Busbequius’s Travels INTO TURKEY. (continued 6)

His Case was desperate, between an angry Father that required to have him given up, and a false Friend, who pretended to detain him. Sometimes Solyman dealt mildly with the Persian, putting him in mind of the League between them, that they were to have the same Enemies and Friends: Sometimes he threaten’d him with War, if Bajazet were not surrendered; and thereupon he placed strong Garrisons on all the Confines of Persia; he filled Mesopotamia and the Banks of Euphrates with the Soldiers, especially the Veteran ones, whom he had employed against Bajazet, over whom Mahomet the third of the Vizier’s Bashaws, and Beglerbeg of Greece, was made General, for Selimus was returned home: Moreover, he solicited the Georgians dwelling between the Hircan Sea and Pontus, bordering on Persia to aid him against them: They answered courageously, That they were not strong enough of themselves to cope with the Persian; but if he himself came upon the Place with an Army, they would then shew themselves Men of Courage against the Persian as their common Enemy. The Hircanians also and the Posterity of Tamerlane were solicitous to join Arms. Solyman himself gave out, that he would go to Aleppo, (a City of Syria, seated on the Banks of Euphrates) that from thence he might make War on the Persian: Nor was the Persian himself without Fear; for he had often experienced the Dint of Solyman’s Sword. But the generality of the Turks were averse to the War, and look’d on it as a wicked and detestable one; and this cooled the Sultan. A great many of the Soldiers, especially the Horse, forsook their Colours, and return’d to Constantinople without leave of their Officers; and being commanded immediately to return, they did so; but so unwillingly, that Solyman plainly saw their Aversion from the Service.

Whereupon Solyman, seeing he could not get Bajazet alive out of the Persian’s Hands, (who feared his Revenge, if ever he came off clear,) thought of the next thing, which was, to have him strangled there; and he hop’d to obtain his End this way, because the Persian had lately acquainted him by Letter, that he had been very remiss in so great an Affair. I have sent divers Ambassadors to you, said he, but you send nothing to me but empty Letters, or Messengers; and therefore, to convince me that you are real in the Business, send considerable Ambassadors of your prime Nobility with whom I may transact, according to the greatness of the Affair. As for himself, Bajazet had been a great Charge to him, before he could be taken, and therefore ’twas fit an Account should be had of those Expences. Solyman thereby saw that Money was requir’d, and therefore by the Advice of his Bashaw, he resolved to take any other Course, rather than to involve himself in an unnecessary War with the Persians. Hereupon Hassan Aga, together with an old Bashaw, one of the Bed-Chamber, was sent by Solyman into Persia. They departed with ample Commission, in the midst of Winter; they made great haste, insomuch that they lost several of their Retinue in the way: At last, they came to Casbia to the Sophia, and desired to see Bajazet; they found him in a nasty filthy Prison, his Beard and Hair so long, that till he was shav’d he could hardly be known; but then Hassan knew him by the lineaments of his Face, having been brought up with him from a Child, and therefore he was chosen as the fittest Person for this Embassy. It was agreed, that the Persian should be repaid what he had laid out, and should have many rich Presents besides, and then Bajazet was to be put to Death. Hassan returns and gives an account to his Master, who thereupon sent the Expences by him, with the Gifts, which were guarded by the Turks to the Confines of Persia. Thus Hassan again returned to be the Executioner of unfortunate Bajazet with his own Hand, for so Solyman had commanded. When the Bow-string was about his Neck, he desired but one thing before his Death, which was, to see his Children, and to take his last farewell of them, by the only Thing he had left to give, a parting Kiss; but that was deny’d. This was the end of Bajazet and his unfortunate Designs; the way he took to save himself was his Ruin. His four Children under-went the same Fate. As for the new-born Infant which he left at Amasia, whom his Grandfather had removed to Persia to be educated there, when his Father was dead, a trusty Eunuch was sent to Persia to destroy him too; but the Eunuch being somewhat tender-hearted, procured a certain Porter, a hard-hearted Fellow, who car’d not what desperate things he undertook, to dispatch the Child. This Fellow went into the Room, and as he was fitting the String to the Child’s Neck, the poor Infant lifted up its self as well as he could, and embracing him in his Arms, offered to kiss him; which did so mollifie his wretched Heart, that he fell down in a Swoon. The Eunuch stood at the Door, and wondering at the Delay, went in and found the Fellow lying flat on the Ground; whereupon he was forced to execute the Charge himself, and so strangled the poor innocent Child. By this Passage it appears, that Solyman spar’d his Nephew hitherto, not out of any Principle of Mercy, but out of an Opinion the Turks have, that Matters, if they succeed well, are pleasing to God; and therefore, as long as ’twas uncertain, what might be the event of Bajazet’s Designs, he would not imbrue his Hands in his Child’s Blood, lest, if Bajazet had succeeded, he might seem to have resisted the Will of God: But, when Bajazet was slain, he thought God had determined the Controversie, and that his Son also might not be spared, lest the Proverb should be verified, Of an ill Crow, an evil Egg. I had along Discourse with my Chiaux upon this Subject, when I was in the Island before mentioned, and had liberty to sail from one to the other. It happened once, that as we were returning in our Skiff, the Wind being against us, we could not double a Promontary that reach’d pretty far into the Sea, but were forced to land and take our Dinner a-shoar; for I always carried ready-dress’d Provision along with me in the Vessel for fear of the worst; and their Turks were also forced to land, by the same Stress of Weather. Our Table was spread in a green Meadow; my Chiaux and my Interpreter sate at Table with me. Mention being occasionally made of Bajazet, the Chiaux began to inveigh bitterly against him for taking up Arms against his Brother. I pleaded for him, and said, he was worthy of Pity, who was forced to do what he did: There was an inevitable Necessity upon him, either to submit himself to a certain Death, or to save his Life by taking Arms. However the Chiaux persisted still to call it an execrable Undertaking; whereupon I argued thus; you accuse Bajazet as guilty of an horrid Offence; but you acquit Solyman, the Father of your present Emperor, who took up Arms against his Father. We do so, said the Chiaux, and with Reason; for the Event shew’d, that what he did, was by God’s Approbation, and predestinated in Heaven. If you argue from Success, said I, then the wickedest Fact, if it prosper, may be imputed to God as the Author; and then he may be made the Author of Sin, if Good and Evil must be interpreted only by Events. We dwelt a while on this Discourse, and were very eager upon it, whilst either of us defended his own Opinion. We alledg’d many places of Scriptures; Can the Vessel say to the Potter, why hast thou made me thus? I will harden Pharaoh’s Heart: Jacob have I loved; but Esau have I hated: and others of like import.

