Volume 5 / Part 3 — PART III.—Continued. LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH. 1790-1826. (continued 5)

TO GEORGE HAY.

Monticello, September 7, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I received, late last night, your favor of the day before, and now re-enclose you the subpœna. As I do not believe that the district courts have a power of commanding the executive government to abandon superior duties and attend on them, at whatever distance, I am unwilling, by any notice of the subpœna, to set a precedent which might sanction a proceeding so preposterous. I enclose you, therefore, a letter, public and for the court, covering substantially all they ought to desire. If the papers which were enclosed in Wilkinson's letter may, in your judgment, be communicated without injury, you will be pleased to communicate them. I return you the original letter.

I am happy in having the benefit of Mr. Madison's counsel on this occasion, he happening to be now with me. We are both strongly of opinion, that the prosecution against Burr for misdemeanor should proceed at Richmond. If defeated, it will heap coals of fire on the head of the Judge; if successful, it will give time to see whether a prosecution for treason against him can be instituted in any, and what other court. But we incline to think, it may be best to send Blennerhasset and Smith (Israel) to Kentucky, to be tried both for the treason and misdemeanor. The trial of Dayton for misdemeanor may as well go on at Richmond.

I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

Monticello, September 8, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Mr. Madison, who is with me, suggests the expediency of immediately taking up the case of Captain Porter, against whom you know Mr. Erskine lodged a very serious complaint, for an act of violence committed on a British seaman in the Mediterranean. While Mr. Erskine was reminded of the mass of complaints we had against his government for similar violences, he was assured that contending against such irregularities ourselves, and requiring satisfaction for them, we did not mean to follow the example, and that on Captain Porter's return, it should be properly inquired into. The sooner this is done the better; because if Great Britain settles with us satisfactorily all our subsisting differences, and should require in return, (to have an appearance of reciprocity of wrong as well as redress,) a marked condemnation of Captain Porter, it would be embarrassing were that the only obstacle to a peaceable settlement, and the more so as we cannot but disavow his act. On the contrary, if we immediately look into it, we shall be more at liberty to be moderate in the censure of it, on the very ground of British example; and the case being once passed upon, we can more easily avoid the passing on it a second time, as against a settled principle. It is therefore to put it in our power to let Captain Porter off as easily as possible, as a valuable officer whom we all wish to favor, that I suggest to you the earliest attention to the inquiry, and the promptest settlement of it. I set out to-morrow on a journey of 100 miles, and shall be absent eight or nine days. I salute you affectionately.

TO MR. CRAWFORD.

Monticello, September 8, 1807.

Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Crawford, and his thanks for his Observations on Quarantines, which he has read with great pleasure. Not himself a friend to quarantines, nor having confidence in their efficacy, even if they are necessary, he sees with pleasure every effort to lessen their credit. But the theory which derives all infection, and ascribes to unseen animals the effects hitherto believed to be produced by it, is as yet too new and unreceived to justify the public servants in resting thereon the public health, until time and further investigation shall have sanctioned it by a more general confidence. He salutes Mr. Crawford with great respect.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

Monticello, September 8, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Yours of the 2d is received, and I have this day directed commissions for Bull, Hubbell, and for Benajah Nicholls of North Carolina, as Surveyor of the port of Windsor, v. Simeon Turner, resigned. This last is on the recommendation of Alston.

You know that the merchants of New York and Philadelphia were of opinion that a public vessel sent into the Bay of Bengal to notify our trade there, would in fact increase the danger of our vessels. The most intelligent merchants of Baltimore, consulted by Mr. Smith, were of the same opinion as to the Straits of Sunda. It was therefore concluded between Mr. Smith, Mr. Madison, and myself, (time not admitting further consultation,) that it would be best to make a Consul for Batavia, (there being none,) and send him to his post by a private vessel, with instructions to take the best measures he could for notifying all our trade beyond the Straits, to instruct our Consul at the Isle of France to do the same to all on this side, and moreover to send a special agent by any private conveyance to be obtained, to go from port to port in the Bay of Bengal, to give private notice to the vessels there. As several vessels were on their departure for those seas from Philadelphia and Baltimore, it is trusted that this arrangement will effect all the good proposed, and avoid all the evil apprehended at the different places which were consulted.

I set out to-morrow to Bedford, and shall be absent eight days. I shall leave this on the 30th, and be in Washington the 3d of October, ready for our meeting on the 5th. I salute you affectionately.

TO GOVERNOR CABELL.

Monticello, September 18, 1807.

Sir,—On my return to this place yesterday I found your favor of the 15th, and now return the papers it covered. I am glad to see the temperate complexion of Lowrie's correspondence. I presume the intelligence from England since the arrival there of the information respecting the Chesapeake, will produce a moderate deportment in their officers. Your instructions to Major Newton on the opening of letters, are perfectly consonant with the rules laid down. With respect to the mode of furnishing the troops with provisions through any other channel than that of the public contractor, I am unable to say anything, being not at all acquainted with the arrangements of the war department on that subject. I enclose you a letter I have received from a Mr. Belcher, of Gloster, giving reason to believe there have been some contraventions of the Proclamation there which ought to be punished if they can be detected. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO MR. MADISON.

Monticello, September 18, 1807.

I returned here yesterday afternoon and found, as I might expect, an immense mass of business. With the papers received from you, I enclose you some others which will need no explanation. I am desired by the Secretary of the Navy to say what must be the conduct of Commodore Rodgers, at New York, on the late or any similar entry of that harbor by the British armed vessels. I refer him to the orders to Decatur as to what he was to do if the vessels in the Chesapeake. 1. Remain quiet in the Bay. 2. Come to Hampton road. 3. Enter Elizabeth river, and recommend an application of the same rules to New York, accommodated to the localities of the place. Should the British government give us reparation of the past, and security for the future, yet the continuance of their vessels in our harbors in defiance constitutes a new injury, which will not be included in any settlement with our ministers, and will furnish good ground for declaring their future exclusion from our waters, in addition with the other reasonable ground before existing. Our Indian affairs in the northwest on the Missouri, and at the Natchitoches, wear a very unpleasant aspect. As to the first all I think is done which is necessary. But for this and other causes, I am anxious to be again assembled. I have a letter from Connecticut. The prosecution there will be dismissed this term on the ground that the case is not cognisable by the courts of the United States. Perhaps you can intimate this where it will give tranquillity. Affectionate salutations.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

Monticello, September 18, 1807

Dear Sir,—On my return yesterday I found yours of the 10th, and now re-enclose you Commodore Rodgers' letter. You remember that the orders to Decatur were to leave the British ships unmolested so long as they laid quiet in the Bay; but if they should attempt to enter Elizabeth river to attack them with all his force. The spirit of these orders should, I think, be applied to New York. So long as the British vessels merely enter the Hook, or remain quiet there, I would not precipitate hostilities. I do not sufficiently know the geography of the harbor to draw the line which they should not pass. Perhaps the narrows, perhaps some other place which yourself or Commodore Rogers can fix with the aid of the advice he can get in New York. But a line should be drawn which if they attempt to pass, he should attack them with all his force. Perhaps he would do well to have his boats ordinarily a little without the line to let them see they are not to approach it; but whether he can lay there in safety, ordinarily, he must judge. But if the British vessels continue at the Hook, great attention should be paid to prevent their receiving supplies or their landing, or having any intercourse with the shore or other vessels. I left Mr. Nicholas's yesterday morning: he is indisposed with his annual influenza. Mrs. Nicholas is well. I shall be at Washington on the 3d proximo. Affectionate salutations.

TO ROBERT BRENT, ESQ.

Monticello, September 19, 1807.

Sir,—I have just received your favor of the 8th, informing me that the Board of Trustees for the public school in Washington had unanimously re-appointed me their President. I pray you to present to them my thanks for the mark of their confidence, with assurances that I shall at all times be ready to render to the Institution any services which shall be in my power. Accept yourself my salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.

TO J. MADISON.

September 20, 1807.

I return all the papers received in yours of the 18th and 19th, except one soliciting office, Judge Woodward's letters, to be communicated to the Secretary of War. Should not Claiborne be instructed to say at once to Governor Folch, that as we never did prohibit any articles (except slaves) from being carried up the Mississippi to Baton Rouge, so we do not mean to prohibit them, and that we only ask a perfect and equal reciprocity to be observed on the rivers which pass through the territories of both nations. Must we not denounce to Congress the Spanish decree as well as the British regulation pretending to be the countervail of the French? One of our first consultations, on meeting, must be on the question whether we shall not order all the militia and volunteers destined for the Canadas to be embodied on the 26th of October, and to march immediately to such points on the way to their destination as shall be pointed out, there to await the decision of Congress? I approve of the letter to Erskine. In answering his last, should he not be reminded how strange it is he should consider as a hostility our refusing to receive but under a flag, persons from vessels remaining and acting in our waters in defiance of the authority of the country? The post-rider of the day before yesterday has behaved much amiss in not calling on you. When I found your mail in the valise and that they had not called on you, I replaced the mail in it and expressly directed him to return by you. Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. HAY.

