Volume 3 / Part 3 — 1789-1826.

TO THE PRESIDENT.

Chesterfield, December 15, 1789.

Sir,—I have received at this place the honor of your letters of October the 13th and November the 30th, and am truly flattered by your nomination of me to the very dignified office of Secretary of State; for which, permit me here to return you my humble thanks. Could any circumstance seduce me to overlook the disproportion between its duties and my talents, it would be the encouragement of your choice. But when I contemplate the extent of that office, embracing as it does the principal mass of domestic administration, together with the foreign, I cannot be insensible of my inequality to it; and I should enter on it with gloomy forebodings from the criticisms and censures of a public, just indeed in their intentions, but sometimes misinformed and misled, and always too respectable to be neglected. I cannot but foresee the possibility that this may end disagreeably for me, who, having no motive to public service but the public satisfaction, would certainly retire the moment that satisfaction should appear to languish. On the other hand, I feel a degree of familiarity with the duties of my present office, as far at least as I am capable of understanding its duties. The ground I have already passed over, enables me to see my way into that which is before me. The change of government too, taking place in a country where it is exercised, seems to open a possibility of procuring from the new rulers, some new advantages in commerce, which may be agreeable to our countrymen. So that as far as my fears, my hopes, or my inclinations might enter into this question, I confess they would not lead me to prefer a change.

But it is not for an individual to choose his post. You are to marshal us as may best be for the public good; and it is only in the case of its being indifferent to you, that I would avail myself of the option you have so kindly offered in your letter. If you think it better to transfer me to another post, my inclination must be no obstacle; nor shall it be, if there is any desire to suppress the office I now hold, or to reduce its grade. In either of these cases, be so good only as to signify to me by another line your ultimate wish, and I shall conform to it cordially. If it should be to remain at New York, my chief comfort will be to work under your eye, my only shelter the authority of your name, and the wisdom of measures to be dictated by you and implicitly executed by me. Whatever you may be pleased to decide, I do not see that the matters which have called me hither, will permit me to shorten the stay I originally asked; that is to say, to set out on my journey northward till the month of March. As early as possible in that month, I shall have the honor of paying my respects to you in New York. In the meantime, I have that of tendering you the homage of those sentiments of respectful attachment with which I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE REV. CHARLES CLAY.

Monticello, January 27, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I had hoped that during my stay here I could have had the pleasure of seeing you in Bedford, but I find it will be too short for that. Besides views of business in that country, I had wished again to visit that greatest of our curiosities, the Natural Bridge, and did not know but you might have the same desire. I do not know yet how I am to be disposed of, whether kept at New York, or sent back to Europe. If the former, one of my happinesses would be the possibility of seeing you there; for I understand you are a candidate for the representation of your district in Congress. I cannot be with you to give you my vote, nor do I know who are to be the competitors, but I am sure I shall be contented with such a representative as you will make; because I know you are too honest a patriot not to wish to see our country prosper by any means, though they be not exactly those you would have preferred; and that you are too well informed a politician, too good a judge of men, not to know, that the ground of liberty is to be gained by inches, that we must be contented to secure what we can get, from time to time, and eternally press forward for what is yet to get. It takes time to persuade men to do even what is for their own good. Wishing you every prosperity in this, and in all your other undertakings (for I am sure from my knowledge of you they will always be just), I am, with sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Monticello, February 14, 1790.

Sir,—I have duly received the letter of the 21st of January with which you have honored me, and no longer hesitate to undertake the office to which you are pleased to call me. Your desire that I should come on as quickly as possible, is a sufficient reason for me to postpone every matter of business, however pressing, which admits postponement. Still, it will be the close of the ensuing week before I can get away, and then I shall have to go by the way of Richmond, which will lengthen my road. I shall not fail, however, to go on with all the despatch possible, nor to satisfy you, I hope, when I shall have the honor of seeing you in New York, that the circumstances which prevent my immediate departure, are not under my control. I have now that of being, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES.

Monticello, February 14, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I am honored with your favor of December 12, and thank you for your friendly congratulations on my return to my native country, as well as for the interest you are pleased to express in the appointment with which I have been honored. I have thought it my duty to undertake it, though with no prepossessions in favor of my talents for executing it to the satisfaction of the public. With respect to the young gentlemen in the office of foreign affairs, their possession and your recommendation are the strongest titles. But I suppose the ordinance establishing my office, allows but one assistant; and I should be wanting in candor to you and them, were I not to tell you that another candidate has been proposed to me, on ground that cannot but command respect. I know neither him nor them, and my hope is, that, as but one can be named, the object is too small to occasion either mortification or disappointment to either. I am sure I shall feel more pain at not being able to avail myself of the assistance but of one of the gentlemen, than they will at the betaking themselves to some better pursuit. I ask it of your friendship, my dear Sir, to make them sensible of my situation, and to accept yourself assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO WM. HUNTER, ESQ., MAYOR OF ALEXANDRIA.

Alexandria, March 11, 1790.

Sir,—Accept my sincere thanks for yourself and the worthy citizens of Alexandria, for their kind congratulations on my return to my native country.

I am happy they have felt benefits from the encouragement of our commerce, which have been given by an allied nation. But truth and candor oblige me, at the same time, to declare, you are indebted for these encouragements solely to the friendly dispositions of that nation, which has shown itself ready on every occasion to adopt all arrangements which might strengthen our ties of mutual interest and friendship.

Convinced that the republican is the only form of government which is not eternally at open or secret war with the rights of mankind, my prayers and efforts shall be cordially distributed to the support of that we have so happily established. It is indeed an animating thought, that while we are securing the rights of ourselves and our posterity, we are pointing out the way to struggling nations, who wish like us to emerge from their tyrannies also. Heaven help their struggles, and lead them, as it has done us, triumphantly through them.

Accept, Sir, for yourself and the citizens of Alexandria, the homage of my thanks for their civilities, and the assurance of those sentiments of respect and attachment with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. RANDOLPH.

New York, March 28, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I arrived here on the 21st instant, after as laborious a journey of a fortnight from Richmond as I ever went through; resting only one day at Alexandria, and another at Baltimore. I found my carriage and horses at Alexandria, but a snow of eighteen inches deep falling the same night, I saw the impossibility of getting on in my own carriage, so left it there, to be sent to me by water, and had my horses led on to this place, taking my passage in the stage, though relieving myself a little sometimes by mounting my horse. The roads through the whole way were so bad that we could never go more than three miles an hour, sometimes not more than two, and in the night but one. My first object was to look out a house in the Broadway, if possible, as being the centre of my business. Finding none there vacant for the present, I have taken a small one in Maiden Lane, which may give me time to look about me. Much business had been put by for my arrival, so that I found myself all at once involved under an accumulation of it. When this shall be got through, I will be able to judge whether the ordinary business of my department will leave me any leisure. I fear there will be little.

Letters from Paris to the 25th of December, inform me that the revolution there was still advancing with a steady pace. There had been two riots since my departure. The one on the 5th and 6th of October, which occasioned the royal family to remove to Paris, in which nine or ten of the Gardes de Corps fell, and among these a Chevalier de Daricourt, brother of Madame de La Dillatte, and of Mademoiselle Daricourt —— friend. The second was on the 21st of the same month, in which a baker had been hung by the mob. On this occasion, the government (i. e. the National Assembly) proclaimed Martial Law in Paris, and had two of the ringleaders of the mob seized, tried, and hung, which was effected without any movement on the part of the people. Others were still to be tried. The troubles in Brabant becomes serious. The insurgents have routed the regular troops in every rencounter.

Congress is principally occupied by the treasury report. The assumption of the State debts has been voted affirmatively in the first instance, but it is not certain it will hold its ground through all the changes of the bill when it shall be brought in. I have recommended Mr. D. R. to the President for the office he desired, in case of a vacancy. It seemed, however, as if the President had had no intimation before, that a vacancy was expected.

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Yours affectionately.

TO GEORGE JOY.

New York, March 31, 1790.