The Turks, that were not far from us, wonder’d what we were so earnest about; and after we rose from the Table, my Chiaux went to them. They gathered themselves in a Ring about him, and I saw them hearkening to the Discourse he made, with great Attention; and at last, at Noon, they were all silent, and worshipped God according to their Custom. I thought it long till my Chiaux returned to me, that I might know why he prated so amongst his Comrades; I was afraid, though I had ever found him a good Man, that he might represent what I had spoken to him, to my Prejudice: At last, when the Wind ceased, we went aboard again, and followed our intended Course. The first thing I did, was, to ask of my Chiaux, what serious Discourse he held with his Country-men? He smil’d, and made me this Answer: We were disputing about Predestination, and I told them what you had alledg’d Pro and Con; by which it was plain, that you had read our Books, and was well read in the Scriptures, so that there was nothing wanting to your Happiness, but to turn to our Religion, which, in the Prayers you saw us make, we desired of God. When News was brought to Constantinople that Bajazet was dispatched, I was afraid that our Affairs, which were in a hopeful way of Conclusion, would now meet with a Rub at last; the Misfortune of Bajazet might over-turn all, make the Turks more Insolent, undo what was done, and propose harder Conditions. I had passed over some Difficulties, as the Loss of Gerba, and the Imprisonment of Bajazet, and the Vaivode’s Expulsion out of Moldavia; but there were two terrible ones, Bajazet’s Death, and another, which I shall speak of by and by.

Haly sent one of his Domesticks, to tell me, that Bazajet was dead for certain; that therefore, I should not defer the Peace, in hopes of his Success: That I should remember, Princes of the same Religion are more easily reconcil’d, than those of contrary ones are; and, therefore, I should hesitate no longer, nor seek Knots in a Bulrush, as the Proverb is.

This Message troubled me much; yet, because I thought the Account might not be true, I sent up and down the Town amongst my Friends, to know what Certainty they had of Bajazet’s Death: They all returned me answer, That he was most certainly dispatched: Whereupon, I resolved to draw in my Sails; there were no Hopes for me to obtain better Conditions; it were well, if I could maintain my Ground, and stick to my former without any change: The Emperor of the Turks had seen them, and was not much averse to them; some small Alterations were made; something I wished I could have added; other Things were dubiously expressed, which an ill-natured Interpretation might raise Scruples about. I did my Endeavour that these might be taken out, or corrected, and made more favourable on our Side. My Master Cæsar had seen and approved those Conditions; yet still I could not satisfy my self, till something more favourable was added. Whilst I was doing this, I was accosted with Haly’s Message as aforesaid.

I met also with another grievous Rub; some Noblemen of Hungary had revolted from the Vaivode of Transilvania to the Emperor, that is, to speak the Truth, had returned to their Duty; and the Garrisons also, which they commanded, yielded to Cæsar. This new Accident might have disturbed all; for the Turks had a specious Pretence to alledge, That, while Conditions of Peace were once on foot, such Alteration ought not to have been made; if Peace were cordially desired, all Things were to be returned to their pristine State: but, let Revolters speed as they pleased, what they had possessed ought to be returned to the Vaivode, their Client and Vassal. But, Haly was so far from pressing this, that one express Condition was, that those Things should be ratified; which he willingly assented to. But the Ambassadors who came lately from the Vaivode, were very much troubled at it; they rub’d upon the gall’d Place, and filled the whole Court with their Clamours, that their miserable Matter was deserted, the Law of Allegiance broken, and Enemies preferred before ancient Friends. All the rest of the Bashaws were moved with their Complaints, only Haly stood firm to me, so that the Articles of the Peace were not altered at all. For my part, though I knew that the Terms would be allowed by my Master Cæsar, yet, because there want not Sycophants in Princes Courts, who go about to obscure the best Services of their Ministers, especially if Strangers: I therefore thought it fit to leave all to the Pleasure of my Master: I told Haly, that, though the proposed Condition did not fully answer the Expectation of my Master, I hoped, however, he would acquiesce therein, if an Agent of theirs were sent along with me to explain the Things that were obscure, upon which any Controversy might arise; and that Ebrahim seemed to be the fittest Man for this purpose, by whom Cæsar might write back his full Mind concerning the whole Project; this was easily assented to. Thus an End was put to a long and tedious Business.

’Tis a Custom, that when Ambassadors depart from Constantinople upon fair Terms, the Bashaws do entertain them with a Feast in the Divan; but I was willing to wave that Badge of Esteem, because I would have all left in suspence, and referred to the good Will and Pleasure of my Master.