Monticello, September 20, 1807.

Dear Sir,—General Wilkinson has asked permission to make use, in the statement of Burr's affair which he is about to publish, of the documents placed in your hands by Mr. Rodney. To this, consent is freely given with one reservation. Some of these papers are expressed to be confidential. Others containing censures on particular individuals, are such as I always deem confidential, and therefore cannot communicate, but for regularly official purposes, without a breach of trust. I must therefore ask the exercise of your discretion in selecting all of this character, and of giving to the General the free use of the others. It will be necessary that the whole be returned to the Attorney General by the first week in the next month, as a selection will be made from them to make part of the whole evidence in the case, which I shall have printed and communicated to Congress. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO GENERAL WILKINSON.

Monticello, September 20, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I received your favors of the 13th and 15th on my return to this place on the 17th, and such was the mass of business accumulated in my absence, that I have not till now been able to take up your letters. You are certainly free to make use of any of the papers we put into Mr. Hay's hands, with a single reservation: to wit, some of them are expressed to be confidential, and others are of that kind which I always consider as confidential, conveying censure on particular individuals, and therefore never communicate them beyond the immediate executive circle. I accordingly write to this effect to Mr. Hay. The scenes which have been acted at Richmond are such as have never before been exhibited in any country where all regard to public character has not yet been thrown off. They are equivalent to a proclamation of impunity to every traitorous combination which may be formed to destroy the Union; and they preserve a head for all such combinations as may be formed within, and a centre for all the intrigues and machinations which foreign governments may nourish to disturb us. However, they will produce an amendment to the Constitution which, keeping the judges independent of the Executive, will not leave them so, of the nation.

I shall leave this place on the 30th for Washington. It is with pleasure that I perceive from all the expressions of public sentiment, that the virulence of those whose treasons you have defeated only place you on higher ground in the opinion of the nation. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO MR. COXE.

Monticello, September 21, 1807.

Sir,—I have read with great satisfaction your observations on the principles for equalizing the power of the different nations on the sea, and think them perfectly sound. Certainly it will be better to produce a balance on that element, by reducing the means of its great monopolizer, than by endeavoring to raise our own to an equality with theirs. I have ever wished that all nations would adopt a navigation law against those who have one, which perhaps would be better than against all indiscriminately, and while in France I proposed it there. Probably that country is now ripe for it. I see no reason why your paper should not be published, as it would have effect towards bringing the public mind to proper principles. I do not know whether you kept a copy; if you did not, I will return it. Otherwise I retain it for the perusal of my coadjutors, and perhaps to suggest the measure abroad. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL.

Washington, October 8, 1807.

Dear Sir,— * * * * * The approaching convention of Congress would render your assistance here desirable. Besides the varieties of general matter we have to lay before them, on which we should be glad of your aid and counsel, there are two subjects of magnitude in which your agency will be peculiarly necessary. 1st. The selection and digestion of the documents respecting Burr's treason, which must be laid before Congress in two copies, (or perhaps printed, which would take ten days.) 2d. A statement of the conduct of Great Britain towards this country, so far as respects the violations of the Maritime Law of nations. Here it would be necessary to state each distinct principle violated, and to quote the cases of violation, and to conclude with a view of her vice-admiralty courts, their venality and rascality, in order to show that however for conveniences, (and not of right) the court of the captor is admitted to exercise the jurisdiction, yet that in so palpable an abuse of that trust, some remedy must be applied. Everything we see and hear leads in my opinion to war; we have therefore much to consult and determine on, preparatory to that event. I salute you with affectionate respect.

TO MR. PAINE.

Washington, October 9, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Your second letter on the subject of gun-boats, came to hand just before my departure from Monticello. In the meantime, the inquiry into the proposition had been referred, agreeably to our usage, or to reason, to the practical persons of the department to which it belonged, deemed most skilful. On my arrival here, I found the answers of the persons to whom it was referred, the substance of which I now enclose you. I am not a judge of their solidity, but I presume they are founded, and the rather as they are from officers entirely favorable to the use of gun-boats.

We have as yet no knowledge of the arrival of the Revenge in England, but we may daily expect to hear of it; and as we expected she would be detained there and in France about a month, it will be a month hence before we can expect her back here. In the meantime, all the little circumstances coming to our knowledge are unfavorable to our wishes for peace. If they would but settle the question of impressment from our bottoms, I should be well contented to drop all attempts at a treaty. The other rights of neutral powers will be taken care of by Bonaparte and Alexander; and for commercial arrangements we can sufficiently provide by legislative regulations. But as the practice of impressment has taken place only against us, we shall be left to settle that for ourselves; and to do this we shall never again have so favorable a conjuncture of circumstances. Accept my friendly salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL.

Washington, October 12, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I now return you several of Major Newton's letters, some of which have been kept awhile for consideration. It is determined that there shall be no relaxation in the conditions of the proclamations, or any change in the rules of intercourse by flag. If the British officers set the example of refusing to receive a flag, let ours then follow it by never sending or receiving another. The interval cannot now be long in which matters will remain at their present point. I salute you with great friendship and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

Washington, October 14, 1807

I think the proper instructions for Mr. Christie's revenue cutter may be drawn from those given to Captain Decatur. The authority of the proclamation is to be maintained, no supplies to be permitted to be carried to the British vessels, nor their vessels permitted to land. For these purposes force, and to any extent, is to be applied, if necessary, but not unless necessary, nor, considering how short a time the present state of things has to continue, would I recommend any extraordinary vigilance or great industry in seeking even just occasions for collision. It will suffice to do what is right when the occasion comes into their way. I cannot doubt the expediency of getting the instruments recommended by Mr. Patterson, and of the best kind, if they can be got in England, because I almost know they cannot be made in any other country equally good, and I should be quite averse to getting those which should not be perfect.

May we not at once appoint the republican candidate for the collectorship of Snow-hill? Affectionate salutations.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.

Washington, October 17, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I forwarded to Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Navy, an extract of so much of my letter to you of August 31st, as suggested the idea of artificial harbors for gun-boats, on the horse-shoe and middle grounds, with a view to his having their formation examined, to know if they would support works, and their distance ascertained, to know what would be their effect. The objects were, 1, to provide an asylum on the shoals for gun-boats against weather and ships of war, and 2, to prevent ships lying within the capes. I enclose you the opinion of Captain Porter, according to which, without thinking of attempting works so difficult and doubtful, both ends will be answered by a work at Lynhaven river, where the shoals are extensive enough to keep off ships of war, and the river sufficiently capacious to receive all the gun-boats. He thinks a work at Point Comfort might also be useful. I send you his draught, which, being merely an enlargement from More's map on a very minute scale, is not to be much depended on; and considering the extent of country that point is to defend, I recommend it to your consideration, as one of our important objects. Affectionate salutations.

TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN.

Washington, October 18, 1807.

Sir,—I have duly received your favor of the 8th inst., covering, at the request of the general court of Massachusetts, a memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, on behalf of Benjamin Hichborn and others, with a desire that I would communicate and recommend the same to both Houses of Congress. I should avail myself with particular pleasure of every occasion of doing what would be acceptable to the legislative and executive authorities of Massachusetts, and which should be within the limits of my functions. The Executive of the Union is, indeed, by the Constitution, made the channel of communication between foreign powers and the United States. But citizens, whether individually, or in bodies corporate, or associated, have a right to apply directly to any department of their government, whether legislative, executive, or judiciary, the exercise of whose powers they have a right to claim; and neither of these can regularly offer its intervention in a case belonging to the other. The communication and recommendation by me to Congress of the memorial you have been pleased to enclose me, would be an innovation, not authorized by the practice of our government, and therefore the less likely to add to its weight or effect. Thus restrained from serving you in the exact way desired, I have thought I could not better do it than by a prompt return of the papers, that no time might be lost in transmitting them through the accustomary channels of your Senators and Representatives in Congress; and I avail myself of the occasion of assuring you of my very high respect and consideration.

TO DOCTOR BARTON.

