower; and then carrying their heads through the City upon lances, they set them up on London Bridge, fixing them there on stakes.

Upon the same day there was also no little slaughter within the City, as well of natives as of aliens. Richard Lions, citizen and vintner of the said City, and many others, were beheaded in Chepe. In the Vintry also, there was a very great massacre of Flemings, and in one heap there were lying about forty headless bodies of persons who had been dragged forth from the churches and their houses; and hardly was there a street in the City in which there were not bodies lying of those who had been slain. Some of the houses also in the said City were pulled down, and others in the suburbs destroyed, and some, too, burnt.

Such tribulation as this, greater and more horrible than could be believed by those who had not seen it, lasted down to the hour of Vespers on the following day, which was Saturday, the 15th of June; on which day God sent remedy for the same, and His own gracious aid, by the hand of the most renowned man Sir William Walworthe, the then Mayor; who in Smithfield, in presence of our Lord the King and those standing by him, lords, knights, esquires, and citizens on horseback, on the one side, and the whole of this infuriated rout on the other, most manfully, by himself, rushed upon the captain of the said multitude, "Walter Tylere" by name, and, as he was altercating with the King and the nobles, first wounded him in the neck with his sword, and then hurled him from his horse, mortally pierced in the breast; and further, by favour of the divine grace, so defended himself from those who had come with him, both on foot and horseback, that he departed from thence unhurt, and rode with our Lord the King and his people towards a field near to the spring that is called "Whittewell-beche"; in which place, while the whole of the infuriated multitude in warlike manner was making ready against our Lord the King and his people, refusing to treat of peace except on condition that they should first have the head of the said Mayor, the Mayor himself, who had gone into the City at the instance of our Lord the King, in the space of half an hour, sent and led forth therefrom so great a force of citizen warriors in aid of his Lord the King, that the whole multitude of madmen was surrounded and hemmed in, and not one of them would have escaped if our Lord the King had not commanded them to be gone.

Therefore our Lord the King returned into the City of London with the greatest of glory and honour, and the whole of this profane multitude in confusion fled forthwith for concealment in their affright.

HERETICAL AND ERRONEOUS CONCLUSIONS OF WICLIF (Condemned at London, 1382).

Source.—Fasciculi Zizaniorum (Rolls Series), 277-282.

Heretical conclusions, contrary to the determination of the Church:....

I. That the material substance of bread and wine remains after consecration in the sacrament of the altar.

II. That accidents do not remain without a subject in the same sacrament.

III. That Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar inherently, truly, and really, in His own corporal presence.

IV. That if a bishop or priest be in mortal sin he may neither ordain, consecrate, nor baptize.

V. That if a man be duly penitent all outward confession is superfluous or useless to him.

VI. To tenaciously affirm that it is not stated in the Gospels that Christ ordained the Mass.

VII. That God should obey the Devil.

VIII. That if the Pope be a worthless and evil man and so a member of the Devil, he has no power over the faithful of Christ granted to him by any, except perchance by Cæsar.

IX. That after Urban VI. no one is to be received as Pope, but it is necessary for us to live, like the Greeks, under our own laws.

X. To assert that it is contrary to Scripture that ecclesiastical men should have temporal possessions.

Erroneous conclusions contrary to the determination of the Church: ...

XI. That no prelate should excommunicate anyone unless he first knows he is excommunicated by God.

XII. That if he excommunicates he is thereby a heretic or excommunicate.

XIII. That a prelate excommunicating a clerk who has appealed to the King and the Council of the realm is thereby a traitor to God, King, and realm.

XIV. That those who abstain from preaching or hearing the Word of God or the Gospel, preached, on account of the excommunication of men, are themselves excommunicate, and in the day of judgment shall be held to be traitors to God.

XV. To assert that it is lawful to anyone, either deacon or priest, to preach the Word of God without the authority of the Apostolic See, or a Catholic bishop, or some other sufficiently authorized.

XVI. To assert that no one is a civil lord, bishop, or prelate while he is in mortal sin.

XVII. That temporal lords can at their will take away temporal goods from ecclesiastics habitually sinful, or that the public may at their will correct sinful lords.