I had a mind before my Departure, to buy some gallant Horses, and therefore, ordered my Servants to go often to the Markets, to see if they could find any such. Haly being informed thereof, sent one of the best of his own Horses to the Fair to be sold; my Servants had their Eye presently on him, and asking the Price, they told them 120 Ducats; they offered 80, not knowing whose it was; but that was refused. A Day or two after, the same Horse, with two more quite as good, were sent me by Haly, for a Present; one was an Arabian ambling Nag, exceedingly well shaped. When I gave him Thanks for my noble Present, he asked me, whether I did not think that Horse which my Servant’s offered 80 Ducats for, was worth more? Yes, a good deal more, said I; but my Orders were, that they should not exceed that Price, for fear of losing too much, in case of any hidden Defect afterwards shew that I had bought Horses too dear. He advised me also, how to manage their Turkish Horses; as that I should give them but little Meat; that I should make but short Journeys at first, till they were us’d to the Roads; and that I should make nine or ten Days Journey to Adrianople, which used to be performed in five: He gave me also a curious Veil wrought with gold, and a Box full of Alexandrian Treacle, the best in the World; and a Glass full of Balsam, which last he highly prized, complimenting me thus: Any other Present, said he, are such as Money can procure; but this is a rare Gift, that my Master cannot send a choicer to the best Friend or Ally he hath. I got it, said he, when I was Governor of Egypt, which Place I held some Years: There are two sorts of that juicy Substance; one which is drawn from the Oil of the decocted Leaves of the Shrub on which they grow, which is black and not much worth; the other distils from the Bark of the Tree when it is cut, which is yellow and genuine; and mine was of that sort. He desired likewise, that I would send him some Presents, as a Coat of Mail fitted to his large and full Body, and a strong Horse that was sure-footed (for he was so big and pursy, that no Horse could be easily found, fit to carry him) and with all kind of varnishing Matter coming from the Maple, or any other Tree, wherewith our Artists use to inlay their Tables. As for Solyman, he gave me no Gifts but common ones, such as other Ambassadors have had at their Departure, and such as I received from him formerly at my Audience of Leave; only he inveighed against the Heydukes, and the Insolency of the Garrison of Syeth: To what Purpose, is it, said he, to make Peace here, if they continue the War thus? I told him, I would acquaint my Master, and that I did not doubt, but he would redress it; and, thus by good Fortune, about the End of August, I entered upon my desired Journey, carrying with me a Truce of eight Years, the Fruits of my eight Years Abroad there, which may be continued for a longer Time, unless some considerable Change happens.

When we came to Sophia, where the Way parts, one to Rhagusa, the other to Belgrade, Leyva and Requesne desired me to part Company, and go to Rhagusa, that so they might more easily pass to Venice and Italy, and procure those Gifts which they promised to lend to the Bashaws, and repay the Money they had borrowed at Constantinople; and that they would send Letters of Thanks by me to Cæsar, to give him due Acknowledgments for their Release: Which Service they would willingly have performed in Person, if their other Occasions had not hindered. I easily consented to their Requests, and was the better pleased, because Requesne, being a very old Man, died before he came to Rhagusa: If I had denied their Request, it might have been thought my Refusal had contributed to his Disease.

De Sande and my self passed the rest of our Journey without any great Inconvenience; for the Truth is, he is a very facetious Man, and, if he is troubled with Grief, he knows how to cover it, and to pretend Mirth outwardly. In our way, many diverting Things offered themselves; sometimes we would alight, and try which of us could run fastest; I, being lean, could easily out-run him, who was fat and pursy, and just come out of Prison. When we came near to a Village, Ebrahim would ride up to us (for he with his Turks followed gravely on Horseback) and beseeched us, by all that was dear to us, not to be seen on foot by the Villagers, for it would be accounted a Disgrace to us among the Turks. His Advice made us sometimes get into our Chariot again, but the Pleasure of walking afoot still got the better.

One of de Sande’s many facetious Sayings, I must give you. When we came from Constantinople, the Weather was very hot, and it continued so sultry all the Way, that it palled my Appetite, and a very little Food served my Turn; but de Sande, being a robust healthy Person, eat like a Horse, and would ever now and then tell me, that I must follow his Example and eat like a Man of Mettle. Yet, all his Advice was to no Purpose, till about the Beginning of October, I drew near to the Borders of Austria; and there, partly from the Country, and partly from the Season of the Year, I began to be more healthy, and to take a larger proportion of Food.

When de Sande observed that I had a better Stomach than formerly, he began to triumph over me exceedingly, boasting that ’twas by his Advice and Example, that I had learned to eat Meat, and that I, who was so many Years older, had need of a Monitor to advise me to take due Sustenance for my Body; so that if he were obliged to me for his Release, I was as much beholding to him for teaching me to recover my Appetite. In these ludicrous Repartees we came to Tulna, where we met with some Trouble. De Sande used to lye in the same House, if it were large enough to hold us both; if not, he took his Lodgings at some Neighbouring House, that he might not incommode me. He was willing to do so at Tulna, and therefore, desired the Janizaries whom I brought with me from Constantinople to Buda, to be my Harbingers on the Way, and to find out a convenient Lodging for him. One of my Servants a Doctor of Physic, and a Spaniard, whom de Sande had released at Constantinople at his own Charge, went along with the Janizaries. They happened to go to the House of another Janizary hard by, who was appointed as Governor of the Place to guard Passengers; for the Turks use to appoint one or two Janizaries in every noted Town to protect Christian Passengers from Violence; by which Office they get no small Profit: But this Man, for some Offence or other, had been put out of his Office, and therefore, was of a very surly Temper. My People viewed his House, and not finding it for their Turn, were going away; the Janizary first, my Servant next, and the Physician last. In the Interim, the Janizary, Master of the House, walking in his Garden, was told, that some Christian Passengers were seeking for a Lodging at his House: Whereupon, he came in a great Rage, with a Club like Hercules’s, in his Hand, and without speaking a Word, strikes the Physician a great Blow on the Shoulders, as hard as he was able; the Physician, to avoid a second Blow, ran out of the House. My Servant, looking back, saw him lift up his Club to strike him also; but he, having a Thing like a Hatchet in his Hand, held it cross-ways over his Head, and so kept off many a lusty Blow, till at last the Handle of the Hatchet, by his often stricking, began to break. Then my Servant was forced to close in with the Janizary, and was about to cleave his Skull with his Weapon: Whereupon, the Janizary fled, and my Servant not being able to overtake him, threw the Hatchet after him, which cut him in the Hams, and fell’d him to the Ground; by which Accident, my People escaped: But the Physician cryed out, that he was a dead Man, and that all his Bones were broken in Pieces. De Sande heard his Complaint; yet, though he was vext, could not choose but smile, as thinking that the Doctor was more afraid than hurt: But, that which most tormented him, was, lest on this Occasion he should be carried back to Constantinople: He was of Opinion that the Bashaws had not dealt sincerely in his Case, but had made only a Pretence of releasing him to gratify me, and really sought an Occasion to drag him back again, to rot in Prison. For the same Cause, he was much offended with my Servant who had wounded the Janizary, especially for saying, That he was very sorry that he had not killed him upon the Spot. His Words to him were these; Honest Henry, Prithee be not so Passionate; ’tis no Time nor Place to shew thy Valour here; we must bear Affronts patiently, without any just Imputation of Cowardice, whether we will or no; we are in their Power: This unreasonable Passion may bring great Mischief to us; perhaps it may occasion us to be brought back to Constantinople, and there our whole Negotiation may be reversed, or at least become very dubious. I beseech thee, therefore, for my Sake among the rest, govern thy Passion.