Washington, October 18, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I received last night a diploma from the Linnæan Society of Philadelphia, doing me the honor of associating me to their body. I pray you to do me the favor of assuring the society of my sensibility for this mark of their notice, and of my thanks. Sincerely associated with the friends of science, in spirit and inclination, I regret the constant occupations of a different kind, which put out of my power the proper co-operations with them, had I otherwise the talents for them. I shall gladly embrace any occasion which can be offered of being useful to the society, as a mark of my acknowledgments for their favors, with my thanks for the copy of your discourse, enclosed at the same time. I pray you to receive my friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.

TO JAMES GAMBLE, ESQ.

Washington, October 21, 1807.

Sir,—Your favor of the 17th has been duly received. I have long seen, and with very great regret, the schisms which have taken place among the republicans, and principally those of Pennsylvania and New York. As far as I have been able to judge, they have not been produced by any difference of political principle,—at least, any important difference, but by a difference of opinion as to persons. I determined from the first moment to take no part in them, and that the government should know nothing of any such differences. Accordingly, it has never been attended to in any appointment, or refusal of appointment. General Shee's personal merit, universally acknowledged, was the cause of his appointment as Indian Superintendent, and a subsequent discovery that his removal to this place (the indispensable residence of that officer), would be peculiarly unpleasant to him suggested his translation to another office, to solve the double difficulty. Rarely reading the controversial pieces between the different sections of republicans, I have not seen the piece in the Aurora, to which you allude; but I may with truth assure you, that no fact has come to my knowledge which has ever induced any doubt of your continued attachment to the true principles of republican government. I am thankful for the favorable sentiments you are so kind as to express towards me personally, and trust that an uniform pursuit of the principles and conduct which have procured, will continue to me an approbation, which I highly value.

I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO GOVERNOR CABELL.

Washington, October 25, 1807.

Sir,—Your letters of the 21st and 22d are received, and I now return Captain Read's of the 18th. We conclude it unnecessary to call for another corps of militia, to relieve that now in service at Lynhaven. General Dearborn will write, and give the necessary directions for discharging, paying, &c. I suspect the departure of the British armed vessels from our waters, is in consequence of orders from their government to respect the proclamation. If Congress should approve our ideas of defensive works for the several harbors of the United States, there will be a regular fort at the mouth of Lynhaven river, to protect such a number of gun-boats to be stationed there as will, in case of war, render it too dangerous to any armed vessel to enter the bay; and thus to protect the bay and all its waters at its mouth. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.

Washington, October 27, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I have reflected on the case of the embodying of the militia in Ohio, and think the respect we owe to the State may overweigh the disapprobation so justly due to the conduct of their Governor pro tem. They certainly had great merit, and have acquired a very general favor through the Union, for the early and vigorous blows by which they crushed the insurrection of Burr. We have now again to appeal to their patriotism and public spirit in the same case; and should there be war, they are our bulwark in the most prominent point of assault from the Indians. Their good will and affection, therefore, should be conciliated by all justifiable means. If we suffer the question of paying the militia embodied to be thrown on their Legislature, it will excite acrimonious debate in that body, and they will spread the same dissatisfaction among their constituents, and finally it will be forced back on us through Congress. Would it not, therefore, be better to say to Mr. Kirker, that the general government is fully aware that emergencies which appertain to them will sometimes arise so suddenly as not to give time for consulting them, before the State must get into action; that the expenses in such cases, incurred on reasonable grounds, will be met by the general government; and that in the present case, although it appears there was no real ground for embodying the militia, and that more certain measures for ascertaining the truth should have been taken before embodying them, yet an unwillingness to damp the public spirit of your countrymen, and the justice due to the individuals who came forward in defence of their country, and who could not know the grounds on which they were called, have determined us to consider the call as justifiable, and to defray the expenses. This is submitted to you for consideration. Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

October 28, 1807.

I think there is nothing in the former regulations of the Salines which hindered merchants or others of the country round about, far or near, from purchasing salt at the Salines, at the stated price, and carrying and vending it elsewhere at their own price; and it was naturally to be expected that competition would in this way reduce it to a proper price wherever sold. If this had taken place, it would have been desirable that the lessees should not have engaged in it, because as the price at a distance must add some profit to the transportation and first cost, this profit might have induced the lessees to sell reluctantly on the spot. As the merchants, however, have not entered into this business, I think it would be well to let the lessees begin it, leaving them open to the effect of future competition; subjecting them to a maximum as they themselves propose, and to have the permission revoked if they obstruct sales at the Salines, or otherwise abuse the permission. I return you their letter.

I return you, also, the papers respecting the lead mines, and think with you that one-fifth for the three last years is not unreasonable.

I propose to inform Mr. Moore (if you know of no objection,) that I approve his proposition for cutting the whole road from Cumberland to Brownsville. We shall by this means secure, at any rate, the benefit of their location, which will of itself have occasioned considerable expense. Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

October 31, 1807.

The rent we proposed for the Indiana lead mine was two-tenths of three years' produce=six-tenths of one year's produce for five years' occupation: and one-tenth of five year's produce=five-tenths of one year's produce for five years' occupation, is the option you propose. There can be but one objection to it, that is, the effect which a rent of one-tenth annually might have in lowering the future rents permanently. From the Louisiana standing rent of one-tenth, and the offer of one-tenth for the Indiana mine, I suspect that one-fifth may be too much for a permanent rent. What would you think of continuing the offer of two years free of rent, and one-eighth of the metal afterwards? I think the most important object for the public is to find what rent the tenant can pay and still have an encouraging profit for himself, and to obtain that rent. However, I suggest this merely for your consideration.

I have written to Mr. Moore on the subject of the road. Whom shall we appoint in the room of Kilgore. I have conversed with Morrar, but have had no opportunity of speaking with Governor Tiffin. Affectionate salutations.

TO GOVERNOR CABELL.

Washington, November 1, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Your late letters have been regularly referred to the Secretary at War, who has already answered their several enquiries, or will do it immediately. I am inclined to believe that the departure of the British vessels from our waters must be in consequence of orders from England to respect the authorities of the country. Within about a fortnight we think we may expect answers from England which will decide whether this cloud is to issue in a storm or calm. Here we are pacifically inclined, if anything comes which will permit us to follow our inclinations. But whether we have peace or war, I think the present Legislature will authorize a complete system of defensive works, on such a scale as they think they ought to adopt. The state of our finances now permits this. To defensive works by land they will probably add a considerable enlargement of the force in gun-boats. A combination of these, will, I think, enable us to defend the Chesapeake at its mouth, and save the vast line of preparation which the defence of all its interior waters would otherwise require. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO GOVERNOR WILLIAMS.

Washington, November 1, 1807.

Sir,—I have duly received your letter of August 25th, in which you express a wish that the letters received from you may be acknowledged, in order to ascertain their safe transmission. Those received the present year have been of March 14, May 11, and 30, June 8, July 3, August 12, and 25. They have not been before acknowledged in conformity with a practice which the constant pressure of business has forced me to follow, of not answering letters which do not necessarily require it. I have seen with regret, the violence of the dissensions in your quarter. We have the same in the territories of Louisiana and Michigan. It seems that the smaller the society the bitterer the dissensions into which it breaks. Perhaps this observation answers all the objections drawn by Mr. Adams from the small republics of Italy. I believe ours is to owe its permanence to its great extent, and the smaller portion comparatively, which can ever be convulsed at one time by local passions. We expect shortly now to hear from England, and to know how the present cloud is to terminate. We are all pacifically inclined here, if anything comes from thence which will permit us to follow our inclinations. I salute you with esteem and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

November 8, 1807.

I will sign a proclamation for the sale of the lands northwest of Ohio, whenever you think proper. I believe the form is in your office, and in the course of this week we will agree on the officers.

I am afraid we know too little as yet of the lead mines to establish a permanent system. I verily believe that of leasing will be far the best for the United States. But it will take time to find out what rent may be reserved, so as to enable the lessee to compete with those who work mines in their own right, and yet have an encouraging profit for themselves. Having on the spot two such men as Lewis and Bates, in whose integrity and prudence unlimited confidence may be placed, would it not be best to confide to them the whole business of leasing and regulating the management of our interests, recommending to them short leases, at first, till themselves shall become thoroughly acquainted with the subject, and shall be able to reduce the management to a system, which the government may then approve and adhere to. I think one article of it should be that the rent shall be paid in metal, not in mineral, so that we may have nothing to do with works which will always be mismanaged, and reduce our concern to a simple rent. We shall lose more by ill-managed smelting works than the digging the ore is worth. Then it would be better that our ore remained in the earth than in a storehouse, and consequently we give nine-tenths of the ore for nothing. These thoughts are merely for your consideration. Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. SHORT.