Sir,—I have considered your application for sea letters for the ship Eliza, and examined into the precedents which you supposed might influence the determination. The resolution of Congress, which imposes this duty on the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, provides expressly, "that it be made to appear to him by oath or affirmation, or by such other evidence as shall by him be deemed satisfactory, that the vessel is commanded by officers, citizens of the United States." Your affidavit satisfies me that one of the officers is a citizen of the United States; but you are unacquainted with the others and without evidence as to them, and even without a presumption that they are citizens, except so far as arises on the circumstances of the captain's being an American, and the ship sailing from an American port. Now, I cannot in my conscience say, that this is evidence of the fact, satisfactory to my mind. The precedents of relaxation by Mr. Jay, were all between the date of the resolution of Congress (February the 12th, 1788) and his public advertisement, announcing the evidence which must be produced. Since this last, the proceedings have been uniform and exact. Having perfect confidence in your good faith, and therefore without a suspicion of any fraud intended in the present case, I could have wished sincerely to grant the sea letter; but besides the letter of the law which ties me down, the public security against a partial dispensation of justice, depends on its being dispensed by certain rules. The slightest deviation in one circumstance, becomes a precedent for another, that for a third, and so on, without bounds. A relaxation in a case where it is certain no fraud is intended, is laid hold of by others, afterwards, to cover fraud. I hope, therefore, you will be sensible of the necessity of my adhering to the rules which have been published and practised by my predecessor; and that I am with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO DOCTOR WILLARD.

New York, April 1, 1790.

I have duly received the letter wherein you are so good as to notify to me the honor done me by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, in electing me one of their members, together with the diploma therein enclosed; and I beg leave through you, Sir, to return to the Academy the homage of my thanks for their favor, and to express to them the grateful sense I have of it. I only regret the small prospect I have of being useful to them, engaged as I continually am in occupations less pleasing to me, and which would be better performed by others. Unacquainted with the duties which the election into your Academy imposes on me, I can only express my desire of fulfilling them on their being made to me.

Mr. Read has explained to me his drawings and models. They prove that he merits the character you are pleased to give of him. He waits at present the passage of a law for securing to inventors the benefit of their own ingenuity. I have the honor to be, with the most respectful esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

New York, April 2, 1790.

Behold me, my dear friend, elected Secretary of State, instead of returning to the far more agreeable position which placed me in the daily participation of your friendship. I found the appointment in the newspapers the day of my arrival in Virginia. I had indeed been asked while in France, whether I would accept of any appointment at home, and I had answered that, not meaning to remain long where I was, I meant it to be the last office I should ever act in. Unfortunately this letter had not arrived at the time of arranging the new Government. I expressed freely to the President my desire to return. He left me free, but still showing his own desire. This, and the concern of others, more general than I had a right to expect, induced, after three months parleying, to sacrifice my own inclinations. I have been here, then, ten days harnessed in new gear. Wherever I am, or ever shall be, I shall be sincere in my friendship to you and to your nation. I think with others, that nations are to be governed with regard to their own interests, but I am convinced that it is their interest, in the long run, to be grateful, faithful to their engagements, even in the worst of circumstances, and honorable and generous always. If I had not known that the head of our government was in these sentiments, and that his national and private ethics were the same, I would never have been where I am. I am sorry to tell you his health is less firm than it used to be. However, there is nothing in it to give alarm. The opposition to our new Constitution has almost totally disappeared. Some few indeed had gone such lengths in their declarations of hostility, that they feel it awkward perhaps to come over; but the amendments proposed by Congress, have brought over almost all their followers. If the President can be preserved a few years till habits of authority and obedience can be established generally, we have nothing to fear. The little vaut-rien, Rhode Island, will come over with a little more time. Our last news from Paris is of the 8th of January. So far it seemed that your revolution had got along with a steady peace; meeting indeed occasional difficulties and dangers, but we are not to expect to be translated from despotism to liberty in a feather-bed. I have never feared for the ultimate result, though I have feared for you personally. Indeed, I hope you will never see such another 5th or 6th of October. Take care of yourself, my dear friend, for though I think your nation would in any event work out her salvation, I am persuaded, were she to lose you, it would cost her oceans of blood, and years of confusion and anarchy. Kiss and bless your dear children for me. Learn them to be as you are, a cement between our two nations. I write to Madame de La Fayette, so have only to add assurances of the respect of your affectionate friend and humble servant.

MADAME DE CORNY.

New York, April 2, 1790.

I had the happiness, my dear friend, to arrive in Virginia, after a voyage of twenty-six days only, of the finest autumn weather it was possible to have; the wind having never blown harder than we would have desired it. On my arrival I found my name in the newspapers announced as Secretary of State. I made light of it, supposing I had only to say "No," and there would be an end of it. It turned out, however, otherwise. For though I was left free to return to France, if I insisted on it, yet I found it better in the end to sacrifice my own inclinations to those of others. After holding off, therefore, near three months, I acquiesced. I did not write to you while this question was in suspense, because I was in constant hope of being able to say to you certainly that I should return. Instead of that, I am now to say certainly the contrary, and instead of greeting you personally in Paris, I am to write you a letter of adieu. Accept, then, my dear Madam, my cordial adieu, and my grateful thanks for all the civilities and kindnesses I have received from you. They have been greatly more than I had a right to expect, and they have excited in me a warmth of esteem which it was imprudent in me to have given way to for a person whom I was one day to be separated from. Since it is so, continue towards me those friendly sentiments I have always flattered myself you entertained; let me hear from you sometimes, assured that I shall always feel a warm interest in your happiness. Your letter of November 25 afflicts me; but I hope that a revolution so pregnant with the general happiness of the nation, will not in the end injure the interests of persons who are so friendly to the general good of mankind as yourself and M. de Corny. Present to him my most affectionate esteem, and ask a place for me in his recollection.

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Your affectionate friend and humble servant.

MADAME LA COMTESSE D'HOUDETOT.

New York, April 2, 1790.

Being called by our Government to assist in its domestic administration, instead of paying my respects to you in person as I had hoped, I am to write you a letter of adieu. Accept, I pray you, Madam, my grateful acknowledgments for the manifold kindnesses by which you added so much to the happiness of my stay in Paris. I have found here a philosophic revolution, philosophically effected. Yours, though a little more turbulent, has, I hope by this time, issued in success and peace. Nobody prays for it more sincerely than I do, and nobody will do more to cherish a union with a nation, dear to us through many ties, and now more approximated by the change in its government.

I found our friend Doctor Franklin in his bed—cheerful and free from pain, but still in his bed. He took a lively interest in the details I gave him of your revolution. I observed his face often flushed in the course of it. He is much emaciated. Monsieur de Crevecoeur is well, but a little apprehensive that the spirit of reforming and economizing may reach his office. A good man will suffer if it does. Permit me, Madame la Comtesse, to place here my sincere respects to Monsieur le Comte Houdetot and to Monsieur de St. Lambert. The philosophy of the latter will have been greatly gratified to see a regeneration of the condition of man in Europe so happily begun in his own country. Repeating to you, Madam, my sense of your goodness to me, and my wishes to prove it on every occasion, adding my sincere prayers that Heaven may bless you with many years of life and health, I pray you to accept here the homage of those sentiments of respect and attachment with which I have the honor to be, Madame la Comtesse, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MADAME LA DUCHESSE D'AUVILLE.

New York, April 2, 1790.

I had hoped, Madame la Duchesse, to have again had the pleasure of paying my respects to you in Paris, but the wish of our Government that I should take a share in its administration, has become a law to me. Could I have persuaded myself that public offices were made for private convenience, I should undoubtedly have preferred a continuance in that which placed me nearer to you; but believing, on the contrary, that a good citizen should take his stand where the public authority marshals him, I have acquiesced. Among the circumstances which will reconcile me to my new position, are the opportunities it will give me of cementing the friendship between our two nations. Be assured, that to do this is the first wish of my heart. I have but one system of ethics for men and for nations—to be grateful, to be faithful to all engagements under all circumstances, to be open and generous, promoting in the long run even the interests of both; and I am sure it promotes their happiness. The change in your government will approximate us to one another. You have had some checks, some horrors since I left you; but the way to Heaven, you know, has always been said to be strewed with thorns. Why your nation have had fewer than any other on earth, I do not know, unless it be that it is the best on earth. I assure you, Madam, moreover, that I consider yourself personally as with the foremost of your nation in every virtue. It is not flattery, my heart knows not that; it is a homage to sacred truth, it is a tribute I pay with cordiality to a character in which I saw but one error; it was that of treating me with a degree of favor I did not merit. Be assured I shall always retain a lively sense of your goodness to me, which was a circumstance of principal happiness to me during my stay in Paris. I hope that by this time you have seen that my prognostications of a successful issue to your revolution, have been verified. I feared for you during a short interval; but after the declaration of the army, though there might be episodes of distress, the denouements was out of doubt. Heaven send that the glorious example of your country may be but the beginning of the history of European liberty, and that you may live many years in health and happiness to see at length that Heaven did not make man in its wrath. Accept the homage of those sentiments of sincere and respectful esteem with which I have the honor to be, Madame la Duchesse, your most affectionate and obedient humble servant.