XVIII. That tithes are pure alms, and that the parishioners may detain them on account of the sins of their curates and confer them at pleasure on others.

XIX. That special prayers restricted to one person by prelates or religious do no more avail the same person, other things being equal, than general prayers.

XX. That the fact of anyone entering into any private religion makes him more unfit and unable to perform God's commandment.

XXI. That holy men who endow private religions either of possessioners or mendicants had sinned in so endowing.

XXII. That the religious living in private religions are not of the Christian religion.

XXIII. That friars are bound to get their living by the labour of their hands and not by begging.

XXIV. That anyone conferring alms on friars or preaching friars is excommunicate; as is the one who receives.

THE FOLLOWERS OF THIS MASTER JOHN (1382).

Source.—Chronicle of Adam of Usk (translated and edited by Sir E. Maunde Thompson, 1904), 140, 141.

According to the saying of Solomon, "Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child," in the time of the youth of the same Richard many misfortunes, both caused thereby and happening therefrom, ceased not to harass the kingdom of England ... even to the great disorder of the State, and to the last undoing of King Richard himself and of those who too fondly clung to him. Amongst all other misfortunes, nay, amongst the most wicked of all wicked things, even errors and heresies in the catholic faith, England, and above all, London and Bristol, stood corrupted, being infected by the seeds which one master John Wycliffe sowed, polluting, as it were, the faith with the tares of his baleful teaching. And the followers of this master John, like Mahomet, by preaching things pleasing to the powerful and rich, namely, that the withholding of tithes and even of offerings and the reaving[44] of temporal goods from the clergy were praiseworthy, and, to the young, that self-indulgence was a virtue, most wickedly did sow the seed of murder, snares, strife, variance, and discords, which last unto this day, and which, I fear, will last even to the undoing of the kingdom.... The people of England, wrangling about the old faith and the new, are every day, as it were, on the very point of bringing down upon their own heads rebellion and ruin. And I fear that in the end it will happen as once it did, when many citizens of London, true to the faith, rose against the Duke of Lancaster to slay him, because he favoured the said Master John, so that hurrying from his table into a boat hastily provided, he fled across the Thames, and hardly escaped with his life.

FOOTNOTES:

THE PARLIAMENT OF 1384 (April, 1384).

Source.—Higden's Polychronicon (Rolls Series), ix. 32-40.

[This Parliament has been well called the turning-point of Richard's reign. It marked his first deliberate attempt to enforce his own policy in Parliament.]

Moreover, on the 29th day of April the King of England held a Parliament at Salisbury, and it lasted until the 27th day of the month of May. At the beginning of which several extraordinary things happened. Firstly, because both the lords spiritual and temporal, quarrelling among themselves, almost frustrated the object of Parliament. But the Duke of Lancaster intervening pacified them, mingling threats with much eloquence of words. Secondly, because of the words of the Earl of Arundell; for, in the hearing of all, in full Parliament, when the King was present, he said these words, or to this effect:

"My Lords, you know that the whole kingdom stands in peril of destruction through lack of prudent government, and the thing is now apparent, because, as you know, this kingdom has long begun to languish, and is now almost decaying. And unless it is quickly succoured by fitting remedies, and immediately snatched out of the tempestuous whirlpool in which it is involved, one indeed fears lest it may shortly suffer even greater misfortunes and heavy damages, and may be lacking in everything, all power of relief being withdrawn in the future, which God forbid."

At these words the King leapt up, and turning himself in fury, and looking angrily at the earl, said to him:

"If you charge it on me and say it is my fault that the kingdom is badly governed, I say to your face, you lie, go to the devil!"

Hearing these words all kept silence, nor was there one who stood by who dared to speak. Then the Duke of Lancaster, breaking the silence, interpreted the speech of the earl in his own words; thus was the fury of the King mitigated.