Washington, November 15, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Yours of the 6th has been duly received. On the subject of your location for the winter, it is impossible in my view of it, to doubt on the preference which should be given to this place. Under any circumstances it could not but be satisfactory to you to acquire an intimate knowledge of our political machine, not merely of its organization, but the individuals and characters composing it, their general mode of thinking, and of acting openly and secretly. Of all this you can learn no more at Philadelphia than of a diet of the empire. None but an eye-witness can really understand it, and it is quite as important to be known to them, and to obtain a certain degree of their confidence in your own right. In a government like ours, the standing of a man well with this portion of the public must weigh against a considerable difference of other qualifications. Your quarters here may not perhaps be quite as comfortable as at Philadelphia. There is a good house half-way between this and the Treasury, where General Dearborne, Mr. and Mrs. Cutts, board together. I do not know if there is a vacancy in it, but there are houses all along the avenue, convenient to the Capitol, and to this house also, to come and take your soup with us every day, when not otherwise engaged.

Our affairs with Spain laid dormant during the absence of Bonaparte from Paris, because we know Spain would do nothing towards settling them, but by compulsion. Immediately on his return, our terms were stated to him, and his interposition obtained. If it was with good faith, its effect will be instantaneous; if not with good faith, we shall discover it by affected delays, and must decide accordingly. I think a few weeks will clear up this matter. With England, all is uncertain. The late stuff by Captain Doane, is merely a counterbalance for the stuff we had a week before of a contrary aspect. Those dialogues they put into the mouths of the ministers were not likely to be communicated to the newswriters, and they are founded on a falsehood within my knowledge, not that I have confidence with an amicable arrangement with England; but I have not the less on account of this information. One circumstance only in it, I view as very possible, that she may by proclamation forbid all commerce with her enemies, which is equivalent to forbidding it with any nation but herself. As her commerce could not be accepted on such terms, this will be as much of a war as she could wage if she were to declare war, for she can wage only a maritime war with us. In such a case we could not let the war be all on one side but must certainly endeavor at as much indemnification as we could take. If we have war with her, we shall need no loan the first year, a domestic loan only the second year, but after that, foreign loans. The moment the war is decided, we shall think it necessary to take measures to insure these by the time they are wanted, and your management of this kind of business, formerly, is known to have been so advantageous, that we should certainly wish to avail ourselves of your services, if they can be obtained conformably to our joint views. But nothing specific can be said until the denouement of our present situation. No inference can be drawn from Monroe's return, (which I dare say will be by the Revenge,) because his return this autumn had been earnestly solicited by him, and agreed to by us. The classification of our militia will be again proposed, on a better plan, and with more probable success. With respect to General Moreau, no one entertains a more cordial esteem for his character than I do, and although our relations with France have rendered it a duty in me not to seek any public manifestation of it, yet were accident to bring us together, I could not be so much wanting to my own sentiments and those of my constituents individually, as to omit a cordial manifestation of it.

* * * * * * * *

TO MR. JAMES PEMBERTON.

Washington, November 16, 1807.

Sir,—Your favor of October 31st has been duly received, and I thank you for the communication of the report of the Committee of Friends. It gives me great satisfaction to see that we are likely to render our Indian neighbors happier in themselves and well affected to us; that the measures we are pursuing are prescribed equally by our duty to them, and by the good of our own country. It is a proof the more of the indissoluble alliance between our duties and interest, which if ever they appear to lead in opposite directions, we may be assured it is from our own defective views. It is evident that your society has begun at the right end for civilizing these people. Habits of industry, easy subsistence, attachment to property, are necessary to prepare their minds for the first elements of science, and afterwards for moral and religious instruction. To begin with the last has ever ended either in effecting nothing, or ingrafting bigotry on ignorance, and setting them to tomahawking and burning old women and others as witches, of which we have seen a commencement among them. There are two circumstances which have enabled us to advance the southern tribes faster than the northern; 1, they are larger, and the agents and instructors therefore can extend their instruction and influence over a much larger surface; 2, the southern tribes can raise cotton, and immediately enter on the process of spinning and weaving, so as to clothe themselves without resorting to the chase. The northern tribes cannot cultivate cotton, nor can they supply its want by raising sheep, because of the number of wolves. I see not how they are to clothe themselves till they shall have destroyed these animals, which will be a work of time. They should make this one of the principal objects of their hunts. I salute you with great esteem and respect.

TO DANIEL ECCLESTON, ESQUIRE.

Washington, November 21, 1807.

Sir,—I received on the 22d ult. your favor of May 20th, with the medals accompanying it, through the channel of my friend and ancient class-mate, Mr. Manning, of Liverpool. That our own nation should entertain sentiments of gratitude and reverence for the great character who is the subject of your medallion, is a matter of duty. His disinterested and valuable services to them have rendered it so; but such a monument to his memory by the member of another community, proves a zeal for virtue in the abstract, honorable to him who inscribes it, as to him whom it commemorates. In returning you my individual thanks for the one destined for myself, I should perform but a part of my duty were I not to add an assurance that this testimonial in favor of the first worthy of our country will be grateful to the feelings of our citizens generally.

I immediately forwarded the two other medals and the letter to Judge Washington, with a request that he would hand one of them to Chief Justice Marshall. I salute you with great respect.

TO MR. MAURY.

Washington, November 21, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of July 21st came to hand October 22d, with the letters and medals of General Washington, from Mr. Eccleston, and I now take the liberty of enclosing through you my acknowledgments to him. This tribute of respect to the first worthy of our country, is honorable to him who renders as to him who is the subject of it.

The world, as you justly observe, is truly in an awful state. Two nations of overgrown power are endeavoring to establish, the one an universal dominion by sea, the other by land. We naturally fear that which comes into immediate contact with us, leaving remoter dangers to the chapter of accidents. We are now in hourly expectation of hearing from our ministers in London, by the return of the Revenge. Whether she will bring us war or peace, or the middle state of non-intercourse, seems suspended in equal balance. With every wish for peace, permitted by the circumstances forced upon us, we look to war as equally probable. The crops of the present year have been great beyond example. The wheat sown for the ensuing year is in a great measure destroyed by the drought and the fly. A favorable winter and spring sometimes do wonders towards recovering unpromising grain; but nothing can make the next crop of wheat a good one.

The present aspect of our foreign relations has encouraged here a general spirit of encouragement to domestic manufacture. The Merino breed of sheep is well established with us, and fine samples of cloth are sent on from the north. Considerable manufactures of cotton are also commencing. Philadelphia, particularly, is becoming more manufacturing than commercial. I have heard nothing lately from your friends in Albemarle; but if all had not been well with them, I should have heard of it. I tender you my affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant friendship and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

November 22, 1807.

The defence of Orleans against a land army can never be provided for, according to the principles of the Constitution, till we can get a sufficient militia here. I think therefore to get the enclosed bill brought forward again. Will you be so good as to make any alterations in it which the present state of the surveys may have rendered necessary, and any others you shall think for the better?

TO COLONEL MINOR.

Washington, November 25, 1807.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 23d came to hand last night, and I thank you for your attention to the letter to Mrs. Dangerfield, whose answer I have received. Perceiving that you are rendered unquiet by the impudent falsehoods with which the newspapers have tormented the public feelings lately, in a moment of extraordinary anxiety, I must assure you that these articles are all demonstrably false, that is to say, the information of about three or four weeks ago that the ministers on both sides had given out that all things were amicably arranged. That which followed a week after assuring us all negotiation was at an end, and war inevitable, that is to say, Capt. Doane's news, and what followed a few days ago of Bonaparte's pretended answer to queries, extending his decree to us, coming via Antwerp and Bordeaux. It is believed that the last was fabricated in Boston, to counteract the war-news from England there afloat. I have no doubt Monroe is coming home, and that he, as well as the Revenge, may be expected about the last of the month; and I think it possible he may be the bearer of propositions for a middle ground between us, modifying what we have deemed indispensable; consequently that there will be time still employed in these things crossing and re-crossing the Atlantic, during which peace may take place in Europe, which of course removes all ground of dispute between us till another war. As to the Chesapeake, there is no doubt they will make satisfaction of some sort. This is my present idea of the present state of things with that country, but founded as you will perceive on possibilities only and conjectures, which one week may ascertain. I salute you with great friendship and respect.

TO MR. FULTON.

December 10, 1807.

Thomas Jefferson presents Mr. Fulton his thanks for the communication of his Memoir, which he has read with great satisfaction, and now returns. There is nothing in it but what will contribute to the promotion of its great object; and some of the calculations will have a very powerful effect. He salutes him with esteem and respect.