But Henry was deaf to all his Persuasions; he being an obstinate Fellow, and when angry, would not hearken to Reason. What care I, replied he, if I had killed him? Did he not design to kill me? If one of his many Blows had gone home, he had knock’d me down like an Ox. Were I to be blamed, if I slew him who would have slain me first? I am sorry with all my Heart, I did not give him his Death’s Wound: But, for the future (take my Word for it) I’ll spare never a Turk of them all; for, if he assaults me, I’ll give him as good as he brings, though it cost me my Life.

De Sande did not like this surly Answer; but the Janizary who had received the Wound, made the worst of it; upon whose Complaint, two Jews, who could speak Spanish, came to me, and told me, that he was dangerously hurt, and if he did not give him Satisfaction, the Matter would not so soon be passed over, but would create great Trouble to me. I answered them as I thought fit; but, because I knew the malicious Natures of the Turks, I thought it best speedily to guard against them; and, therefore, sent presently one of the Youths to Ebrahim, desiring him to let one of his Servants be a Guide to one of mine to Constantinople, a sudden Emergency had made this Journey necessary. Ebrahim wondered what the Matter was, and came presently to me to know. I told him, I desired a better Convoy from Hali Bassa, otherwise I was out of Hopes ever to reach Home, for my two Servants were like to be killed; and then I told him the whole Story, with all its Circumstances. Ebrahim soon perceived how much his own Interest was concerned, and therefore desired me to have a little Patience till he had spoken with the Janizary; to whom he presently went, and found him in Bed. He chid him very warmly for being so abusive to us, and told him I had made Peace with the Port, and was in great Favour with Solyman, and all the Bashaws; that they had denied none of my Requests, but had granted me several Concessions for my own Sake, and that he was sent back to convoy me safe into my own Country, and to take Care that I might be honourably treated by the Way: That he was the first Man that offered me the least Affront; and that I was sending back one to Constantinople to complain thereof; and if I did, it might cost him his Head. This took down my Janizary’s Crest, and put him into a terrible Panick besides.

The next Day we continued our Journey to Buda; and the Physician, notwithstanding his Bruises, was as well able to travel as any of us. When we came in Sight of Buda, the Bashaw thereof sent some of his own Family, with several Chiauxes to meet us; and among the rest, there was a Troop of young Men on Horseback, which drew our Eyes after them in respect of the Novelty of their Garb; their Heads were uncovered, and their Crowns shav’d; there was a long Line cut with a Knife, and in the Wound they stuck Feathers of several Sorts; and, though Drops of Blood distilled down from their Wounds, yet they dissembled their Pain, and rode merrily on, as if they ailed nothing at all. Just before me, there walked some Footmen; one of them had his naked Arms a-kembow, and both had a Knife, (such as we call Pragensian) run through them above the Elbow; another was naked, all the upper Parts, to his Navel, the Skin of his Loyns being so cut in two Places, both above and below, that a Club being run through them, hung down from thence as from a Girdle; another had a Horshoe nail’d to the Crown of his Head, and it was so old, that the Shoe and the Skin grew together.

In this Pomp we entered Buda, and were introduced to the Bashaw, with whom, in the Presence of de Sande, I had a long Discourse concerning the Validity of the Truce I had made. In the Passage to him there stood those hardy Youngsters who were regardless of their Pain; casting my Eye upon them, the Bashaw demanded, what I thought of them? I think, said I, that they are hardy Fellows; only they do that to their Skins, which I would not do to my Cloaths, for I had rather have them whole than slash’d. Whereupon, the Bashaw laughed, and dismissed us.

The Day after we came to Gran; from thence to Comara, the Frontier Garrison of the Empire, situate on the River Wage; on both sides its Banks the Garrison of the Place, with the Seamen, called their Nassadists, waited for us. Before I passed over the River, de Sande came to me, and embracing me in his Arms, gave me Thanks for completing his Liberty: He told me plainly, he thought the Turks had but dissembled with him, and therefore, he was in continual Fear, lest he should be haled back to Constantinople to die in Prison; but now, being in the Emperor’s Territories, he acknowleged himself to be eternally obliged to me.