Thirdly, because a certain Carmelite friar, influenced by a foolish zeal, came to the King's Court with the intention of accusing the Duke of Lancaster of craftily and treacherously plotting the King's death. Therefore, after the said friar on a certain day had celebrated Mass before the King in the chamber of the Earl of Oxford, and had obtained to speak with the King ... he immediately accused the Duke of Lancaster, and so bitterly that the King without trial ordered the duke to be put to death. But the other nobles present with the King utterly opposed this, declaring that it was unlawful for anyone to be condemned without judgment. Hearing this, the King wisely promised he would do as they said. Then, as Sir J. Clanvowe has said, immediately he had dissembled his fury burst out, and flinging his cape and boots out of window, behaved like a madman....[45]

The Duke of Lancaster hearing that he was to be gravely accused before the King, hastened to him, and so completely cleared himself that the King afterwards held him excused....

In the meanwhile, those elected to Parliament by the commonalty for the common weal of the kingdom earnestly complained concerning [the frustration of justice by] those who were in power in certain parts of the country ... whence they prayed for a general statute coercing them so that in future their fraud and cunning might not prevail to the detriment of the kingdom.

To this the Duke of Lancaster replied that the charge was too general; saying moreover ... that any lord was powerful enough and had authority enough to correct and punish such excesses in his parts. For in things temporal, after the King, he said, he himself was above all other lords of the kingdom. And he himself, if any of those in his parts were found guilty, and it should come to his notice, he would subject them to such punishment that it would inculcate fear in others against doing likewise.... Truly those elected by the commonalty of the kingdom hearing these things, since no remedy would be given, remained silent.

The King and his Council were then eagerly seeking to extort money from both clergy and people. And after much consultation and discussion of pros and cons, the clergy conceded to him the said moiety of a tenth which had been before conceded to him, under conditions, in another Parliament. The laity also granted a fifteenth. But the King, not content with these concessions, declared he would employ that most severe inquisition against usurpers of the Crown called Trailbastoun,[46] unless they made him a more ample grant. Having heard this and consulted together, the clergy conceded to him another moiety of one-tenth, and the laity likewise another moiety of a fifteenth; according to that [saying], as is his darkness so is his light. For behold in these days almost all the lights of the Church of God are about to be extinguished; which thing is grievous since great darkness is obscuring her surface everywhere, nor is there anyone now who will rise up and defend the Church of God. The prelates are as dumb dogs that are not strong enough to bark. Wherefore it is to be feared, which God forbid, lest there shall come upon ecclesiastics in high place, a sudden calamity, an immeasurable sorrow, an intolerable distress and lamentable misfortune.

FOOTNOTES:

THE PLOT AGAINST LANCASTER (February, 1385).

Source.—Higden's Polychronicon (Rolls Series), ix. 55-59.

A conspiracy, said to be approved by the King, was set on foot by certain lords, to put the Duke of Lancaster to death, but he himself, being warned of this thing, fled secretly with a few of his companions. Now the cause why they wished to kill him was this, as some claim. A little while before, the government of the kingdom and the rule of the King, and what it would be most expedient for the King to do for the safety of the realm in the coming autumn, was discussed in Council. Then the Duke of Lancaster declared it seemed to him most necessary for the good of the kingdom that the King should cross to France with an army, and should fight his enemies boldly with armed fist, rather than give them the opportunity of coming into this land, since they would continually infest us, not without grave danger and loss. Upon this certain of the Council, thinking differently, proceeded to reject, and violently attack the advice of the duke, asserting it would be madness for the King to cross the sea and enter France for many causes; but rather he should remain safely in his own land to defend it from the attacks of enemies, and not cross unadvisedly to foreign provinces, adding nothing to the glory of his fame. This pleased all the Council except the Duke of Lancaster and his brothers, who, indignant at this, stalked out of the Council. Further, the Duke of Lancaster declared neither he nor his vassals would aid the King again unless he should determine to cross to France. Which saying much displeased both the King and his Council. Wherefore, on account of this, they declared he was neither faithful to the King nor to the kingdom. Nevertheless, these temporal lords were always fearful of the Duke of Lancaster on account of his great power, his remarkable prudence, and his wonderful ability....