TO MR. BARLOW.

Washington, December 10, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I return you Mr. Law's letter, with thanks for the communication. I wish he may be a true prophet as to peace in six months. It is impossible that any other man should wish it as much as I do; although duty may control that wish. The desire of peace is very much strengthened in me by that which I feel in favor of the great subjects of yours and Mr. Fulton's letters. I had fondly hoped to set those enterprizes into motion with the last legislature I shall meet. But the chance of war is an unfortunate check. I do not however despair that the proposition of amendment may be sent down this session to the legislatures. But it is not certain. There is a snail-paced gate for the advance of new ideas on the general mind, under which we must acquiesce. A forty years' experience of popular assemblies has taught me, that you must give them time for every step you take. If too hard pushed, they baulk, and the machine retrogrades. I doubt whether precedence will be given to your part of the plan before Mr. Fulton's. People generally have more feeling for canals and roads than education. However, I hope we can advance them with equal pace. If the amendment is sent out this session, returned to the next, and no war takes place, we may offer the plan to the next session in the form of a bill, the preparation of which should be the work of the ensuing summer. I salute you affectionately.

TO GENERAL JOHN MASON.

Although the decree of the French government of November 21st comprehended, in its literal terms, the commerce of the United States, yet the prompt explanation by one of the ministers of that government that it was not so understood, and that our treaty would be respected, the practice which took place in the French ports conformably with that explanation, and the recent interference of that government to procure in Spain a similar construction of a similar decree there, had given well-founded expectation that it would not be extended to us; and this was much strengthened by the consideration of their obvious interests. But the information from our minister at Paris now communicated to Congress is, that it is determined to extend the effect of that decree to us; and it is probable that Spain and the other Atlantic and Mediterranean States of Europe will co-operate in the same measure. The British regulations had before reduced us to a direct voyage to a single port of their enemies, and it is now believed they will interdict all commerce whatever with them. A proclamation too of that government (not officially, indeed, communicated to us, yet so given out to the public as to become a rule of action with them,) seems to have shut the door on all negotiation with us, except as to the single aggression on the Chesapeake.

The sum of these mutual enterprises on our national rights is that France, and her allies, reserving for further consideration the prohibiting our carrying anything to the British territories, have virtually done it, by restraining our bringing a return cargo from them; and Great Britain, after prohibiting a great proposition of our commerce with France and her allies, is now believed to have prohibited the whole. The whole world is thus laid under interdict by these two nations, and our vessels, their cargoes and crews, are to be taken by the one or the other, for whatever place they may be destined, out of our own limits. If, therefore, on leaving our harbors we are certainly to lose them, is it not better, as to vessels, cargoes, and seamen, to keep them at home? This is submitted to the wisdom of Congress, who alone are competent to provide a remedy.

TO DOCTOR WISTAR.

Washington, December 19, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I have never known to what family you ascribed the Wild Sheep, or Fleecy Goat, as Governor Lewis called it, or the Potio-trajos, if its name must be Greek. He gave me a skin, but I know he carried a more perfect one, with the horns on, to Mr. Peale; and if I recollect well those horns, they, with the fleece, would induce one to suspect it to be the Lama, or at least a Lamæ affinis. I will thank you to inform me what you determine it to be.

I have lately received a letter from General Clarke. He has employed ten laborers several weeks, at the Big-bone Lick, and has shipped the result, in three large boxes, down the Ohio, via New Orleans, for this place, where they are daily expected. He has sent, 1st, of the Mammoth, as he calls it, frontals, jaw-bones, tusks, teeth, ribs, a thigh, and a leg, and some bones of the paw; 2d, of what he calls the Elephant, a jaw-bone, tusks, teeth, ribs; 3d, of something of the Buffalo species, a head and some other bones unknown. My intention, in having this research thoroughly made, was to procure for the society as complete a supplement to what is already possessed as that lick can furnish at this day, and to serve them first with whatever they wish to possess of it. There is a tusk and a femur which General Clarke procured particularly at my request, for a special kind of Cabinet I have at Monticello. But the great mass of the collection are mere duplicates of what you possess at Philadelphia, of which I would wish to make a donation to the National Institute of France, which I believe has scarcely any specimens of the remains of these animals. But how to make the selection without the danger of sending away something which might be useful to our own society? Indeed, my friend, you must give a week to this object. You cannot but have some wish to see Washington for its site, and some of its edifices, which will give you pleasure. You will see one room especially, to which Europe can show nothing superior. Baltimore, too, is an object. Take your lodgings at the tavern close by us. Mess with me every day, and in the intervals of your perlustrations of the city, Navy Yard, Capitol, &c., examine these bones, and set apart what you would wish for the society. I will give you notice when they arrive here, and then you will select a time when you can best absent yourself for a week from Philadelphia. I hope you will not deny us this great service, and I salute you with friendship and respect.

TO GEN. WILLIAM CLARKE.

Washington, December 19, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I have duly received your two favors of September 20th, and November 10th, and am greatly obliged, indeed, by the trouble you have been so good as to take in procuring for me as thorough a supplement to the bones of the Mammoth as can now be had. I expect daily to receive your bill for all the expenses, which shall be honored with thanks.

The collection you have made is so considerable that it has suggested an idea I had not before. I see that after taking out for the Philosophical Society everything they shall desire, there will remain such a collection of duplicates as will be a grateful offering from me to the National Institute of France, for whom I am bound to do something. But in order to make it more considerable, I find myself obliged to ask the addition of those which you say you have deposited with your brother at Clarkesville, such as ribs, backbones, leg bones, thigh, ham hips, shoulder-blades, parts of the upper and under jaw, teeth of the Mammoth and Elephant, and parts of the Mammoth tusks, to be forwarded hereafter, if necessary.

I avail myself of these last words to ask that they may packed and forwarded to me by the way of New Orleans, as the others have been. I do this with the less hesitation, knowing these things can be of little value to yourself or brother, so much in the way of furnishing yourselves, if desired, and because I know they will be so acceptable to an institution to which, as a member, I wish to be of some use. I salute you with great friendship and respect.

TO GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARKE.

Washington, December 19, 1807.

Dear General,—As I think it probable your brother will have left you before the enclosed comes to hand, I have left it open, and request you to read it, and do for me what it asks of him, and what he will do should he still be with you, that is to say to have the bones packed and forwarded for me to William Brown, collector at New Orleans, who will send them on to me.

I avail myself of this occasion of recalling myself to your memory, and of assuring you that time has not lessened my friendship for you. We are both now grown old. You have been enjoying in retirement the recollections of the services you have rendered your country, and I am about to retire without an equal consciousness that I have not occupied places in which others would have done more good. But in all places and times I shall wish you every happiness, and salute you with great friendship and esteem.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

December 24, 1807.

I think there should certainly be an inquiry into the conduct of Taylor of Ceracock, the charges being specified, of the most serious nature, and offered to be proved.

We might take a conveyance of the lands at Tarpaulin cove, of an estate, to continue so long as a light-house should be kept upon it, and used as a light-house. It would not be a fee simple, but what the lawyers call a base fee. But it would be a bad example, and we should have all proprietors hereafter insisting on the same thing. It is better they should trust to the liberality of the United States, in giving them a pre-emption if the light-house be discontinued. It will be better to add to the absolute conveyance, such restriction of right as we consent to, to wit, that there shall be no tavern, &c., than attempt to enumerate the rights we may exercise,—e. g., that we may keep cows, cultivate, &c.

I approve entirely the idea of conveying to the city of New Orleans the rights of the United States in the Batture, lately claimed by that city, and to all other Riparian possessors on the Mississippi all alluvions, and all atterisements, or shoals, left uncovered at low water, saving to navigators the right of landing, unloading, &c. But providing that the claim to the Batture given to the city, should be decided by special commissioners to whom the evidence and arguments in writing shall be sent, without any necessity of their going there.

Should not a bill be immediately proposed for amending the embargo law? In the meantime the revenue cutters and armed vessels must use force.

Cockle's bonds are certainly good set-offs against his Louisiana bills, and ought so to be used to save his sureties.

I am glad to find we have 4,000,000 acres west of Chafalaya. How much better to have every 160 acres settled by an able-bodied militia man, than by purchasers with their hordes of negroes, to add weakness instead of strength. Affectionate salutations.

TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Washington, December 26, 1807.

Dear Sir,—I return you the letters you were so kind as to communicate to me, on the appointment of Dr. Waterhouse to the care of the marine hospital. When he was decided on (November 26th), no other candidate had been named to me as desiring the place.