A few Days more brought us to Vienna. Ferdinand the Emperor, was then at the Imperial Diet, with his Son Maximilian, about Inaugurating him King of the Romans. I acquainted Cæsar with my Return, and with Ebrahim’s coming, and desired to receive his Commands concerning him; for he had a great Desire to wait upon the Emperor at Francfort. His Highness’s first Answer was, That ’twere best for the Turks to stay at Vienna till his Return, it being not adviseable to carry an Enemy thro’ the very Heart of the Country, so long a Way as from Vienna to Francfort. And, on the other side, Delays were dangerous, and might create Suspicion in the Turks of some unfair Dealing. As for Ebrahim, and his Retinue, there was no danger in suffering them to pass through the most flourishing Part of the Empire; it was, indeed, desirable rather, that thereby they might take an Estimate of the Strength and Greatness of it, especially having now so fair an Opportunity of observing at Francfort, with how great Unanimity Prince Maximilian was chosen and designed Successor to the Emperor his Father. When I wrote back to the Emperor according to the Purport aforesaid, he consented that Ebrahim and his Retinue should come to Francfort. We began our Journey thither by the Way of Prague, Bamberg, and Wirtzburg.

Ebrahim passing through Bohemia, was willing to pay his Court to Arch-Duke Ferdinand; but the Arch-Duke would have it incognito. When we were a few Days Journey from Francfort, I thought proper to ride a Day or two’s Journey before, to acquaint the Emperor with some Things relating to my Embassy; which I did, and came to Francfort that Day seven Years on which I set out from Vienna to Constantinople. I was received by my Master with all imaginable Kindness, (not that I deserv’d it) but ’twas all owing to his innate Goodness and Custom so to do. You may imagine with yourself how joyful a Thing it was to me, after so many Years Absence, to return safe to the Presence of my Royal Master, who was pleased kindly to accept of the Fruits of my Embassy, and told me, that I had done all Things well, and that I should find the Effects of his Favour. He came to Francfort the Day before the Inauguration, late in the Evening, when the Gates were shut; and all the following Day they were not to be opened, by ancient Custom: But his Imperial Majesty gave express Command that they should be opened for the Turks. They had a Place assigned them, from whence they might behold Cæsar Elect pass by with great Pomp and Splendor; it appear’d to them a glorious and magnificent Sight to see, amongst others of Cæsar’s honourable Train, three Princes, who could raise great Armies in their own Territories; to wit, the Dukes of Saxony, Bavaria and Brandenburg: They saw also, many other Monuments of the Dignity and Greatness of the Emperor. A few Days after, Ebrahim was introduced into his Presence, and delivered the noble Presents the Sultan had sent him. The Emperor confirm’d the Peace, rewarded him amply, and sent him back with large Presents to Solyman.

I am very willing to leave the Court, as not being pleased with that kind of Life; but some private Affairs as yet detain me. I know the Tediousness of Court-Attendance; much Mischief lies under an Appearance of Splendor; much Disguise, but little of Sincerity is there; all Courts are subject to Envy; faithful Friendship is hard to be found, and a change of Mind may occasion a Man’s sudden Ruin: For Princes themselves are but Men. I have seen a Man come to Court with a thousand Attendants, whom his Prince’s Displeasure has sent away with scarce one in his Company. A Court does not know what is truly good, till too late; it is altogether led by Shews, Shadows, Fallacies, and popular Mistakes. Those are fortunate Men who can lead such a Life in safety; but oh! may I live to the Muses and to my self, and grow old in a Country-Cottage, with a few trusty Friends! If any Life be desirable in this earthly Pilgrimage, ’tis this. Look upon the Court, and you will find there a Noble Buffoon preferred before a good Man: So that if you would represent a good Man amongst Courtiers, you may paint an Ass amongst Apes. I speak of common Courts in general; for I know that our Court, as well as some others, are adorn’d with many excellent and noble Personages: However, Solitude and Quiet affording Vacation to Study, is preferr’d by me before the Crowd and Noise of Courts. But, I am afraid, my best of Princes will not vouchsafe me the Retreat I beg for. ’Tis true, he gave me leave to depart, but upon this Condition, that I should return when call’d upon. If he commands me to Court again (for who can withstand the Desire of so gracious a Prince?) this only Comfort will be left me, that I shall every Day behold the Face of the most sacred of all Emperors; or (to phrase it otherwise) shall contemplate the living Image of true Vertue: For assure yourself, that the Sun never shone upon a better Prince than this, nor one who governs more justly. Though his true, that the Majesty of Empire is a glorious Thing, yet to desire Empire, and to carry ones self worthy of it, is more Glorious. I speak not of his Birth, nor of the Nobleness of his Ancestors, he needs not such far-fetch’d Helps; his own Vertue is sufficient. Many Emperors have been (though unworthy) raised to the Throne; but his own Vertue exalted him.

Again, some have managed the Beginning of their Reign innocently and justly, but soon after they have degenerated into Licentiousness and Corruption, Forgetting they are Men, they would be esteem’d as Gods, and ador’d as such, endeavouring to be placed among the Gods; whereas they were unworthy to be reckon’d among Men. All men’s Necks cannot bear the Burthen of a high Estate, to which if they are advanced, they forget themselves: ’Tis a hard Thing to be able to compass all that a Man desires; and yet ’tis as hard to desire nothing but that which is good.