On the 23rd day of February the Duke of Lancaster, having gathered a company of armed men, came by night to the King at Sheen, and, having first of all disposed the main body of men on this side the Thames, he crossed the river, leaving there some of his men to guard the skiff until his return. Then he hastened to the gate, and left certain of his men to await there until his return, and deny anyone entrance or exit. At length, in full armour, he entered with a few of his men into the King's presence, where, having made due reverence, he at first addressed him harshly, and sternly, upbraiding him for retaining such evil councillors with him, and finally counselling him to remove such men from him, and henceforward to adhere to the wiser men in his Council. For unworthy is it for a King in his kingdom, when he may be lord of all, to avenge himself by private homicide when he himself may be above the law, and is able to concede life and limbs, and what is more, if he wishes, may deprive men of them at his pleasure. Therefore is it the more necessary that he should have good and faithful councillors around him, by whose good advice he should ever withdraw from illegal actions, and should not fear any jealousy to perform those things which are right.

The King replied graciously, in suave and gentle words, saying undoubtedly he would give his attention to reforming those things which before time had been unjustly done. Then the Duke of Lancaster, having sought license, excused himself from coming to him in future, as was hitherto accustomed, since he saw certain men still adhering to the King who would gladly see him (Lancaster) deprived of life. And immediately he left the King, and came by night with his men to the village of Tottenham, where he rested a little while, and then hastened to his Castle of Hertford, where he decided to abide in safety with his men.

The King's mother, having news of this, was much disturbed, and hastened to the King, persuading him to avoid discords with any of his nobles, more especially with the Duke of Lancaster and his brothers. Therefore, at her persuasion, he came with a large following of knights to Westminster on the 6th of March. His mother then hastened to the Duke of Lancaster, and so persuaded him that she led him to the King, and by her mediation they were straightway reconciled.... Afterwards, council having been taken at Westminster, the Archbishop of Canterbury and other lords, spiritual and temporal, complained sorely of these councillors abiding round the King, since they had induced the King to assent to a plot to kill the Duke of Lancaster, both because the thing was of bad example, and because it followed from this that whenever the King's heart or mind was raised in hatred against anyone, whether of small or great estate, he would perchance order him to be killed in a like manner, which God forbid! That in this way the approved laws and constitutions will be exposed to serious breach, and perchance, which God forbid, quarrels, strife, disputes, contentions, discussions, and other such things will be born in the kingdom. Therefore, such crimes must be avoided in the future, lest a lawless deterioration of this kind shall befall the kingdom. These words, or words to this effect, the Archbishop of Canterbury repeated to the King, on behalf of the lords then assembled there. Hearing which, the King was incensed against the archbishop, and, rising up, there and then began to threaten him. That same day the King was dining with the Mayor of London: at the end of the meal he went on the Thames, and met the archbishop between his palace and Lambeth. For the aforesaid archbishop had come to the King under safe conduct of the Duke of Buckingham. Then, indeed, when the archbishop repeated what he had said before, the King drew his sword on the spur of the moment, and would have transfixed the archbishop had not the Duke of Buckingham, Sir John Devereux, and Sir Thomas Trivet strongly resisted him. With whom the King was so enraged that in fear they sprang out of the royal barge into the archbishop's skiff, and thus retired.

THE FRENCH IN SCOTLAND.

Arrival of the French into Scotland in Aid of the Scots against the English (1385).

Source.—The Book of Pluscarden in Historians of Scotland, x. 246, 247.