TO THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULT.

New York, April 3, 1790.

Dear Sir,—A call to take a part in the domestic administration of our Government, obliges me to abandon the expectation of paying my respects to you in person, in Paris. Though removed to a greater distance in future, and deprived of the pleasure and advantages of your conversation and society, which contributed so much to render my residence in Paris agreeable, I shall not be the less anxious for your health and happiness, and for the prosperous issue of the great revolution in which you have taken so zealous and distinguished a part. By this time I hope it is happily concluded, and that the new constitution, after receiving the finishing hand from the National Assembly, is now putting into regular motion by the convocation of a new legislature. I find my countrymen as anxious for your success as they ought to be; and thinking with the National Assembly in all points except that of a single house of legislation. They think their own experience has so decidedly proved the necessity of two Houses to prevent the tyranny of one, that they fear that this single error will shipwreck your new constitution. I am myself persuaded that theory and practice are not at variance in this instance, and that you will find it necessary hereafter to add another branch. But I presume you provide a facility of amending your constitution, and perhaps the necessity may be altogether removed by a council of revision well constituted.

Accept, Sir, my sincere thanks for all your kindnesses, permit me to place here those which I owe to Madame La Duchesse de La Rochefoucault, and which I render with the greatest cordiality. Were her system of ethics and of government the system of every one, we should have no occasion for government at all. I hope you will both live long years of health and happiness to see in full ripeness the fruit of your own revolution, and also that which seems blossoming in other parts of Europe. Accept, both, the homage of that affectionate and respectful attachment with which I have the honor to be your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.

New York, April 6, 1790.

Sir,—The President of the United States having thought proper to assign to me other functions than those of their Minister Plenipotentiary near the King, I have the honor of addressing to your Excellency my letters of recall, and of beseeching you to be so good as to present them, with the homage of my respectful adieus, to his Majesty.

It is with great satisfaction that I find myself authorized to conclude, as I had begun my mission, with assurances of the attachment of our government to the King and his people, and of its desire to preserve and strengthen the harmony and good understanding, which has hitherto so happily subsisted between the two nations.

Give me leave to place here, also, my acknowledgments to your Excellency, personally, for the facilities you have been pleased always to give in the negotiation of the several matters I have had occasion to treat with you, during my residence at your court. They were ever such as to evince, that the friendly dispositions towards our republic which you manifested even from its birth, were still found consistent with that patriotism of which you have continued to give such constant and disinterested proofs. May this union of interests forever be the patriot's creed in both countries. Accept my sincere prayers that the King, with life and health, may be long blessed with so faithful and able a servant, and you with a Prince, the model of royal excellence; and permit me to retain to my latest hours, those sentiments of affectionate respect and attachment, with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

New York, April 11, 1790.

Sir,—A vessel being about to sail from this port for Cadiz, I avail myself of it to inform you, that under the appointment of the President of the United States, I have entered on the duties of Secretary of State, comprehending the department of Foreign Affairs.

Mr. Jay's letter of October the 2d, acknowledged the receipt of the last of yours which have come to hand. Since that date he wrote you on the 7th of December, enclosing a letter for Mr. Chiappe.

The receipt of his letter of September the 9th, 1788, having never been acknowledged, the contents of which were important and an answer wished for, I send you herewith a duplicate, lest it should have miscarried.

You will also receive herewith, a letter of credence for yourself, to be delivered to the Count de Florida Blanca, after putting thereon the proper address, with which I am unacquainted. A copy of it is enclosed for your information.

I beg leave to recommend the case of Don Blas Gonzalez to your good offices with the court of Spain, enclosing you the documents necessary for its illustration. You will perceive, that two vessels were sent from Boston in the year 1787, on a voyage of discovery and commercial experiment in general, but more particularly to try a fur trade with the Russian settlements, on the northwest coast of our continent, of which such wonders had been published in Captain Cook's voyages, that it excited similar expeditions from other countries also; and that the American vessels were expressly forbidden to touch at any Spanish port, but in cases of extreme distress. Accordingly, through the whole of their voyage through the extensive latitudes held by that crown, they never put into any port but in a single instance. In passing near the island of Juan Fernandez, one of them was damaged by a storm, her rudder broken, her masts disabled, and herself separated from her companion. She put into the island to refit, and at the same time, to wood and water, of which she began to be in want. Don Blas Gonzalez, after examining her, and finding she had nothing on board but provisions and charts, and that her distress was real, permitted her to stay a few days, to refit and take in fresh supplies of wood and water. For this act of common hospitality, he was immediately deprived of his government, unheard, by superior order, and remains still under disgrace. We pretend not to know the regulations of the Spanish government, as to the admission of foreign vessels into the ports of their colonies; but the generous character of the nation is a security to us, that their regulations can, in no instance, run counter to the laws of nature; and among the first of her laws, is that which bids us to succor those in distress. For an obedience to this law, Don Blas appears to have suffered; and we are satisfied, it is because his case has not been able to penetrate to his Majesty's ministers, at least in its true colors. We would not choose to be committed by a formal solicitation, but we would wish you to avail yourself of any good opportunity of introducing the truth to the ear of the minister, and of satisfying him, that a redress of this hardship on the Governor, would be received here with pleasure, as a proof of respect to those laws of hospitality which we would certainly observe in a like case, as a mark of attention towards us, and of justice to an individual for whose sufferings we cannot but feel.

With the present letter, you will receive the public and other papers, as usual, and I shall thank you in return, for a regular communication of the best gazettes published in Madrid.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. GRAND.

New York, April 23, 1790.

Dear Sir,—You may remember that we were together at the Hotel de La Monnoye, to see Mr. Drost strike coins in his new manner, and that you were so kind as to speak with him afterwards on the subject of his coming to America. We are now in a condition to establish a mint, and should be desirous of engaging him in it. I suppose him to be at present in the service of Watts and Bolton, the latter of whom you may remember to have been present with us at the Monnoye. I know no means of communicating our dispositions to Drost so effectually as through your friendly agency, and therefore take the liberty of asking you to write to him, to know what emoluments he receives from Watts and Bolton, and whether he would be willing to come to us for the same? If he will, you may give him an expectation, but without an absolute engagement, that we will call for him immediately, and that with himself, we may probably take and pay him for all the implements of coinage he may have, suited to our purpose. If he asks higher terms, he will naturally tell you so, and what they are; and we must reserve a right to consider of them. In either case, I will ask your answer as soon as possible. I need not observe to you, that this negotiation should be known to nobody but yourself, Drost and Mr. Short. The good old Dr. Franklin, so long the ornament of our country, and I may say, of the world, has at length closed his eminent career. He died on the 17th instant, of an imposthume of his lungs, which having suppurated and burst, he had not strength to throw off the matter, and was suffocated by it. His illness from this imposthume was of sixteen days. Congress wear mourning for him, by a resolve of their body.

I beg you to present my friendly respects to Madame Grand, the elder and younger, and to your son, and believe me to be, with sentiments of great esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA LUZERNE.

New York, April 30, 1790.

Sir,—When in the course of your legation to the United States, your affairs rendered it necessary that you should absent yourself awhile from that station, we flattered ourselves with the hope that that absence was not final. It turned out, in event, that the interests of your sovereign called for your talents and the exercise of your functions, in another quarter. You were pleased to announce this to the former Congress through their Secretary for Foreign Affairs, at a time when that body was closing its administration, in order to hand it over to a government then preparing on a different model. This government is now formed, organized, and in action; and it considers among its earliest duties, and assuredly among its most cordial, to testify to you the regret which the people and government of the United States felt at your removal from among them; a very general and sincere regret, and tempered only by the consolation of your personal advancement, which accompanied it. You will receive, Sir, by order of the President of the United States, as soon as they can be prepared, a medal and chain of gold, of which he desires your acceptance, in token of their esteem, and of the sensibility with which they will ever recall your legation to their memory.