As for our Prince, his Eyes are not dazzled by Greatness; no Man retains Vertue more steadily he, nor takes greater heed that his pure Mind be not defiled by the Taint of his Fortune. He was always of this Opinion, That, as Majestic Robes attract the Eyes of Spectators, the Sanctity of Manners should much more incline their Minds. Therefore, he chiefly studies Piety, worships and adores his God, and lives always as in his Sight and Presence; he squares all his Actions throughout the whole Course of his Life by a Divine Rule and Prescript: Whatever happens either Prosperous or Adverse, he looks upon God as the Author, and receives it gratefully, as proceeding from his Hand. Thus he lives an Heavenly Life even upon Earth; he is not ignorant whole image he bears; and therefore, all his Words and Deeds are directed for the Public Good, for which he thinks he was born, and therefore prefers it before Advantages; He is so intent herein, that some blame him for being overmuch addicted to the Common-wealth, and neglecting his own Children and Family. He is extremely Courteous to all his Subjects, as if they were under his particular Care, and Himself were the Father of so vast a Family. What poor Man hath ever desired his help in vain? Who is there that hath not experienced his Liberality? He thinks that Day lost wherein he hath not done Good to somebody. He is beneficient to all, and in a singular Manner kind to his Domesticks; not a Man of them can say, that ever he was neglected by them. He knows their way of Life, the Deserts, yea, and the very Names even of the meanest of them. Tho’ he is so great a Prince, yet he thinks it not below himself, at convenient Opportunities to warn the negligent, and put them in mind of their Duty; and, if they mend their Manners, to reward them accordingly: So that they depart from him, rather as from a Father than a Master. He administers Justice with great Equity; for he thinks it unreasonable to prescribe Law’s to others, and break them himself; or to punish them in others, which he allows in himself. He never speaks rudely of any Man, and always honourably of the Absent. Probity is safe under his Guardianship; but Malice, Force, Fraud, evil and corrupt Ministers are exterminated, Offences and Wickednesses duly punish’d. The old Romans had Censors of Manners imposed upon them, to keep the People to their Duty; but here there is no need of any Censor, the Life of the Prince is a sufficient Censor, he is a shining Example to all, in what they should avoid, and what they should pursue. Good and learned Men which may profit the Commonwealth, he highly esteems; with these he is conversant, and, laying aside his Majesty, treats them as Friends and Equals; yea, he emulates their Virtues without Respect, whether they are Paternal and Hereditary, or acquired by their own Industry. With these, he spends the little Time he can spare from public Business: These are the Persons highly esteem’d by him, as judging it a public Benefit to restore due Honour to Vertue. He himself being curious by Nature, and desirous to know something worthy of a Man, has always some Questions to propose to the Learned; and sometimes he brings in some smart and genteel Repartees of his own, to the Admiration of his Hearers. Thus he hath laid in so considerable a Stock of Learning, that you cannot question him in any Thing, but he can give you some Account of it. He understands many Languages; first, the Spanish, which is his Mother-Tongue; next the French, German, Latin, and Italian: He can express his Meaning pretty well in the Latin, yet not so exactly, but that sometimes he breaks Priscian’s Head; a Fault blameworthy in a Gramarian, but excusable in an Emperor.

What I have said of him, all Men living know to be true; but, perhaps, some may think it a Defect, that he is not enough given to Arms, and Atchievements worthy of the Laurel: For, say they, the Turks carry all in Hungary, and we do not help nor relieve them, as we ought; we should have join’d Armies in the Field, that it might be known whom Providence would have to bear Rule. I confess this Objection savours of Bravery, more than of Prudence, and therefore, let me trace the Matter a little higher. I am of his Opinion, That the Genius of Emperors are to be judged of rather by their Councils, than by their Fortunes or Events; and that, by those Councils, the Times, our own Strength, the Nature and Power of our Enemies are to be regulated. If a common Enemy, well known to us, and famous for no Victory, should invade our Borders, ’twere Cowardice not to oppose him, if we have Forces enough. But if the Enemy be such as seem to be sent as a Scourge from God (such was Atila of old, Tamerlane in the Days of our Forefathers, and the Ottoman Princes in our Age) whom nothing can withstand, who lays all waste before him; to oppose such an Enemy with small and new-levied Forces, would not only be rash, but even Madness itself. Solyman comes terrible, by his own and his Ancestor’s Successes: He invades Hungary with 200,000 Horse, he draws near to Austria, and threatens the rest of Germany; his Troops are fetched from the very Confines of Persia; his Army is furnished from many Nations; each of the Three known Parts of the World conspire therein for our Destruction: He, like Lightning, strikes down all before him with his battering Army, and fills all Places with the Terror of his Name; he roars and Hovers round our Borders, striving to break in sometimes here, sometimes there. Many Nations of old, when they have been threatned with such Potent Enemies, have left their Native Country, and sought out other Habitations. To be unmoved in small Dangers, is but a mean kind of Praise; but not to be terrify’d by the coming of so great an Enemy, who has laid waste so many bordering Kingdoms, seems to me an Herculean kind of Constancy. Amidst these Dangers, Ferdinand heroically keeps his Station, and being of an unconquered Spirit, will not quit that, or his State. He could wish his Forces were sufficient to put all to the Hazard of a Battel, and that nothing of Madness were imputable to him upon that Account; but Prudence restrains his generous Efforts: He sees with what great Hazard his faithful Subjects, and the Ruin of all Christendom, an unsuccessful Battel would prove, and is very unwilling that the Public should pay for his Rashness. He considers how great the Odds would be, between 25 or 30,000 Foot, with a small Number of Horse, and 200,000 Horse, supported by a Veteran Body of Foot. What Hopes there may be of Success in that Case, the Example of former Times, and the Blood-shed at Nicopolis, and at Varna, and the Fields of Mohac, as yet white with the Bones of Christians slain there, sufficiently inform us. ’Tis the Part of a foolish Commander, without duly weighing his own and the Enemy’s Strength, to rush into Battel, where his Loss can find no wiser an Excuse than, I had not thought. ’Tis all in all, what the Enemy is with whom we are to cope; this is an infallible Rule, laid down by all the gravest Authors that ever wrote of Military Affairs: such was Cæsar; he counted it a Happiness to Lucullus and to Pompey, that they had to do with a slothful Enemy, over whom they got Victories without Dust or Sweat; and when he had obtained such an easy Victory over Pharnaces, he jestingly said, I came, I saw, I overcame: But were to make War with the People of those Countries (then effeminated by Luxury, but now harden’d by Want, Frugality, Hunger, Cold, Heat, continual Fatigue, and Severity of Discipline, to do and suffer any thing) he would tell us another Story. Hence it is, that Livy reasons upon good Grounds, that Alexander the Macedonian would not have had the same Success against the Roman Enemy, as against the Persian, or the Womanish Indian: There is a good deal of Difference between a Warlike, and a Luxurious People, unaccustomed to Arms. ’Tis true, the Multitude of Persians made it an Admiration, That there was more Toil in Killing, than in Overcoming them. In my Judgment, Hannibal’s three Victories at Trebia, at Thrasymene, and at Cannæ, did far exceed all the Exploits of Alexander: For why? the one overcame valiant Warriors, the other had to do with the slothful People of Asia.