In the year 1385 the King of France, beyond measure rejoiced at the success of the Scots, sent a certain knight of Burgundian origin, named John de Vienne, Count of Valentinois and Admiral of France, with a considerable train of men-at-arms, belted chivalry, eighty knights with their followers, admirably equipped as was meet and ready to battle. They landed at Dunbar and Leith, and presented the King, who was at Edinburgh with his magnates, with fifty complete suits of armour from the King of France, with as many lances and targes;[47] and they also handed over to the King of Scotland from the King of France as a free gift from him fifty thousand francs in gold in ready money as well as the said Frenchmen, with their pay fully and entirely paid up for six months to come and the sailors; and there were royal letters addressed to the King, telling him to send them on service in his war against the English. These Frenchmen, together with Archibald Douglas, Lord of Galloway, and with a very large force of men-at-arms, seeing that he was guardian of Wester-March, raided into England two or three times and wrought much mischief. On their return they first proposed to besiege the Castle of Carlisle; but assembling a larger army they laid siege to Roxburgh. Here the general and commander was Robert Stewart, the King's son, Earl of Fife, and afterwards Duke of Albany; and he had with him the Earls of Douglas and March, Archibald Douglas, Lord of Galloway, and a great knightly rout of nobles. But there arose a dispute among them whether, if the castle happened to be taken, it should remain for ever with the King of France, or be converted to the uses of the King of Scotland. Some indeed said the French offered that they themselves should recover the castle entirely, assigning to them either the honour or the profit. And thus, because they could not agree, they returned without doing anything; and not many days after this the Frenchmen embarked about the Feast of All Saints, and returned safely to France. The following year Richard, King of England, the second of this name, being nineteen years of age, entered Scotland about the Feast of Saint Lawrence, and attacked, overthrew and ravaged everything in his pride, sparing nothing, saving nothing, sparing neither age, nor order, nor religious community. He pillaged and burnt down many churches and monasteries and other sacred places, such as Melrose, Dryburgh, Newbottle; he also destroyed the noble town of Edinburgh, with the church thereof, erected in honour of St. Giles, and the whole of Lothian; and he returned home to his own kingdom without loss, having, however, before his departure in like manner pillaged and burnt the monastery of Holyrood. Wherefore, and by the vengeance of God alone, this King Richard wandered about the Scottish isles as a poor beggar, and was found living most wretchedly for a while in a certain lord's kitchen; and, being afterwards recognized by someone, he was brought to the King of Scotland, and there ended his days in idiocy. And thus, as is presumed, by the hidden judgment of God and in revenge for the foregoing, his uncle, who had been most shamefully exiled and cast out from the kingdom by the wickedness and power of the peasants, put an end to his life in great wretchedness among his enemies, according to the word of the prophet, saying: "The Lord delivered them into the hand of the enemy, and they who hated them had dominion over them."

FOOTNOTES:

THE DEATH OF WICLIF (1385).

Source.—Capgrave's Chronicle of England (Rolls Series), 240.

In the 9th year of this King, John Wiclif, the organ of the devil, the enemy of the Church, the mirror of hypocrisy, the nourisher of schism, by the rightful doom[48] of God, was smitten with a horrible palsy throughout his body. And this vengeance fell upon him on St. Thomas' Day in Christmas, but he died not till St. Silvester's Day. And worthily was he smitten on St. Thomas' Day, against whom he had greatly offended, letting[49] men of that pilgrimage; and conveniently died he in Silvester's feast, against whom he had venomously barked for dotation[50] of the Church.

FOOTNOTES:

CHARLES VI.'S FRUSTRATED INVASION OF ENGLAND (August, 1386).

Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), iii. 285-292, 294, 295, 329, 330.

The young King of France had ever shown great desire to invade England with a powerful army and navy. In this he was joined by all the chivalry of the realm, but especially by the Duke of Burgundy, the Constable of France, and the Count de St. Pol, although he had married King Richard's sister, and the Lord de Coucy.

These lords said: "Why should not we, for once, make a visit to England to see the country and its inhabitants, and learn the way thither, as the English have done in France? This year, therefore, of 1386, we will go thither, as well to break up the expedition of the Duke of Lancaster, and force him to return home, as to give the alarm to the English, and see how they will behave." Greater armaments were made in France than had hitherto been done. Heavier taxes were imposed on all the towns and country than for one hundred years, and such sums had never been raised, nor were ever greater preparations made by sea and land. The whole summer, until September, was employed in grinding flour and making biscuit in Arras, Bethune, Lille, Douay, Amiens, St. Omer, and in all the towns near to Sluys; for it was the plan of the King to embark at Sluys, sail for England, and destroy the whole country....

All that was going forward in France, Flanders, Bruges, Damme, and Sluys was known in England, and with many additions to the real truth. The people in several places were exceedingly alarmed, and generally the priests made processions in many towns three times a week; where, with much devotion, they offered up their prayers to God, to avert this peril from them. There were upwards of one hundred thousand who were desirous the French should come to England, saying, to comfort the weak-hearted: "Let them come; by God! not a soul shall return back to tell their story." Such as were in debt, and had not any intentions nor wherewithal to pay, were delighted, and said to their creditors: "Hold your tongues! they are coining florins in France, and we will pay you with them"; and thus they lived extravagantly, and expended largely, for credit was not refused them. Whenever they were asked to pay, they replied: "How can you ask for money? Is it not better that we spend it than Frenchmen should find it and carry it away?" Thus were many thousand pounds sterling foolishly spent in England.