The respectable recommendations I had received, and his station as professor of medicine in a college of high reputation, sufficiently warranted his abilities as a physician, and to these was added a fact well known, that, to his zeal, the United States were indebted for the introduction of a great blessing,—vaccination, which has extirpated one of the most loathsome and mortal diseases which has afflicted humanity some years, probably, sooner than would otherwise have taken place. It was a pleasure, therefore, as well as a duty, in dispensing the public favors, to make this small return for the great service rendered our country by Dr. Waterhouse.

That he is not a professional surgeon is not an objection. The marine hospitals are medical institutions, for the relief of common seamen, and the ordinary diseases to which they are liable. To them, therefore, professional physicians have always been appointed.

A surgeon is named to the navy hospital. The surgeon will have medical cases under him, and the physician some surgical cases; but not in sufficient proportion to change the characters of the institutions, or of the persons to whom they are committed.

On a review of the subject, therefore, I have no reason to doubt that the person appointed will perform the services of the marine hospital with ability and faithfulness; and I feel a satisfaction in having done something towards discharging a moral obligation of the nation, to one who has saved so many of its victims from a mortal disease. Nor is it unimportant to the State in which that institution is, that it has extended his means of usefulness to the medical students of its college.

I am thankful now, as at all times, for information on the subject of appointments, even when it comes too late to be used. I know none but public motives in making them. It is more difficult and more painful than all the other duties of my office, and one in which I am sufficiently conscious that involuntary error must often be committed; and I am particularly thankful to yourself for this opportunity of explaining the grounds of the appointment in question; and I tender you sincere assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

Washington, December 29, 1807.

It is impossible to detest more than I do the fraudulent and injurious practice of covering foreign vessels and cargoes under the American flag; and I sincerely wish a systematic and severe course of punishment could be established. It is only as a punishment of this fraud, that we could deny to the Portuguese vessel the liberty of departing. But I do not know that a solitary and accidental instance of punishment would have any effect. The vessel is bonâ fide Portuguese, the crew Portuguese, loaded with provisions for Portugal, an unoffending and friendly country, to whom we wish no ill. I have not sufficiently considered the embargo act, to say how far the executive is at liberty to decide on these cases. But if we are free to do it, I should be much disposed to take back her American papers, and let her go, especially on giving bond and security to land the cargo in Portugal, dangers of the sea and superior force excepted. Perhaps it would be proper to require the captain to give up also his certificate of citizenship, which is also merely fraudulent, has been the ground of fraudulent conversion, and may be used on the voyage as a fraudulent cover to the cargo. Affectionate salutations.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ.

Washington, January 3, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of December 20th has been received. The copy of the late volume of Agricultural Proceedings is not yet at hand, but will probably come safe. I had formerly received the preceding volumes from your kindness, as you supposed. Writings on this subject are peculiarly pleasing to me, for, as they tell us, we are sprung from the earth, so to that we naturally return. It is now among my most fervent longings to be on my farm, which, with a garden and fruitery, will constitute my principal occupation in retirement. I have lately received the proceedings of the Agricultural Society of Paris. They are proceeding with enthusiasm and understanding. I have been surprised to find that the rotation of crops and substitution of some profitable growth preparatory for grain, instead of the useless and expensive fallow, is yet only dawning among them. The society has lately re-published Oliver de Serres' Theatre d'Agriculture, in 2 vols. 4to, although written in the reign of * * * * * . It is the finest body of agriculture extant, and especially as improved by voluminous notes, which bring its process to the present day. I lately received from Colonel Few in New York, a bottle of the oil of Beni, believed to be a sesamum. I did not believe there existed so perfect a substitute for olive oil. Like that of Florence, it has no taste, and is perhaps rather more limpid. A bushel of seed yields three gallons of oil; and Governor Milledge, of Georgia, says the plant will grow wherever the Palmi Christi will. It is worth your attention, and you can probably get seed from Colonel Few. We are in hourly expectation of Mr. Rose here, in the hope of seeing what turn our differences with that nation are to take. As yet all is doubtful. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.

TO DOCTOR RUSH.

Washington, January 3, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Dr. Waterhouse has been appointed to the Marine Hospital of Boston, as you wished. It was a just though small return for his merit, in introducing the vaccination earlier than we should have had it. His appointment there makes some noise there and here, being unacceptable to some; but I believe that schismatic divisions in the medical fraternity are at the bottom of it. My usage is to make the best appointment my information and judgment enable me to do, and then fold myself up in the mantle of conscience, and abide unmoved the peltings of the storm. And oh! for the day when I shall be withdrawn from it; when I shall have leisure to enjoy my family, my friends, my farm and books!

In the ensuing autumn, I shall be sending on to Philadelphia a grandson of about fifteen years of age, to whom I shall ask your friendly attentions. Without that bright fancy which captivates, I am in hopes he possesses sound judgment and much observation; and, what I value more than all things, good humor. For thus I estimate the qualities of the mind; 1, good humor, 2, integrity; 3, industry; 4, science. The preference of the first to the second quality may not at first be acquiesced in; but certainly we had all rather associate with a good-humored, light-principled man, than with an ill tempered rigorist in morality.

We are here in hourly expectation of seeing Mr. Rose, and of knowing what turn his mission is to give to our present differences. The embargo is salutary. It postpones war, gives time and the benefits of events which that may produce; particularly that of peace in Europe, which will postpone the causes of difference to the next war. I salute you with great affection and respect.

TO JOHN TAYLOR, ESQ.

Washington, January 6, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Your ingenious friend, Mr. Martin, formerly made for me a drill of very fine construction. I am now very desirous of sending one of them to the Agricultural Society of Paris, with whom I am in correspondence, and who are sending me a plough supposed to be of the best construction ever known. On trial with their best ploughs, by a dynamometer, it is drawn by from one-half to two-thirds of the force requisite to their best former ploughs. Will you be so good as to get Mr. Martin to make me one of his best drills, sparing no pains to make the workmanship worthy of the object, to pack it in a box, and contrive it for me to Fredericksburg. The cost shall be remitted him as soon as known. I see by the agricultural transactions of the Paris Society, they are cultivating the Jerusalem artichoke for feeding their animals. They make 10,000 lb. to the acre, which they say is three times as much as they generally make of the potatoe. The African Negroes brought over to Georgia a seed which they called benn, and the botanists sesamum. I lately received a bottle of the oil, which was eaten with sallad by various companies. All agree it is equal to the olive oil. A bushel of seed yields three gallons of oil. I propose to cultivate it for my own use at least. The embargo keeping at home our vessels, cargoes and seamen, saves us the necessity of making their capture the cause of immediate war; for, if going to England, France had determined to take them, if to any other place, England was to take them. Till they return to some sense of moral duty, therefore, we keep within ourselves. This gives time. Time may produce peace in Europe; peace in Europe removes all causes of difference, till another European war; and by that time our debt may be paid, our revenues clear, and our strength increased.

I salute you with great friendship and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

January 7, 1808.

I think with you that the establishment of posts of delivery at Green Bay and Chicago, would only furnish pretexts for not entering at Mackinac; and that a new post at the falls of St. Mary's, requiring a military post to be established there, would not quit cost, nor is this a time to be multiplying small establishments.

The collector should have his eye on the schooner Friends on her return, and though proof may be difficult, harass them with a prosecution.

I see nothing in the case of the Swedish captain which can produce doubt. The law is plain that a foreign vessel may go with the load she had on board and no more. The exception as to vessels under the President's direction, can only be meant to embrace governmental cases, such as advice vessels, such as permitting foreign seamen to be shipped to their own country.

With respect to the Four Brothers, I know not what can be done, unless the amendatory law would authorize the collector to detain on circumstances of strong suspicion, until he can refer the case here, and give a power to detain finally on such grounds.

Have you thought of the Indian drawback? The Indians can be kept in order only by commerce or war. The former is the cheapest. Unless we can induce individuals to employ their capital in that trade, it will require an enormous sum of capital from the public treasury, and it will be badly managed. A drawback for four or five years is the cheapest way of getting that business off our hands. Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. SMITH.

January 7, 1808.

Proceeding as we are to an extensive construction of gun-boats, there are many circumstances to be considered and agreed on, viz.:

1. How many shall we build? for the debate lately published proves clearly it was not expected we should build the whole number proposed.

2. Of what size, and how many of each size?

3. What weight of metal shall each size carry? shall carronades be added?

4. Is it not best, as they will not be seasoned, to leave them unsealed awhile?

5. Where shall they be built, and when required to be in readiness?

6. As a small proportion only will be kept afloat, in time of peace, the safe and convenient depositories for those laid up should be inquired into and agreed on, and sheds erected under which they may be covered from the sun and rain.