Fabius Maximus had as much Courage, as Titus Sempronius, Caius Flaminius, or Varro; and more Judgment: That great Commander knew that he had to do with an Enemy educated in the Camp, well vers’d in Arms, skilful in Military Discipline, who by a singular Fate, or Felicity, had obtained many Victories; therefore he was not rashly to venture all, but to use Delay to weary him out; that was the only Hope left against so great an Enemy, to evade his Assaults, and to drill on the Combat till an Opportunity was afforded for a Remedy. In the mean time, he was to be watch’d, restrain’d, and, as it were, nibbled at; wherein he was so happy, that Fabius was as much Renown’d as Scipio himself, who ended the War against Hannibal; for who knows whether Scipio would have ever overcome him, if Fabius had not first stopped the Course of his Victories? To overcome by Prudence is as highly to be priz’d, as to overcome by Force. The former has nothing common with Beasts, but Force has.

The Emperor Ferdinand had the same Design with Fabius Maximus, if his and Solyman’s Forces had been equal. His first Work would have been, to put all to the hazard of a Battel; but the Inequality considered, his next Design was, to stop an over-flowing Flood in Walls and Banks; and herein he employ’d his utmost Endeavours. ’Tis about Forty Years since Solyman, in the Beginning of his Reign, took Belgrade, slew Lewis King of Hungary, and thereby promised himself the Possession of that and other Countries; in hopes whereof he besieged Vienna, and, renewing the War, he reduced Gonitzium again, threaten’d Vienna at a Distance. But what did he get by this great Armament: He was forced to stick in that Part of Hungary which he had already taken. He that was wont to conquer great Kingdoms by one Expedition, now subdued only some weak Castles and small Towns, which cost him dear: ’Tis true, he saw Vienna once, but never after. ’Tis said, that Solyman wished his Life to be prolonged, to see three Things finished, viz. The Structure of his Temple, a sumptuous and magnificent Work! the repairing of the old Aquæducts to bring Water enough into Constantinople, and the Conquest of Vienna. The two first he hath accomplished; but at the third he sticks, and I hope ever will; so that he always calls Vienna his Ignominy and Disgrace. But to return.

The Emperor Ferdinand may, doubtless, be register’d among the most famous Generals; for, though he had far less Aid than the Danger required, he yet was Master of himself, and principally by his Courage, he hath endured the Efforts of a powerful Enemy, for so many Years together: So that a greater Praise is due to him for preserving a great Part of Hungary for better Times, than to many Warriors, who with multitude of Military Preparations, and favourable Opportunities, have got many Victories over Kings and their Armies. The less Assistance he has had in a necessary Time, by so much the more the Valour of his Mind hath eminently appeared. Whosoever doth not put all upon one Event in the height of Success, not considering the Power of the Enemy, and the Seasonableness of assaulting him, must needs conclude, That ’tis next to a PRODIGY, that the open and extensive Kingdom of Hungary, distracted with long Discords, could be defended so long, and that all of it is not already brought under the Yoke of so powerful an Enemy. ’Tis God’s great Mercy, and our Prince’s infinite Care that hath prevented it; whilst he is combating with one Difficulty, another arises in view greater than the former. The Enemy is in sight, Friends afar off, the Auxiliary Forces of his Brother Charles too at a great Distance; Germany, though next to the Fire, yet weary in sending Aid; the Hereditary Countries exhausted by Contribution, and the Ears of many Christian Princes deaf when Assistance is desired of them, rather doing any thing, than that which is incumbent upon them; so that he is forced to withstand the Enemy only by his own Arms, with the Assistance of some Hungarians, Austrians, and Bohemians, and sometimes by hiring some Italian or Spanish Soldiers at a vast Expence. He defends the Confines of Hungary, with Garrisons fifteen Days Journey long; and has always Soldiers in Pay, even in Time of Truce. A Truce is sometimes necessary, and when the coming of a Tyrant is fear’d, and the Time affords no Opportunity of Resistance, ’tis seasonable to send Embassies to pacify him, that so great a Calamity may be averted from miserable Hungary.

Whilst our Prince has such a Burthen upon his Mind, he can hardly sleep for a whole Night together; he watches for the good of the Commonwealth; so great a Concern requires a perpetual Vigilance and constant Care. Do not think I flatter him: what I write is true. He hath but few Assistants in his Government, but those are very good Men; the chief of whom, not unknown to you by Name, are, Johannes Trantzen, Rudolphus a Harrach, both eminent for their Faithfulness and Prudence.