... Every port and harbour from the Humber to Cornwall was well provided with men-at-arms and archers, and watchmen were posted on all the hills near the sea-coasts opposite to France and Flanders. The manner of posting these watchers was as follows: they had large Gascony casks filled with sand, which they placed one on the other, rising like columns; on these were planks, where the watchmen remained day and night on the look-out. They were ordered, the moment they should observe the fleet of France steering towards land, to light torches and make great fires on the hills to alarm the country, and the forces within sight of these fires were to hasten thither. It had been resolved to allow the King of France to land, and even to remain unmolested for three or four days; they were first to attack the fleet and destroy it and all their stores, and then to advance on the King of France, not to combat him immediately, but to harass his army, so that they might be disabled and afraid to forage, for the corn countries were all to be burnt, and England, at best, is a difficult foraging country; by which plan they would be starved and easily destroyed.

Such was the plan laid down by the Council of England. Colchester Bridge was ordered to be broken down, for a deep river runs under it, which flows through Essex, and falls into the Thames opposite the island of Sheppey. The Londoners would pull this bridge down for the greater security of their town.

If the taxes were burdensome on towns and persons in France, I must say they were not much lighter in England, and the country suffered from them a long time afterwards; but they were paid cheerfully, that they might be more effectually guarded. There were at this time ten thousand men-at-arms and one hundred thousand archers in England.

... From Senlis the King of France came to Compiègne, Noyon, Peronne, Bapaume, and Arras; and there were such numbers of men-at-arms pouring into those countries from all quarters, that everything was destroyed or devoured without a farthing being paid for anything. The poor farmers, who had filled their barns with grain, had only the straw, and if they complained, were beaten or killed. The fish-ponds were drained of fish, and the houses pulled down for firing, so that if the English had been there, they could not have committed greater waste than this French army did. They said: "We have not at present any money, but shall have enough on our return, when we will pay for all." The farmers, not daring to speak out, cursed them inwardly, on seeing them seize what was intended for their families; and said: "Go to England, and may never a soul of you come back!"

... Sir Simon Burley was Governor of Dover Castle, and, from his situation, received frequent intelligence from France by the fishermen of the town, who related to him what they heard from the French fishermen, as they were often obliged to adventure as far as Wissan or Boulogne to obtain good fish. When the fishermen from France met them at sea, they told them enough, and more than they knew; for, though there were wars between France and England, they were never interrupted in their pursuits, nor attacked each other, but, on the contrary, gave mutual assistance, and bought or sold, according as either had more fish than they were in want of; for, if they were to meddle in the national quarrels, there would be no fishing, and none would attempt it, unless supported by men-at-arms. Sir Simon learnt from the fishermen, that the King of France was absolutely determined on the invasion; that he intended to land one division at or near Dover and another at Sandwich, and that his forces were immense. He, as well as the rest of England, believed all this was true; and one day he set out for Canterbury to visit the abbey, which is very large and handsome; near it is Christ-church, which is also rich and powerful.

The Abbot inquired, "What news?" and Sir Simon told him all he knew, adding: "That the shrine of St. Thomas, so respectable and rich, was not safe in Canterbury, for the town was not strong; and if the French should come, some of the pillagers, through avarice, would make for Canterbury, which they would plunder, as well as your abbey, and make particular inquiries after the shrine, and will take it away, to your great loss. I would therefore advise that you have it carried to Dover Castle, where it will be perfectly safe, though all England were lost." The abbot, and all the convent, were so much angered at this speech, though meant well, they replied: "How, Sir Simon, would you wish to despoil this church of its jewel? If you are afraid yourself, gain courage, and shut yourself up in your castle of Dover, for the French will not be bold enough, nor in sufficient force, to adventure themselves so far." This was the only answer he had; but Sir Simon persisted so long in his proposition, the common people grew discontented, and held him for an ill-inclined person, which, as I shall relate, they afterwards showed more plainly. Sir Simon made but a short stay, and returned to Dover.