But as this compliment may hereafter be rendered to other missions, from which yours was distinguished by eminent circumstances, the President of the United States wishes to pay you the distinguished tribute of an express acknowledgment of your services, and our sense of them. You came to us, Sir, through all the perils which encompassed us on all sides. You found us struggling and suffering under difficulties, as singular and trying as our situation was new and unprecedented. Your magnanimous nation had taken side with us in the conflict, and yourself became the centre of our common councils, the link which connected our common operations. In that position you labored without ceasing, till all our labors were crowned with glory to your nation, freedom to ours, and benefit to both. During the whole, we had constant evidence of your zeal, your abilities, and your good faith. We desire to convey this testimony of it home to your own breast, and to that of your sovereign, our best and greatest friend; and this I do, Sir, in the name, and by the express instruction of the President of the United States.

I feel how flattering it is to me, Sir, to be the organ of the public sense on this occasion, and to be justified by that office, in adding to theirs, the homage of those sentiments of respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

New York, April 30, 1790.

Dear Sir,—My last letter to you was of the 6th instant, acknowledging the receipt of your favors of the 2d and 6th of January. Since that, Mr. Jay has put into my hands yours of the 12th of January, and I have received your note of February the 10th, accompanying some newspapers.

Mine of the 6th covered the President's letter to the King for my recall, and my letters of leave for myself and of credence to you, for the Count de Montmorin, with copies of them for your information. Duplicates of all these accompany the present; and an original commission for you as chargé des affaires, signed by the President. At the date of my former letters, I had not had time to examine with minuteness the proper form of credentials under our new Constitution: I governed myself, therefore, by foreign precedents, according to which a chargé des affaires is furnished with only a letter of credence from one minister of Foreign Affairs to the other. Further researches have shown me, that under our new Constitution, all commissions (or papers amounting to that) must be signed by the President. You will judge whether any explanation on this subject to M. de Montmorin be necessary. I enclose you also the copy of a letter written to the Marquis de La Luzerne, to be communicated to the Count de Montmorin, and by him to the King, if he thinks proper.

It has become necessary to determine on a present proper to be given to diplomatic characters on their taking leave of us; and it is concluded that a medal and chain of gold will be the most convenient. I have, therefore, to ask the favor of you to order the dies to be engraved with all the despatch practicable. The medal must be of thirty lines diameter, with a loop on the edge to receive the chain. On one side, must be the arms of the United States, of which I send you a written description, and several impressions in wax to render that more intelligible; round them, as a legend, must be "The United States of America." The device of the other side we do not decide on. One suggestion has been a Columbia (a fine female figure) delivering the emblems of peace and commerce to a Mercury, with a legend "Peace and Commerce" circumscribed, and the date of our republic, to wit, 4th July, MDCCLXXVI., subscribed as an exergum; but having little confidence in our own ideas in an art not familiar here, they are only suggested to you, to be altered, or altogether postponed to such better device as you may approve on consulting with those who are in the habit and study of medals. Duvivier and Dupré seem to be the best workmen; perhaps the last is the best of the two.

The public papers which accompany this, will give you fully the news of this quarter.

I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. RANDOLPH.

New York, May 30, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I at length find myself, though not quite well, yet sufficiently so to resume business in a moderate degree. I have, therefore, to answer your two favors of April 23 and May 3, and in the first place to thank you for your attention to the Paccan, Gloucester and European walnuts, which will be great acquisitions at Monticello. I will still ask your attention to Mr. Foster's boring machines, lest he should go away suddenly, and the opportunity of getting it be lost. I enquired of Mr. Hamilton the quantity of coal imported; but he tells me there are not returns as yet sufficient to ascertain it; but as soon as there shall be I shall be informed. I am told there is a considerable prejudice against our coal in these Northern States. I do not know whence it proceeds; perhaps from the want of attention to the different species, and an ignorant application of them to cross purposes. I have not begun my meteorological diary, because I have not yet removed to the house I have taken. I remove to-morrow; but as far as I can judge from its aspects, there will not be one position to be had for the thermometer free from the influence of the sun both morning and evening. However, as I go into it only till I can get a better, I shall hope ere long to find a less objectionable situation. You know that during my short stay at Monticello I kept a diary of the weather. Mr. Madison has just received one comprehending the same period, kept at his father's at Orange. The hours of observation were the same, and he has the fullest confidence in the accuracy of the observer. All the morning observations in Orange are lower than those of Monticello, from one to, I believe, fifteen or sixteen degrees; the afternoon observations are near as much higher as those of Monticello. Nor will the variations permit us to ascribe them to any supposed irregularities in either tube; because, in that case, at the same point the variation would always be the same, which it is not. You have often been sensible that in the afternoon, or rather evening, the air has become warmer in ascending the mountain. The same is true in the morning. This might account for a higher station of the mercury in the morning observations at Monticello. Again, when the air is equally dry in the lower and higher situations, which may be supposed the case in the warmest part of the day, the mercury should be lower on the latter, because, all other circumstances the same, the nearer the common surface the warmer the air. So that on a mountain it ought really to be warmer in the morning and cooler in the heat of the day than on the common plain, but not in so great a degree as these observations indicate. As soon as I am well enough I intend to examine them more accurately. Your resolution to apply to the study of the law, is wise in my opinion, and at the same time to mix with it a good degree of attention to the farm. The one will relieve the other. The study of the law is useful in a variety of points of view. It qualifies a man to be useful to himself, to his neighbors, and to the public. It is the most certain stepping-stone to preferment in the political line. In political economy, I think Smith's Wealth of Nations the best book extant; in the science of government, Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws is generally recommended. It contains, indeed, a great number of political truths; but also an equal number of heresies: so that the reader must be constantly on his guard. There has been lately published a letter of Helvetius, who was the intimate friend of Montesquieu, and whom he consulted before the publication of his book. Helvetius advised him not to publish it; and in this letter to a friend he gives us a solution for the mixture of truth and error found in this book. He says Montesquieu was a man of immense reading; that he had commonplaced all his reading, and that his object was to throw the whole contents of his commonplace book into systematical order, and to show his ingenuity by reconciling the contradictory facts it presents. Locke's little book on Government, is perfect as far as it goes. Descending from theory to practice there is no better book than the Federalist. Burgh's Political Disquisitions are good also, especially after reading De Lome. Several of Hume's Political Essays are good. There are some excellent books of theory written by Turgot and the economists of France. For parliamentary knowledge, the Lex Parliamentaria is the best book. On my return to Virginia in the fall, I cannot help hoping some practicable plan may be devised for your settling in Albemarle, should your inclination lead you to it. Nothing could contribute so much to my happiness were it at the same time consistent with yours. You might get into the Assembly for that county as soon as you should please.

A motion has been made in the Senate to remove the Federal Government to Philadelphia. There was a trial of strength on a question for a week's postponement. On that it was found there would be eleven for the removal, and thirteen against it. The motion was therefore withdrawn and made in the other house, where it is still depending, and of very uncertain event. The question of the assumption is again brought on. The parties were so nearly equal on the former trial that it is very possible, that with some modifications, it may yet prevail. The tonnage bill will probably pass, and must, I believe, produce salutary effects. It is a mark of energy in our government, in a case, I believe, where it cannot be parried. The French revolution still goes on well, though the danger of a suspension of payments is very imminent. Their appeal to the inhabitants of their colonies to say on what footing they wish to be placed, will end, I hope, in our free admissions into their islands with our produce. This precedent must have consequences. It is impossible the world should continue long insensible to so evident a truth as that the right to have commerce and intercourse with our neighbors, is a natural right. To suppress this neighborly intercourse is an exercise of force, which we shall have a just right to remove when the superior force. Dear Sir, your affectionate friend.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

New York, June 6, 1790.