I shall detain you no longer than to give you some Account of our Prince’s private Deportment. He rises every Day at Five o’Clock in the Morning, even in the coldest Winter Months; and first, he performs his Devotion to God, then he goes to the Council to consult of Matters tending to the Public Good, ’till Dinner-time; he follows the same Course in the Afternoon, till Supper-time; I mean the Time of his Counsellors Supper, not his own: he never sups, he eats but once a Day, and that sparingly too; and is as abstemious in Drinking; he closes his Dinner with a double Glass of Wine: He passes the Night chastly, ever since the Loss of his Royal Consort: He cannot endure the trifling Amusements which many are taken with, and will have nothing to do with Jesters, Jugglers, Buffoons, Parasites, the common Delights, and yet Plagues, of Courts. He hates Idleness, is a very great Husband of his Time; if he has any to spare from public Business, which but rarely happens, he spends it in Conferences with good and learned Men, who (as I told you before) are his chief Delight, and usual Attendants whilst he is at Dinner. I believe that several of the Commons would not change their Life for his, ’tis so thrifty and severe: What Man is there that does not set apart some small Portion of his Time to indulge himself? Who would willingly deprive himself of all Delights? To whom would it not seem irksom to grow old in perpetual Care and Business. This looks more like Servitude than Sovereignty: But our Prince is of another Mind; neither doth he dissemble it in his ordinary Discourse: He says, he was advanced to so great an Office by God, not for his own Sake; that the Reins of Government were not put into his Hands, to wallow in Pleasures and Delights: The case of Succession in Kingdoms and Empires differs from the Condition of private Inheritances; in these latter, no Man is denied to indulge himself in the Conveniencies of his Patrimony. But so many Nations are intrusted to him by God, that he might have the Care and Labour, and they the Benefit of his Care, so as to obtain Rest and Quiet by his Sweat.

In Hunting only he spends a little Time, not so much for Pleasure, as for Health; for when he finds his Body fall away, and his Spirits flag by continual sitting for many Days together, he chooses one Day to refresh himself with the freer Air in the open Field; and in Summer very early in the Morning, and in Winter some Hours before Sun-rising, what Weather soever it be, he goes Abroad to Hunting, and sometimes he does so in the Afternoon; for I remember when I attended him at Dinner, I heard him say, I have done my Duty this Day; I have dispatched all Business that are on the File; I may now spend the rest of the Day for the Health of my Body. Thus he returns late at Night from the Death of a Boar, Stag, or Bear, and betakes his wearied Limbs to rest, without Eating or Drinking. Let no Man then upbraid us with the want of Trajans, Varus’s, and Theodosius’s; those Miracles of the Ancients in our Days: I dare take my Oath, that there is more true Vertue in our Emperor, than there was in all of them put together. But the Admiration of so great a Man transports me: ’Tis not my Design to speak of his Merits, they would make up a Volume rather than an Epistle; besides, they require an Ingenuity far exceeding mine; and, therefore, my Aim was only to give you some Hints, That you may know what a Master I serv’d. I close all with this public Prayer, That he may return late to Heaven, whose vertuous and holy Presence alleviates the Miseries of our Age.

As to the Greek Books which you enquire after, and the Rarities, and the wild Beasts of a strange Kind, which you hear I have brought back, they are hardly worth mentioning: Among them, there is one Ichneumon very gentle, which is known for its deadly Quarrels with the Crocodile and the Asp. I had also a Weesel of that kind they call an Ermine, very beautiful; but I lost it on the Way. I have many brave Horses, such as no Man ever brought from thence before, and six She-Camels. I brought back no Shrubs nor Herbs, but in Painting, which I left to the Care of Matthiolus, with some other Things, many Years ago. I sent him Tapestry and Linnen after the Babylonian Fashion, with Swords, Bows, and other Trappings: I have also many other Things made of Horses-hides, curiously wrought after the Turkish Fashion, or rather I may say, I had them; for in so great an Assembly of principal Men and Women at Francfort, one beg’d one Thing, and another another; so that I have but a small Matter left. The rest of my Gifts was well bestowed; but I am very sorry that I was lavish of one Balsam, because Physicians call the Truth of it in question, as not answering all the Marks that Pliny gives of it: Whether it be that the Virtue of those ancient Plants from whence it flows, be weakned by Age, or from any other Cause; this I know for certain, that it trickles down from Shrubs in the Mattarcan Gardens near Cairo.

Before I left Constantinople, I sent one Albacarus, a Spanish Physician, into Lemnos, on the sixth Day of August, to be present at the digging out that famous Earth, desiring him to write me the Certainty of its Place, Origin, manner of Extracting and Use; which I know he will do, if he is not hindered. I had a Mind to go thither my self to be an Eye-witness of it; but, the Turks not giving me leave, I deputed him in my Stead. I have brought back also abundance of old Coins, the chief of which I shall present my Master with. Besides, I have whole Waggon-loads, if not Ship-loads, of Greek Manuscripts, and about 240 Books, which I sent by Sea to Venice, from thence to be carried to Vienna: I design them for Cæsar’s Library; there are many of them common, but some choice; I rummaged every Corner to procure such Kind of Merchandize, as my last gleaning.

I left one very old Manuscript behind me at Constantinople, all very well written in large Characters; it was Diascorides, with the Figures of Plants, wherein there were some few Things of Crativa, and the Book of Birds; ’tis in the Possession of a Jew, the Son of Hammon, who in his Life-time was Solyman’s Physician: I desir’d to buy it, but the Price frightned me; he rated it at 100 Ducats, a Price fit for Cæsar’s Purse, not mine. However, I will not cease to press Cæsar to redeem so famous an Author from that Bondage: ’tis very much injur’d by Time, and so eaten with Worms on the out-side, that a Man would hardly take it up, if it lay in the Streets.

But to conclude, you may expect me in a very short Time. I shall reserve what remains, till we meet: In the mean Time, do you take Care to provide some good and learned Men, by whose Conversation I may drive away the dull Thoughts remaining in my Mind, from my long Aboad among the Turks. Farewell!

FINIS.