7. To economize the navy funds of the ensuing year, we should determine how many of the boats now in service ought to be kept in each, and for how many we will depend on the seaport in case of attack.

The first of these subjects may require a general consultation, and perhaps the 7th also. The others are matters of detail which may be determined on between you and myself. I shall be ready to consult with you on them at your convenience. Affectionate salutations.

TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR.

Washington, January 8, 1808.

Dear Sir,—Your letter of December 29th brings to my mind a subject which never has presented itself but with great pain, that of your withdrawing from the administration, before I withdraw myself. It would have been to me the greatest of consolations to have gone through my term with the same coadjutors, and to have shared with them the merit, or demerit, of whatever good or evil we may have done. The integrity, attention, skill, and economy with which you have conducted your department, have given me the most complete and unqualified satisfaction, and this testimony I bear to it with all the sincerity of truth and friendship; and should a war come on, there is no person in the United States to whose management and care I could commit it with equal confidence. That you as well as myself, and all our brethren, have maligners, who from ill-temper, or disappointment, seek opportunities of venting their angry passions against us, is well known, and too well understood by our constituents to be regarded. No man who can succeed you will have fewer, nor will any one enjoy a more extensive confidence through the nation. Finding that I could not retain you to the end of my term, I had wished to protract your stay, till I could with propriety devolve on another the naming of your successor. But this probably could not be done till about the time of our separation in July. Your continuance however, till after the end of the session, will relieve me from the necessity of any nomination during the session, and will leave me only a chasm of two or three months over which I must hobble as well as I can. My greatest difficulty will arise from the carrying on the system of defensive works we propose to erect. That these should have been fairly under way, and in a course of execution, under your direction, would have peculiarly relieved me; because we concur so exactly in the scale on which they are to be executed. Unacquainted with the details myself, I fear that when you are gone, aided only by your chief clerk, I shall be assailed with schemes of improvement and alterations which I shall be embarrassed to pronounce on, or withstand, and incur augmentations of expense, which I shall not know how to control. I speak of the interval between the close of this session, when you propose to retire, and the commencement of our usual recess in July. Because during that recess, we are in the habit of leaving things to the chief clerks; and, by the end of it, my successor may be pretty well known, and prevailed on to name yours. However, I am so much relieved by your ekeing out your continuance to the end of the session, that I feel myself bound to consult your inclinations then, and to take on myself the difficulties of the short period then ensuing. In public or in private, and in all situations, I shall retain for you the most cordial esteem, and satisfactory recollections of the harmony and friendship with which we have run our race together; and I pray you now to accept sincere assurances of it, and of my great respect and attachment.

TO MESSRS. MAESE, LEYBERT AND DICKERSON, OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.

Washington, January 9, 1808.

Gentlemen,—I duly received your favor of the 1st instant, informing me that at an election of officers of the American Philosophical Society, held at their hall on that day, they were pleased unanimously to elect me as their President for the ensuing year. I repeat, with great sensibility, my thanks to the Society for these continued proofs of their good will, and my constant regret that distance and other duties deny me the pleasure of performing at their meetings the functions assigned to me, and of enjoying an intercourse with them which of all others would be the most gratifying to me. Thus circumstanced I can only renew assurances of my devotion to the objects of the Institution, and that I shall avail myself with peculiar pleasure of every occasion which may occur of promoting them, and of being useful to the Society.

I beg leave through you, Gentlemen, to present them the homage of my dutiful respects, and that you will accept yourselves, the assurances of my high consideration and esteem.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

January 10, 1808.

I find Bastrop's case less difficult than I had expected. My view of it is this: The Governor of Louisiana being desirous of introducing the culture of wheat into that province, engages Bastrop as an agent for carrying that object into effect. He agrees to lay off twelve leagues square on the Washita and Bayou liard, as a settlement for the culture of wheat, to which Bastrop is to bring five hundred families, each of which families is to have four hundred arpens of the land; the residue of the twelve leagues square, we may understand, was to be Bastrop's premium. The government was to bear the expenses of bringing these emigrants from New Madrid, and was to allow them rations for six months,—Bastrop undertaking to provide the rations, and the government paying a real and a half for each.

Bastrop binds himself to settle the five hundred families in three years, and the Governor especially declares that if within that time the major part of the establishment shall not have been made good, the twelve leagues square, destined for Bastrop's settlers, shall be occupied by the families first presenting themselves for that purpose. Bastrop brings on some settlers,—how many does not appear, and the Intendant, from a want of funds, suspends further proceeding in the settlement until the King's decision. [His decision of what? Doubtless whether the settlement shall proceed on these terms, and the funds be furnished by the king? or shall be abandoned?] He promises Bastrop, at the same time, that the former limitation of three years shall be extended to two years, after the course of the contract shall have again commenced to be executed, and the determination of the King shall be made known to Bastrop. Here, then, is a complete suspension of the undertaking until the King's decision, and his silence from that time till, and when, he ceded the province, must be considered as an abandonment of the project.

There are several circumstances in this case offering ground for question, whether Bastrop is entitled to any surplus of the lands. But this will be an investigation for the Attorney General. But the uttermost he can claim is a surplus proportioned to the number of families he settled, that is to say, a quota of land bearing such a proportion to the number of families he settled, (deducting four hundred arpens for each of them,) as one hundred and forty-four square leagues bear to the whole number of five hundred families. The important fact therefore to be settled, is the number of families he established there before the suspension.

The Marquis du Maison Rouge (under whom Mr. Clarke claims) was to have thirty square leagues on the Washita, for settling thirty families, none of them to be Americans. The lands were located and appropriated under the terms and conditions stipulated and contracted for by the said Marquis. What these were we are not told. The grantee must prove his grant by producing it. That will prove what the conditions were, and then he must prove these conditions performed.

Livingston's argument does not establish the fact that the lands between the staked line and the river, (if they belonged to the Jesuits,) were conveyed to Gravier.

It is impossible to consider the indulgence to the Apelousas as anything more than a voluntary permission from the government to use the timber on the ungranted lands, until they should be granted to others. It could never be intended to keep that country forever unsettled, as appears by expressly reserving the right of soil. But I think we should continue the permission until we sell the lands.

These opinions are, of course, not to be considered as decisions, (for that is not my province,) but as general ideas of the rights of the United States, to be kept in view on the settlement.

The appropriation of the lots in New Orleans must certainly be suspended, until we get the supplementary information promised. Affectionate salutations.

TO WILLIAM WIRT, ESQ.

Washington, January 10, 1808.

Dear Sir,—I pray you that this letter may be sacredly secret, because it meddles in a line wherein I should myself think it wrong to intermeddle, were it not that it looks to a period when I shall be out of office, but others might think it wrong notwithstanding that circumstance. I suspected, from your desire to go into the army, that you disliked your profession, notwithstanding that your prospects in it were inferior to none in the State. Still I know that no profession is open to stronger antipathies than that of the law. The object of this letter, then, is to propose to you to come into Congress. That is the great commanding theatre of this nation, and the threshold to whatever department of office a man is qualified to enter. With your reputation, talents, and correct views, used with the necessary prudence, you will at once be placed at the head of the republican body in the House of Representatives; and after obtaining the standing which a little time will ensure you, you may look, at your own will, into the military, the judiciary, diplomatic, or other civil departments, with a certainty of being in either whatever you please. And in the present state of what may be called the eminent talents of our country, you may be assured of being engaged through life in the most honorable employments. If you come in at the next election, you will begin your course with a new administration. That administration will be opposed by a faction, small in numbers, but governed by no principle but the most envenomed malignity. They will endeavor to batter down the executive before it will have time, by its purity and correctness, to build up a confidence with the people, founded on experiment. By supporting them you will lay for yourself a broad foundation in the public confidence, and indeed you will become the Colossus of the republican government of your country. I will not say that public life is the line for making a fortune. But it furnishes a decent and honorable support, and places one's children on good grounds for public favor. The family of a beloved father will stand with the public on the most favorable ground of competition. Had General Washington left children, what would have been denied to them?

Perhaps I ought to apologize for the frankness of this communication. It proceeds from an ardent zeal to see this government (the idol of my soul) continue in good hands, and from a sincere desire to see you whatever you wish to be. To this apology I shall only add my friendly salutations, and assurances of sincere esteem and respect.

TO MR. SMITH.

January 14, 1808.