Dear Sir,—Having written to you so lately as the 27th of May, by M. de Crevecoeur, I have little new to communicate. My headache still continues in a slight degree, but I am able to do business. To-morrow I go on a sailing party of three or four days with the President. I am in hopes of being relieved entirely by the sickness I shall probably encounter. The President is perfectly re-established, and looks better than before his illness. The question of removal to Philadelphia was carried in the House of Representatives by 38, against 22. It is thought the Senate will be equally divided, and consequently that the decision will rest on the Vice-President, who will be himself divided between his own decided inclinations to stay here, and the unpopularity of being the sole obstacle to what appears the wish of so great a majority of the people expressed by proportional representation. Rhode Island has at length acceded to the Union by a majority of two voices only, in their convention. Her Senators will be here in about ten days or a fortnight. The opposers of removal in the Senate try to draw out time till their arrival. Therefore, they have connected the resolution of the lower House with a bill originated with them to fix a permanent residence, and have referred both to the same committee. Deaths are, Colonel Bland at this place, and old Colonel Corbin in Virginia. The naming a minister for Paris, awaits the progress of a bill before the legislature. They will probably adjourn to the 1st of December, as soon as they have got through the money business. The funding bill is passed, by which the President is authorized to borrow money for transferring our foreign debt. But the ways and means bill being not yet passed, the loan cannot be commenced till the appropriations of revenue are made, which is to give credit to the loan.

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Remember me to all my friends, and be assured of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

TO COLONEL GEORGE MASON.

New York, June 13, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I have deferred acknowledging the receipt of your favor of March 16th, expecting daily that the business of the Consulships would have been finished. But this was delayed by the President's illness, and a very long one of my own, so that it is not till within these two or three days that it has been settled. That of Bordeaux is given to Mr. Fenwick, according to your desire. The commission is making out and will be signed to-morrow or next day.

I intended fully to have had the pleasure of seeing you at Gunstan Hall on my way here, but the roads being so bad that I was obliged to leave my own carriage to get along as it could, and to take my passage in the stage. I could not deviate from the stage road. I should have been happy in a conversation with you on the subject of our new government, of which, though I approve of the mass, I would wish to see some amendments, further than those which have been proposed, and fixing it more surely on a republican basis. I have great hopes that pressing forward with constancy to these amendments, they will be obtained before the want of them will do any harm. To secure the ground we gain, and gain what more we can, is, I think, the wisest course. I think much has been gained by the late constitution; for the former was terminating in anarchy, as necessarily consequent to inefficiency. The House of Representatives have voted to remove to Baltimore, by a majority of 53, against 6. This was not the effect of choice, but of confusion into which they had been brought by the event of other questions, and their being hampered with the rules of the House. It is not certain what will be the vote of the Senate. Some hope an opening will be given to convert it into a vote of the temporary seat at Philadelphia, and the permanent one at Georgetown. The question of assumption will be brought on again, and its event is doubtful. Perhaps its opponents would be wiser to be less confident in their success, and to compromise by agreeing to assume the State debts still due to individuals, on condition of assuming to the States at the same time what they have paid to individuals, so as to put the States in the shoes of those of their creditors whom they have paid off. Great objections lie to this, but not so great as to an assumption of the unpaid debts only. My duties preventing me from mingling in these questions, I do not pretend to be very competent to their decision. In general, I think it necessary to give as well as take in a government like ours. I have some hope of visiting Virginia in the fall, in which case I shall still flatter myself with the pleasure of seeing you; in the meantime, I am, with unchanged esteem and respect, my dear Sir, your most obedient friend and servant.

TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE.

New York, June 14, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I enclosed you the day before yesterday a rough draught of the report I had prepared on the subject of weights and measures. I have this morning received from Mr. Short a proposition made by the Bishop of Autun to the National Assembly of France, on the same subject, which I enclose you, and will beg the favor of you to return it by post after you shall have perused it. He mentions that the latitude of 45°, as being a middle term between the equator and pole, had been proposed as the general standard for measures, and he makes the proposition anew, and desires it may be made to England. As this degree of latitude is our northern boundary, as it may form a link between us and Europe, and as the degree which shall otherwise give the standard is not otherwise very material, I have thought of proposing it in my report instead of the 38th degree. I have in consequence gone over my calculations again upon the ground of a pendulum of 36.-8.428. (Sir Isaac Newton's calculation for 45°) 39.14912 inches giving a rod of 58.72368 inches, and reformed the tables (last page of the report), of which reformation I send you a copy. The alterations in the body of the work may be easily made from this. The Bishop says the pendulum has been calculated for 45° to be 36.-8.52. this 1-10 of a line less than Sir Isaac Newton's, and the Bishop accordingly adds, that there may be in this calculation an error of 1-10 of a line.

I had taken no notice of the precaution of making the experiment of the pendulum on the sea shore, because the highest mountain in the United States would not add 1-5000 part to the length of the earth's radius, nor 1-128 of an inch to the length of the pendulum; the highest part of the Andes indeed might add about 1-1000 to the earth's radius, and 1-25 of an inch to the pendulum; as it has been thought worth mention, I will insert it also.

Your letter of April 20th, was duly attended to by me, but I fancy the successor had been decided on before it was known to the public that there would be a vacancy.

I am, with great esteem, my dear Sir, your sincere friend and humble servant.

TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE.

New York, June 20, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I enclosed you on the 17th the alterations I had made in my report in consequence of the Bishop of Autun's proposition, which had come to my hands two days before. On the 18th, I received from Mr. Cutter in London a packet of newspapers, among which were the two enclosed, containing the speech in Parliament of Sir John Riggs Miller, on the subject of weights and measures. I observe, he states the estimate of 39.2 I. for the length of the pendulum as confessedly erroneous. I had adopted it from memory only, and before I had been able to get a single book of any kind, in the first part of the report, wherein I endeavor to ascertain and fix invariably the system of measures and weights now in use with us. But before I proceeded to the second part, proposing a thorough reform, and reducing the whole to the decimal ratio, I had been able to procure here a copy of the Principia, and so to recur to the fountain head for Sir I. Newton's calculations, and then added the note, which you will find page 3 of the report, doubting what could have been the foundation of the common imputation of the estimate of 39.2 to Sir I. Newton, and stating the grounds of that of 39.1682 for the latitude of 51° 31' of 39.1285 for 38°, which I had at first adopted, and 39.14912 for 45°, which I took on receiving the Bishop of Autun's proposition. I have now thought I might venture to take for granted, that the estimate of 39.2 is as erroneous as I had supposed it, and therefore to expunge it from the first branch of the report, and substitute in its stead 39.1682; and to change a passage under the head of "Measures of length" into the following form:

"They furnish no means to persons at a distance of knowing what this standard is. This, however, is supplied by the evidence of the second pendulum, which, according to the authority before quoted, being 39.1682 I. for the latitude of London, and consequently the second rod for the same latitude being 58.7523, we are first to find by actual trial the rod for 45, and to add to that 287/10000 of an inch, or rather 3/10 of a line (which in practice will endanger less error than an attempt at so minute a fraction as 10,000th parts of an inch), this will give us the true measure of 58-3/4 English inches. Or, to shorten the operation, and yet obtain the result we seek, let the standard rod of 45° be divided into 587-1/5 equal parts, and let each of these parts be declared a line, and ten lines an inch," &c.

I propose also to strike out the note (page 3) before mentioned, and to substitute the following in its place:

"The length of the pendulum has been differently estimated by different persons. Knowing no reason to respect any of them more than Sir Isaac Newton for skill, care, or candor, I had adopted his estimate of 39.149 I. for our northern limit of 45°, before I saw the different propositions of the Bishop of Autun, and Sir John Riggs Miller. The first of these gentlemen quotes Mairan's calculation for 48° 50', the latitude of Paris, to wit, 504:257::72: to a 4th proportional, which will be 36.71428=39.1923 inches. The difference between the pendulum for 48° 50' and 45°, as calculated by Sir I. Newton, is .0112 I. so that the pendulum for 45° would be estimated, according to the Bishop of Autun, at 39.1923-.0112=39.1811. Sir John Riggs Miller proposes 39.126, being Graham's determination for 51° 31', the latitude of London. The difference between the pendulum for 51° 31', and 45° by Sir I. Newton, is .019 I., so that the pendulum for 45° should be estimated according to Sir J. R. Miller, at 39.126-.019=39.107 I. Now, dividing our respect between these two results, by taking their mean, to wit, (39.181 + 39.107)/2=39.144, we find ourselves almost exactly with Sir I. Newton, whose estimate of 39.149 we had already adopted."