... [Meanwhile mismanagement and bad weather were breaking up the French armada at Sluys.] ...

Some of the young princes of the blood-royal, with a desire to display their courage, had indeed made a few cruises near the harbour, saying that they would be the first to land in England, should none others venture thither. In this number were Sir Robert and Sir Philip d'Artois, Sir Henry de Bar, Sir Peter de Navarre, Sir Peter d'Albreth, Sir Bernard d'Armagnac, with many more. These young lords, having once begun, were so impatient to sail in earnest, that a council was held, in the presence of the King, to determine how they should proceed. The Duke of Berry broke up the whole; and gave such well-grounded reasons, that the greater part of those who were the most forward to embark were discouraged; and said it would be folly and madness to advise the King, who was then but a child, to put to sea in such weather, and to make war on a people and country whose roads no one was acquainted with, and which was likewise disadvantageous for warlike exploits. "Now, suppose," said the Duke of Berry, "we were all landed in England, we cannot fight the English unless they like it, and we dare not leave our purveyances behind, for whoever would do so would lose the whole. But if anyone wished to make this voyage, though of no great length, he would do it in the middle of summer, and not in the heart of winter. Summon all the sailors who are here, and they will tell you that what I say is true; and that, notwithstanding the very numerous fleet we have collected, should we put to sea, of the fifteen hundred sail, there would never be three hundred together, or within fight. Now, consider what risks we may run; but I do not say this out of any desire to be excused from being of the party myself, but solely as I believe it sound sense, and that the council, and the majority of France, are of my way of thinking. I am willing, brothers of Burgundy, that you and I undertake this expedition, but I will never advise the King to do so; for, should any accident happen to him, the whole blame would be laid on us for having consented to it." "In God's name," replied the King of France, "I am resolved to go, should no one follow me." The lords laughed, and said the King had a strong inclination to embark.

THE STATE OF ENGLAND (1386).

Source.—Froissart's Chronicle (Hafod Press, 1803), iii. 409-412.

England was, at this period, in greater danger than when the peasants, under Jack Straw, rose in rebellion, and marched to London; and I will tell you the cause. The nobles and gentlemen were unanimous, at that time, in their support of the King, but now there were many serious differences between them. The King quarrelled with his uncles of York and Gloucester, and they were equally displeased with him, caused, as it was said, by the intrigues of the Duke of Ireland [Robert de Vere], the sole confident of the King. The commonalty, in many towns and cities, had noticed these quarrels, and the wisest dreaded the consequences that might ensue; but the giddy laughed at them, and said they were owing to the jealousy of the King's uncles, and because the crown was not on their heads. But others said: "The King is young, and puts his confidence in youngsters: it would be to his advantage if he consulted his uncles more, who can only wish the prosperity of the country, than that puppy, the Duke of Ireland, who is ignorant of all things, and who never saw a battle." Thus were the English divided; and great disasters seemed to be at hand, which was perfectly known all over France, and caused them to hasten their preparations for invading the country, and adding to its miseries....

Parliament was harangued on the subject of the finances, and assured that there was not in the royal treasury more than sufficient to support, even with economy, the usual expenses of the King. The council said there was no other means than laying a general tax on all the country, if they were desirous of paying the great sums the defence of the kingdom had cost.

Those from the Archbishopric of Canterbury, the Bishoprics of Norwich and Warwick, the counties of Devonshire, Hampshire, and Wiltshire, readily assented, because they knew better what had been done, and were more alarmed than those at a greater distance, in Wales, Bristol, and Cornwall, who were rebellious, and said: "We have never seen any enemies come into this country, why therefore should we be thus heavily taxed and nothing done?" "Yes, yes," replied others, "let them call on the King's Council, the Archbishop of York, and the Duke of Ireland, who received sixty thousand francs, for the ransom of John of Brittany, from the Constable of France, which ought to have gone to the general profit of the Kingdom. Let them call on Sir Simon Burley, Sir William Elmham, Sir Thomas Brand, Sir Robert Tresilian, and Sir John Beauchamp, who have governed the King. If they gave a true account of the sums raised in England, or were forced so to do, there would be more than money enough to pay all expenses, and poor people remain in quiet."