I return you Chauncey's letter. I am sorry to see the seamen working for rations only, and that we cannot allow even them. And further, indeed, that we shall be under the necessity of discharging a number of those we have. This is so serious a question that I propose to call a consultation on it a day or two hence. Our sixty-four gun-boats and ketches may certainly be reduced to ten seamen each, at least I have at various times had the opinions of nearly all our naval captains, that from eight to ten men are sufficient to keep a gun-boat clean and in order, to navigate her in harbor, and to look out of it. This would give us a reduction of about four hundred men. But even this will not bring it within the estimate. However, what is to be done, is the question on which I shall propose a consultation. I send you a letter of a Mr. Walton, of Baltimore, for perusal, merely as it suggests ideas worth looking at. I confess, I think our naval militia plan, both as to name and structure, better for us than the English plan of seafencibles.

I ought to be in possession of a former letter from the same person, but not finding it among my papers, am induced to ask whether I sent it to you? Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. SMITH.

January 15, 1808.

To the letter from Mr. Davy, of the committee of the chamber of commerce, of Philadelphia, (which I now return you,) I think you may say in answer, that you had communicated it to the President, and were authorized to say that the Government of the United States have no present views of forming new harbors for the reception of their vessels of war: that under the authority, and with the means, lately given by the Legislature to the executive, it is intended to furnish means of defence, by land and water, to the several harbors of the United States, in proportion to their importance and local circumstances: that all the points to be defended are not yet definitively decided on; but that in reviewing them, the harbor proposed by the chamber of commerce, to be formed near Lewistown, will be considered, and will have a just participation in the provisions for protection, in the first place according to its present circumstances, and hereafter according to any new importance which shall have been given it by being made a place of greater resort for merchant vessels. Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. J. DORSEY.

Washington, January 21, 1808.

Sir,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of December 20th, and am much pleased to find our progress in manufactures to be so great. That of cotton is peculiarly interesting, because we raise the raw material in such abundance, and because it may, to a great degree, supply our deficiencies both in wool and linen. A former application on behalf of Messrs. Binney & Robertson, was delivered to the Secretary of State, who will engage General Armstrong to aid such measures as they may take in Paris for obtaining permission to draw supplies of Antimony from thence.

It will give me real pleasure to see some good system of measures and weights introduced and combined with the decimal arithmetic. It is a great and difficult question whether to venture only on a half reformation, which by presenting fewer innovations, may be more easily adopted, or, as the French have tried with success, make a radical reform. Your plan presents as few innovations as any I have seen; but I think your foot should refer to the pendulum, by saying, for instance, that the foot shall be a measure which shall be to the second pendulum as 1 to 3,267; or rather as 1 to the length of a pendulum vibrating seconds in latitude 45°. This offers a standard in every place, because it can everywhere be found. The rod you propose is only to be found in Philadelphia. You say in your letter that "if the decimal mode obtain in the division of the pound, the Troy and it, as regards the Troy grain, would be the same." I do not understand this; because the Avoirdupois pound containing 7,000 Troy grains, I do not see how any decimal subdivision of the pound could coincide with the Troy grain. However, I shall be very glad to see adopted whatever measure is most promising. I salute you with esteem and respect.

TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR.

Washington, January 23, 1808.

Sir,—I have duly received your favor of the 18th, and am thankful to you for having written it, because it is more agreeable to prevent than to refuse what I do not think myself authorized to comply with. I consider the government of the United States as interdicted by the Constitution from intermeddling with religious institutions, their doctrines, discipline, or exercises. This results not only from the provision that no law shall be made respecting the establishment or free exercise of religion, but from that also which reserves to the States the powers not delegated to the United States. Certainly, no power to prescribe any religious exercise, or to assume authority in religious discipline, has been delegated to the General Government. It must then rest with the States, as far as it can be in any human authority. But it is only proposed that I should recommend, not prescribe a day of fasting and prayer. That is, that I should indirectly assume to the United States an authority over religious exercises, which the Constitution has directly precluded them from. It must be meant, too, that this recommendation is to carry some authority, and to be sanctioned by some penalty on those who disregard it; not indeed of fine and imprisonment, but of some degree of proscription, perhaps in public opinion. And does the change in the nature of the penalty make the recommendation less a law of conduct for those to whom it is directed? I do not believe it is for the interest of religion to invite the civil magistrate to direct its exercises, its discipline, or its doctrines; nor of the religious societies, that the General Government should be invested with the power of effecting any uniformity of time or matter among them. Fasting and prayer are religious exercises; the enjoining them an act of discipline. Every religious society has a right to determine for itself the times for these exercises, and the objects proper for them, according to their own particular tenets; and this right can never be safer than in their own hands, where the Constitution has deposited it.

I am aware that the practice of my predecessors may be quoted. But I have ever believed, that the example of State executives led to the assumption of that authority by the General Government, without due examination, which would have discovered that what might be a right in a State government, was a violation of that right when assumed by another. Be this as it may, every one must act according to the dictates of his own reason, and mine tells me that civil powers alone have been given to the President of the United States, and no authority to direct the religious exercises of his constituents.

I again express my satisfaction that you have been so good as to give me an opportunity of explaining myself in a private letter, in which I could give my reasons more in detail than might have been done in a public answer; and I pray you to accept the assurances of my high esteem and respect.

TO MR. BARLOW.

January 24, 1808.

Thomas Jefferson returns thanks to Mr. Barlow for the copy of the Columbiad he has been so kind as to send him; the eye discovers at once the excellence of the mechanical execution of the work, and he is persuaded that the mental part will be found to have merited it. He will not do it the injustice of giving it such a reading as his situation here would admit, of a few minutes at a time, and at intervals of many days. He will reserve it for that retirement after which he is panting, and not now very distant, where he may enjoy it in full concert with its kindred scenes, amidst those rural delights which join in chorus with the poet, and give to his song all its magic effect. He salutes Mr. Barlow with friendship and respect.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TOMKINS.

Washington, January 26, 1808.

Sir,—I take the liberty of enclosing to you the copy of an application which I have received from a portion of the citizens of the State of New York, residing on the river St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario, setting forth their very defenceless situation for the want of arms, and praying to be furnished from the magazines of the United States. Similar applications from other parts of our frontier in every direction have sufficiently shown that did the laws permit such a disposition of the arms of the United States, their magazines would be completely exhausted, and nothing would remain for actual war. But it is only when troops take the field, that the arms of the United States can be delivered to them. For the ordinary safety of the citizens of the several States, whether against dangers within or without, their reliance must be on the means to be provided by their respective States. Under these circumstances I have thought it my duty to transmit to you the representation received, not doubting that you will have done for the safety of our fellow citizens, on a part of our frontier so interesting and so much exposed, what their situation requires, and the means under your control may permit.

Should our present differences be amicably settled, it will be a question for consideration whether we should not establish a strong post on the St. Lawrence, as near our northern boundary as a good position can be found. To do this at present would only produce a greater accumulation of hostile force in that quarter. I pray you to accept the assurances of my high respect and esteem.

TO JACOB J. BROWN, ESQ.

Washington, January 27, 1808.

Sir,—The representation of the county of Jefferson, in New York, of which you are chairman, stating their want of arms, and asking a supply, has been duly received and considered. I learn with great concern that a portion of our frontier so interesting, so important, and so exposed, should be so entirely unprovided with common fire-arms. I did not suppose any part of the United States so destitute of what is considered as among the first necessaries of a farm-house. This circumstance gives me the more concern as the laws of the United States do not permit their arms to be delivered from the magazines but to troops actually taking the field; and, indeed, were the inhabitants on the whole of our frontier, of so many thousands of miles, to be furnished from our magazines, little would be left in them for actual war. For the ordinary safety of the citizens of the several States, whether against dangers from within or without, reliance has been placed either on the domestic means of the individuals, or on those provided by the respective States. What those means are in the State of New York, I am not informed; but I have transmitted your representation to Governor Tomkins, with an earnest recommendation of it to his attention; and I have no doubt that his solicitude for the welfare and safety of a portion so eminently exposed of those under his immediate care, will ensure to you whatever his authority and his means will permit.

That an attack should be made on you by your neighbors, while the state of peace continues, cannot be supposed; nor is it certain that that condition of things will be interrupted. Should, however, war take place, if first declared by us, your safety will of course have been previously provided for: if by the other party, it cannot be before the measures now in preparation will be in readiness to secure you. Should our present differences be amicably settled, a new post on the St. Lawrence, as near our northern boundary as a good position can be found, will be worthy of consideration. At present it would only produce a greater accumulation of hostile force in your neighborhood, and if we should have war, it would soon become unimportant.