I propose also to reform a passage under the head of Weights, in the first branch of the report, to stand thus:

"Let it then be established, that an ounce is the weight of a cube of rain water of one-tenth of a foot, or rather, that it is the thousandth part of the weight of a cubic foot of rain water weighed in the standard temperature," &c.

All which I submit to your judgment, and I will ask you particularly to examine the numbers .0112 and .019, as I have no help here to find them otherwise than by approximation. I have wished much, but in vain, Emerson's and Ferguson's books here. In short, I never was cut off from the resources of my own books and papers at so unlucky a moment. There is a Count Andriani, of Milan, here, who says there is a work on the subject of weights and measures published by Trisi of Milan. Perhaps you may have it at Philadelphia, and be able to send it to me. Were it not for my confidence in your assistance, I should not have ventured to take up this business till I received my books.

I am, my dear Sir, with great and sincere esteem, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MONROE.

New York, June 20, 1790.

Dear Sir,—An attack of a periodical headache, which, though violent for a few days only, yet kept me long in a lingering state, has hitherto prevented my sooner acknowledging the receipt of your favor of May 26. I hope the uneasiness of Mrs. Monroe and yourself has been removed by the re-establishment of your daughter. We have been in hopes of seeing her here, and fear at length some change in her arrangements for that purpose.

Congress has been long embarrassed by two of the most irritating questions that ever can be raised among them: 1, the funding the public debt, and 2, the fixing on a more central residence. After exhausting their arguments and patience on these subjects, they have for some time been resting on their oars, unable to get along as to these businesses, and indisposed to attend to anything else, till they are settled. And in fine, it has become probable, that unless they can be reconciled by some plan of compromise, there will be no funding bill agreed to. Our credit (raised by late prospects to be the first on the exchange at Amsterdam, where our paper is above par) will burst and vanish, and the States separate, to take care every one of itself. This prospect appears probable to some well-informed and well-disposed minds. Endeavors are, therefore, using to bring about a disposition to some mutual sacrifices. The assumption of State debts has appeared as revolting to several States as their non-assumption to others. It is proposed to strip the proposition of the injustice it would have done by leaving the States who have redeemed much of their debts on no better footing than those who have redeemed none; on the contrary, it is recommended to assume a fixed sum, allotting a portion of it to every State in proportion to its census. Consequently, every State will receive exactly what they will have to pay, or they will be exonerated so far by the general government's taking their creditors off their hands. There will be no injustice then. But there will be the objection still, that Congress must then lay taxes for those debts which would have been much better laid and collected by the State governments. And this is the objection on which the accommodation now hangs with the non-assumptioners, many of whom committed themselves in their advocation of the new Constitution, by arguments drawn from the improbability that Congress would ever lay taxes where the States could do it separately. These gentlemen feel the reproaches which will be levelled at them personally. I have been, and still am of their opinion, that Congress should always prefer letting the States raise money in their own way, where it can be done. But in the present instance, I see the necessity of yielding to the cries of the creditors in certain parts of the Union; for the sake of union, and to save us from the greatest of all calamities, the total extinction of our credit in Europe. On the other hand, it is proposed to pass an act fixing the temporary residence of twelve or fifteen years at Philadelphia, and that at the end of that time, it shall stand ipso facto, and without further declaration transferred to Georgetown. In this way, there will be something to displease and something to soothe every part of the Union but New York, which must be contented with what she has had. If this plan of compromise does not take place, I fear one infinitely worse, an unqualified assumption and the perpetual residence on the Delaware. The Pennsylvania and Virginia delegates have conducted themselves honorably and unexceptionably, on the question of residence. Without descending to talk about bargains, they have seen that their true interests lay in not listening to insidious propositions, made to divide and defect them, and we have seen them at times voting against their respective wishes rather than separate.

In France, the revolution goes on surely but slowly. On the rest of the continent, a league is formed between Prussia, Poland, Sweden, and Turkey, and openly patronized by England and Holland, against the two empires, one of which is convulsed by internal divisions. But the last packet brings still more interesting news. The day before the mail came away, a message was sent to the two Houses by the King, complaining of the capture of two British ships at Nootka Sound by the Spaniards, under pretence of an exclusive right to that coast, that the King had demanded satisfaction, and in the meantime was arming, to enforce it. The Houses unanimously promised support, and it was evident they would accept nothing short of an extensive renunciation from Spain as to her American pretensions. Perhaps she is determined to be satisfied with nothing but war, dismemberment of the Spanish empire, and annihilation of her fleet. Nor does her countenance towards us clear up at all.

I flatter myself with being in Virginia in the autumn. The particular time depends upon too many contingencies to be now fixed. I shall hope the pleasure of seeing yourself and Mrs. Monroe either in Albemarle or wherever our route may cross each other. Present me affectionately to her and to my good neighbors generally, and be assured of the great and sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant.

TO MR. JOHN COFFIN JONES.

New York, June 23, 1790.

Sir,—I duly received your favor of May 1st, and communicated to the President the part relative to Mr. Laneguy, who would have been disposed to pay all possible respect to your recommendation. The first rule on that subject was to appoint a native Consul wherever a good one would accept of it; but where no native could be found, the person in possession was confirmed. Dr. Franklin had appointed a Mr. Cathalan as agent, early in the war, a very substantial merchant of Marseilles. He and his son have paid great attention to our concerns there, had much trouble, and no emolument from it. It was thought unjust to remove him without cause. The commission is given to the son, as being otherwise well qualified, and particularly as understanding well our language and usages, acquired by a residence in England. A bill which may be called the true navigation act for the United States, is before Congress, and will probably pass. I hope it will lay the foundation of a due share of navigation for us. I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. DUMAS.

New York, June 23, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I arrived at this place the latter end of March, and undertook the office to which the President had been pleased to appoint me, of Secretary of State, which comprehends that of Foreign Affairs. Before I had got through the most pressing matters which had been accumulating, a long illness came upon me, and put it out of my power for many weeks to acknowledge the receipt of your letters.

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We are much pleased to learn the credit of our paper at Amsterdam. We consider it as of the first importance, to possess the first credit there, and to use it little. Our distance from the wars of Europe, and our disposition to take no part in them, will, we hope, enable us to keep clear of the debts which they occasion to other powers. It will be well for yourself and our bankers to keep in mind always, that a great distinction is made here, between our foreign and domestic paper. As to the foreign, Congress is considered as the representative of one party only, and I think I can say with truth, that there is not one single individual in the United States, either in or out of office, who supposes they can ever do anything which might impair their foreign contracts. But with respect to domestic paper, it is thought that Congress, being the representative of both parties, may shape their contracts so as to render them practicable, only seeing that substantial justice be done. This distinction will explain to you their proceedings on the subject of their debts. The funding their foreign debts, according to express contract, passed without a debate and without a dissenting voice. The modelling and funding the domestic debt, occasions great debates, and great difficulty. The bill of ways and means was lately thrown out, because an excise was interwoven into its texture; and another ordered to be brought in, which will be clear of that. The assumption of the debts contracted by the States to individuals, for services rendered the Union, is a measure which divides Congress greatly. Some think that the States could much more conveniently levy taxes themselves to pay off these, and thus save Congress from the odium of imposing too heavy burthens in their name. This appears to have been the sentiment of the majority hitherto. But it is possible that modifications may be proposed, which may bring the measure yet into an acceptable form. We shall receive with gratitude the copy of Rymer's Federa, which you are so good as to propose for the use of our offices here.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. LESLIE.

New York, June 27, 1790.

Sir,—I find among the letters to Mr. Jay, one on the subject of the vibrating rod thought of by you for a standard of measure; and I have received from Mr. Madison a manuscript pamphlet of yours on the same subject. Congress having referred to me to propose a plan of invariable measures, I have considered maturely your proposition, and am abundantly satisfied of its utility; so that if I can have your leave, I mean to propose in my report to adopt the rod in preference to the pendulum, mentioning expressly that we are indebted to you for the idea. Should they concur with me in opinion, it is possible that in carrying it into execution we may have occasion to engage your assistance in the proper adjustment of it, as well on account of your abilities in that line generally, as for the peculiar interest you would feel in the success of the experiment. Mr. Cox's letter to Mr. Jay seems to imply that you had communicated your idea that I might avail myself of it in the subject referred to me. But I think it justice to ask your express permission, and that you will be so good as to give me an answer by return of post. I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO BENJ. VAUGHAN.

New York, June 27, 1790.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of March 27th came duly to hand on the 12th instant, as did your very valuable present, the dry rice, brought from the Moluccas, by Lieut. Blight. I immediately sent a few seeds to Virginia, where I am in hopes there would still be force of summer sufficient to mature it. I reserve a little for next spring, besides sowing some in pots, from which I have now twenty-three young plants, just come up. I fear, however, there is not summer enough remaining here to ripen them, without the uncertain aid of a hot house. Upon your encouragement, I think I shall venture to write to Mr. Hinton Este, of Jamaica, on the subject. You will have known that we had lost Dr. Franklin before your letter came to hand; consequently, the relation of Lieut. Blight's adventure, which you were so kind as to send, rests with me.

Though large countries within our Union are covered with the sugar maple, as heavily as can be conceived, and that this tree yields a sugar equal to the best from the cane, yields it in great quantity, with no other labor than what the women and girls can bestow, who attend to the drawing off and boiling the liquor, and the trees when skilfully tapped will last a great number of years, yet the ease with which we had formerly got cane sugar, had prevented our attending to this resource. Late difficulties in the sugar trade have excited attention to our sugar trees, and it seems fully believed by judicious persons, that we cannot only supply our own demand, but make for exportation. I will send you a sample of it, if I can find a conveyance without passing it through the expensive one of the post. What a blessing to substitute a sugar which requires only the labor of children, for that which is said to render the slavery of the blacks necessary.

An act of Congress authorizing the issuing of patents for new discoveries has given a spring to invention beyond my conception. Being an instrument in granting the patents, I am acquainted with their discoveries. Many of them indeed are trifling, but there are some of great consequence, which have been proved by practice, and others which, if they stand the same proof, will produce great effect. Yesterday the man who built the famous bridge from Boston to Charlestown, was with me, asking a patent for a pile engine of his own construction. He communicated to me another fact, of which he makes no secret, and it is important. He was formerly concerned in ship building, but for thirty years past has been a bridge builder. He had early in life observed, on examining worm-eaten ships, that the worms never eat within the seams where the corking chisel enters, and the oil, &c. He had observed that the whaling vessels would be eaten to a honey-comb, except a little above and below water, where the whale is brought in contact with the vessel, and lies beating against it till it is cut up. A plank lying under water at a mill of his had been obliged to be removed annually, because eaten up by the worms in the course of the year. At length a plank was accidentally put down which for some purpose had been thoroughly impregnated with oil. It remained seven years without being affected. Hence he took the idea of impregnating the timbers of his bridges thoroughly with oil, by heating the timber as deeply as possible, and doing it well in that state with the liver oil of the codfish. He has practiced this for thirty years, and there is no instance of the worm attacking his timbers, while those in neighboring places are immediately destroyed. He has used the liver oil of the cod, because very thick, and therefore, as he supposes, more permanent in its effect. He supposes some other oils might do, but cannot speak of them experimentally. He says there will be no difficulty in heating the planks of a ship after they are put on, as well as before; but I do not recollect his mentioning ever to have tried it in the case of a ship.

I am fixed here by the desire of my countrymen; consequently less in the way of communications in letters and the arts than I used to be. The continuance of your communications in that way will now be received with double thankfulness.

We are told you are going to war. Peace and profit will, I hope, be our lot. A high price and sure market for our productions, and no want of carrying business will, I hope, enable my countrymen to pay off both their private and public debts.

I am, with sentiments of sincere esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.

TO DR. GILMER.

New York, June 27, 1790.

Dear Doctor,—I have duly received your favor of May 21st, and thank you for the details it contains. Congressional proceedings go on rather heavily. The question for assuming the State debts, has created greater animosities than I ever yet saw take place on any occasion. There are three ways in which it may yet terminate. 1. A rejection of the measure, which will prevent their funding any part of the public debt, and will be something very like a dissolution of the government. 2. A bargain between the eastern members, who have it so much at heart, and the middle members, who are indifferent about it, to adopt those debts without any modification, on condition of removing the seat of government to Philadelphia or Baltimore. 3. An adoption of them with this modification, that the whole sum to be assumed shall be divided among the States in proportion to their census; so that each shall receive as much as they are to pay; and perhaps this might bring about so much good humor as to induce them to give the temporary seat of government to Philadelphia, and then to Georgetown permanently. It is evident that this last is the least bad of all the turns the thing can take. The only objection to it will be, that Congress will then have to lay and collect taxes to pay these debts, which could much better have been laid and collected by the State governments. This, though an evil, is a less one than any of the others in which it may issue, and will probably give us the seat of Government at a day not very distant, which will vivify our agriculture and commerce by circulating through our State an additional sum every year of half a million of dollars. When the last packet left England, there was great appearance of an immediate rupture with Spain. Should that take place, France will become a party. I hope peace and profit will be our share. Present my best respects to Mrs. Gilmer, and my enquiring neighbors.

I am, dear Doctor, your affectionate friend and servant.

TO M. BOUDINOT.

New York, June 29, 1790.

Sir,—As it is desirable we should receive from our Consuls an exact report of all our vessels with their cargoes which go to the countries of their residence, such fees appear necessary as may induce them to be watchful that every such vessel is noted. At the same time, the fee should not be so large as to induce them to connive at foreign vessels reporting themselves as American, merely to give them the fee; five and ten dollars appear to me well proportioned.

While I was in Europe I found there was a great want of some legal mode of taking and authenticating instruments and evidence in general, to be sent to this country; such as depositions, affidavits, copies of wills, records, deeds, powers of attorney, &c. I thought it would be proper, as soon as we should have Consuls established, to make their authentications under the seal of their office, good evidence in our courts. I take the liberty of submitting to you whether a clause for these purposes might not be properly placed in this bill. I assure you the occasions for it are extremely frequent.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE.

New York, June 30, 1790.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 25th came to hand last night, for which I give you many thanks. The conversion of 36.71428 pouces into 39.1923 inches, was an error in division, and consequently the mean taken between that and Graham's computation is wrong. It has rendered it necessary for me to suppress the note on that subject, and to put it into the form now enclosed. In this I state the reason for adopting 11-3 pouces as the equivalent of the English foot. It is so stated by D'Alembert in the Encyclopedie, and retained in the new Encyclopedie. To have changed it for 11-3.11 Mashelynci's measure, would have obliged me to have formed all my calculations anew, which would have exposed me to new errors of calculation; and added to the trouble and delay it would have occasioned, did not seem worth while for so small a fraction as 11-100 of a line, or the 1227th of a foot. I suppose, too, that the operation concerting between the French and English will soon furnish us with a new and more certain equation of their feet. I still like the rod rather than the pendulum, because I do not know a single objection to it which does not lie to the pendulum, because it is clear of some objections to which that is liable, but most of all, because 1-5 of the second rod is much nearer the present foot than 1-3 of the second pendulum. After all, should the French and English adopt the pendulum, we shall be free to do so also. I state on the enclosed paper a very loose answer to the 5th objection, which is the only one I can give. Can you suggest something more precise? As there is an idea that Congress will rise about the middle of July, I shall only await the answer you will be so good as to make to this, and then give in my report. This day, I fancy, will determine whether we are to be removed to Philadelphia or not; for though it will still be put to the question several times before its ultimate passage, yet I think if this day's vote of the Senate is favorable, it will pass safely through all the subsequent stages. It would have been a great comfort to me to have been near you during the preparation of this business of weights and measures. It is much easier to avoid errors by having good information at first, than to unravel and correct them after they are committed. I recommend to Congress the deferring to proceed on the report till the next session, and reserve to myself an opening to add any new matter which may occur in the meantime.

I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

New York, July 1, 1790.

Dear Sir,—A bill has passed two readings in the Senate for removing the seat of government to Philadelphia, there to remain ten years, and then to be established permanently in Georgetown. It is to receive its third reading to-day, and it depends on a single vote, yet I believe we may count surely that it will pass that house. As it originated there, it will then have to pass the lower house; where, however, I believe it is very secure of a majority. I apprehend this news must reach you too late to send my baggage to Philadelphia instead of this place; however, to take the chance of any unexpected delay which may have attended its departure, I drop you this line by a vessel sailing this morning to Dunkirk, to pray you (if my baggage is not already embarked, or so engaged for its passage as not to admit a change of destination), that you will have it sent to Philadelphia directly. The having to send it from one port to another in the United States, costs as much nearly as the freight across the Atlantic, besides the custom-house difficulties. I think it better to wait an opportunity from thence to Philadelphia, should there not be an immediate one, than that it should make a double voyage. No time to add anything else, but that all is well. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

TO COL. M. LEWIS.

New York, July 4, 1790.

Dear Sir,—I wrote you last on the 13th of June. The Senate have passed the bill for fixing the residence of Congress at Philadelphia for ten years, and then permanently at Georgetown; it has been read once or twice in the House of Representatives, and will be ultimately decided on the day after to-morrow. I believe it will pass there by a considerable majority. I imagine we shall remove from hence early in September, which will consequently be the time for my paying a short visit to Monticello. There is reason to expect a rupture has taken place between Spain and England. If so, it will involve France, and so render the present war of Europe almost universal there. I hope they will all see it their interest to let us make bread for them in peace, and to give us a good price for it. We have every moral certainty that wheat will be high for years to come. I cannot, therefore, my dear Sir, omit to press, for myself, the going into that culture as much as you think practicable. In Albemarle, I presume we may lay aside tobacco entirely; and in Bedford, the more we can lay it aside the happier I shall be. I believe it cannot there be entirely discontinued, for want of open lands. I will also be obliged to you to give such orders for preparing for the next year's crop in the plantation given to Mr. Randolph, as you would for me, were it to remain in my hands. I know he will be glad to have as much wheat sowed as possible. While good crops of grain, and a good price for them, will prepare a good income, if we can avoid paying that away to the stores, all will be well. For this purpose, it is vastly desirable to be getting under way with our domestic cultivation and manufacture of hemp, flax, cotton and wool for the negroes. If we may decide from past experience, we may safely say that war and domestic manufacture are more gainful than peace and store supplies. The present price of wheat here is a dollar a bushel.

Present my best esteem to Mrs. Lewis and your family. I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant.

TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ.

New York, July 4, 1790.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of April 28 came to hand May 11, and found me under a severe indisposition, which kept me from all business more than a month, and still permits me to apply but very sparingly. That of June 20 was delivered me two days ago by young Mr. Middleton, whom I was very glad to see, as I am everybody and everything which comes from you. It will give me great pleasure to be of any use to him, on his father's account as well as yours.

In yours of April 28 you mention Dr. Turnbull's opinion that force alone can do our business with the Algerines. I am glad to have the concurrence of so good an authority on that point. I am clear myself that nothing but a perpetual cruise against them, or at least for eight months of the year, and for several years, can put an end to their piracies; and I believe that a confederacy of the nations not in treaty with them can be effected, so as to make that perpetual cruise, or our share of it, a very light thing, as soon as we shall have money to answer even a light thing; and I am in hopes this may shortly be the case. I participate fully of your indignation at the trammels imposed on our commerce with Great Britain. Some attempts have been made in Congress, and others are still making to meet their restrictions by effectual restriction on our part. It was proposed to double the foreign tonnage for a certain time, and after that to prohibit the exportation of our commodities in the vessels of nations not in treaty with us. This has been rejected. It is now proposed to prohibit any nation from bringing or carrying in their vessels what may not be brought or carried in ours from or to the same ports; also to prohibit those from bringing to us anything not of their own produce, who prohibit us from carrying to them anything but our own produce. It is thought, however, that this cannot be carried. The fear is that it would irritate Great Britain were we to feel any irritation ourselves. You will see by the debates of Congress that there are good men and bold men, and sensible men, who publicly avow these sentiments. Your observations on the expediency of making short treaties, are most sound. Our situation is too changing and too improving to render an unchangeable treaty expedient for us. But what are these enquiries on the part of the British minister which leads you to think he means to treat? May they not look to some other object? I suspect they do; and can no otherwise reconcile all circumstances. I would thank you for a communication of any facts on this subject.

Some questions have lately agitated the minds of Congress more than the friends of union on catholic principles would have wished. The general assumption of State debts has been as warmly demanded by some States, as warmly rejected by others. I hope still that this question maybe so divested of the injustice imputed to it as to be compromised. The question of residence, you know, was always a heating one. A bill has passed the Senate for fixing this at Philadelphia ten years, and then at Georgetown; and it is rather probable it will pass the lower house. That question then will be put to sleep for ten years; and this and the funding business being once out of the way, I hope nothing else may be able to call up local principles. If the war between Spain and England takes place, I think France will inevitably be involved in it. In that case I hope the new world will fatten on the follies of the old. If we can but establish the armed neutrality for ourselves, we must become the carriers for all parties as far as we can raise vessels.

The President had a hair-breadth escape; but he is now perfectly re-established, and looks much better than before he was sick. I expect daily to see your nephew, Mr. J. Rutledge, arrive here, as he wrote me by the May packet that he would come in that of June. He is a very hopeful young man, sensible, well-informed, prudent and cool. Our southern sun has been accused of sometimes sublimating the temper too highly. I wish all could think as coolly, but as soundly and firmly as you do. Adieu, my dear friend. Yours affectionately.

TO MR. DUMAS.

New York, July 13, 1790.

Sir,—I wrote you last on the 23d of June, since which I have received yours of March the 24th to the 30th.

* * * * *

Congress are still engaged in their funding bills. The foreign debts did not admit of any difference of opinion. They were settled by a single and unanimous vote; but the domestic debt, requiring modifications and settlements, these produce great difference of opinion, and consequently retard the passage of the funding bill. The States had individually contracted considerable debts for their particular defence, in addition to what was done by Congress. Some of the States have so exerted themselves since the war, as to have paid off near the half of their individual debts. Others have done nothing. The State creditors urge, that these debts were as much for general purposes as those contracted by Congress, and insist that Congress shall assume and pay such of them as have not been yet paid by their own States. The States who have exerted themselves most, find that, notwithstanding the great payments they have made, they shall by this assumption, still have nearly as much to pay as if they had never paid anything. They are therefore opposed to it. I am in hopes a compromise will be effected by a proportional assumption, which may reach a great part of the debts, and leave still a part of them to be paid by those States who have paid few or none of their creditors. This being once settled, Congress will probably adjourn, and meet again in December, at Philadelphia. The appearance of war between our two neighbors, Spain and England, would render a longer adjournment inexpedient.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO DR. GILMER.

New York, July 25, 1790.

Dear Doctor,—I wrote you last on the 27th of June. Since that we have had great appearances of an explosion between Spain and England. Circumstances still indicate war. The strongest fact against it is that a British ambassador is actually gone to Madrid. If there be war, France will probably embark in it. I do not think it can disturb her revolution, that is so far advanced as to be out of danger. Be these things as they may, there will be war enough to ensure us great prices for wheat for years to come, and if we are wise we shall become wealthy. McGillivray, and about thirty Creek chiefs, are here. We are in hopes this visit will ensure the continuance of peace with them. The assumption in a proportionate form is likely to pass. The sum to be assumed is twenty-one millions. Of this three and a half millions are allotted to Virginia, being the exact sum it is supposed she will have to contribute of the whole assumption, and sufficient also to cover the whole of her remaining domestic debt. Being therefore to receive exactly what she is to pay, she will neither lose nor gain by the measure. The principal objection now is, that all the debts, general and State, will be to be raised by tax on imposts, which will thus be overburthened; whereas had the States been left to pay the debts themselves, they could have done it by taxes on land and other property, which would thus have lightened the burthen on commerce. However, the measure was so vehemently called for by the State creditors in some parts of the Union, that it seems to be one of those cases where some sacrifice of opinion is necessary for the sake of peace. Congress will probably rise between the 6th and 13th of August. The President will soon after that go to Mount Vernon, and I shall take advantage of the interregnum to see my neighbors in Albemarle, and to meet my family there. I suppose it will be the 1st of September before I can set out from this place, and shall take that occasion of having my affairs removed hence to Philadelphia. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Gilmer and all my friends. Adieu, dear Doctor, your sincere friend and humble servant.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.