Book 2 — CHAPTER XI. THE POOR.

There is hardly a question connected with the march of civilization more difficult to answer satisfactorily than this: What is to be done with the Poor?

In our own day, when subdivision of labour has been carried to an unheard of extent, when property follows the natural law of accumulation in masses, and society numbers the proletarian as an inevitable unit among its constituents, the question presents itself in a threatening and dangerous form, with difficulty surrounding it on every side, and anarchy scowling in the background, hardly to be appeased or vanquished. But such circumstances as those we live under are rare, and almost unexampled in history: even the later and depraved days of Roman civilization offer but a very insufficient pattern of a similar condition^[1007]. Above all it would 498be difficult to find any parallel for them in countries where land is abundant, and the accumulation of property slow: there may be pauperism in New York, but scarcely in the valley of the Mississippi. The cultivator may live hardly, poorly; but he can live, and as increasing numbers gather round him and form a market for his superfluous produce, he will gradually become easy, and at length wealthy. It is however questionable whether population will really increase very fast in an agricultural community where a sufficient provision is made for every family, and where there is an unlimited fund, and power of almost indefinite extension. On the contrary, it seems natural under these circumstances that the proportion between the consumers and the means of living should long continue to be an advantageous one, and no pressure will be felt as long as no effort is made to give a false direction to the energies of any portion of the community.

But this cannot possibly be the case in a system which limits the amount of the estate or hýd. Here a period must unavoidably arise where population advances too rapidly for subsistence, unless a manufacturing effort on an extensive scale is made, and made with perfect freedom from all restraints, but those which prudence and well-regulated views of self-interest impose. If want of rapid internal communication deprive the farmer of a market, and compel him to limit his produce to the requirements of his own family, there cannot be a doubt not only that he will be compelled to remain in a stationary and not very easy position, 499but that a difficulty will arise as to the disposal of a redundant population. Many plans have been devised to meet this difficulty; a favourite one has been at all times, to endeavour to find means of limiting population itself, instead of destroying all restrictions upon occupation. The profoundest thinkers of Greece, considering that a pauper population is inconsistent with the idea of state, have positively recommended violent means to prevent its increase^[1008]: infanticide and exposition thus figure among the means by which Plato and Aristotle consider that full and perfect citizenship is to be maintained. I have already touched upon some of the means by which our forefathers attempted this regulation: emigration was as popular a nostrum with them as with us: service in the comitatus, even servitude on the land, were looked to as an outlet, and slavery probably served to keep up something of a balance: moreover it is likely that a large proportion of the population were entirely prevented from contracting marriage: of this last 500number the various orders of the clergy, and the monks must have made an important item. It is even probable that the somewhat severe restrictions imposed upon conjugal intercourse may have had their rise in an erroneous view that population might thus be limited or regulated^[1009]. But still, all these means must have furnished a very inadequate relief: even the worn-out labourer, especially if unfree, must have become superfluous, and if he was of little use to his owner, there was little chance of his finding a purchaser. What provision was made for him?

The condition of a serf or an outlaw from poverty is an abnormal one, but only so in a Christian community. In fact it seems to me that the State neither contemplates the existence of the poor, nor cares for it: the poor man’s right to live is derived from the moral and Christian, not from the public law: so little true is the general assertion that the poor man has a right to be maintained upon the land on which he was born. The State exists for its members, the full, free and independent citizens, self-supported on the land; and except as self-supported on the land it knows no citizens at all. Any one but the holder of a free hýd must either fly to the forest or take service, or steal and become a þeóv. How the pagan Saxons contemplated this fact it is impossible to say, but at the period when 501we first meet with them in history, two disturbing causes were in operation; first the gradual loosening of the principle of the mark-settlement, and the consequent accumulation of landed estates in few hands; secondly the operation of Christianity.

This taught the equality of men in the eye of God, who had made all men brothers in the mystery of Christ’s passion. And from this also it followed that those who had been bought with that precious sacrifice were not to be cast away. The sin of suffering a child to die unbaptized was severely animadverted upon. The crime of infanticide could only be expiated by years of hard and wearisome penance; but the penance unhappily bears witness to the principle,—a principle universally pagan, and not given up, even to this day, by nations and classes which would repudiate with indignation the reproach of paganism, though thoroughly imbued with pagan habits. In the seventh century we read of the existence of poor, and we read also of the duty of assisting them. But as the State had in fact nothing to do with them, and no machinery of its own to provide for them, and as the clergy were ex officio their advocates and protectors, the State did what under the circumstances was the best thing to do, it recognized the duty which the clergy had imposed upon themselves of supporting the poor. It went further,—it compelled the freeman to supply the clergy with the means of doing it.

In the last years of the sixth century, Gregory the Great informed Augustine that it was the custom of the Roman church to cause a fourth part of 502all that accrued to the altar from the oblations of the faithful to be given to the poor; and this was beyond a doubt the legitimate substitute for the old mode of distribution which the Apostles and their successors had adopted while the church lurked in corners and in catacombs, and its communicants stole a fearful and mysterious pleasure in its ministrations under the jealous eyes of imperial paganism. As soon however as the accidental oblations were to a great degree replaced by settled payments (whether arising out of land or not^[1010]), and these were directed to be applied in definite proportions, we may venture to say that the State had a poor-law, and that the clergy were the relieving officers. The spirit of Gregory’s injunction is that a part of all that accrues shall be given to the poor; and this applies with equal force to tithes, churchshots, bóts or fines, eleemosynary grants, and casual oblations. In this spirit, it will be seen, the Anglosaxon clergy acted, and we may believe that no inconsiderable fund was provided for distribution. The liability of the tithe is the first point upon which I shall produce evidence. The first secular notice of this is contained in the following law of Æðelred, an. 1014:—“And concerning tithe, the 503king and his witan have chosen and said, as right it is, that the third part of the tithe which belongs to the church, shall go to the reparation of the church, and a second part to the servants of God, and the third to God’s poor and needy men in thraldom^[1011].”

But if positive public enactment be rare, it is not so with ecclesiastical law, and the recommendations of the rulers of the Anglosaxon church. The Poenitentials, Confessionals, and other works compiled by these prelates for the guidance and instruction of the clergy abound in passages wherein the obligation of providing for the poor out of the tithe is either assumed or positively asserted. In the ‘Capitula et Fragmenta’ of Theodore, dating in the seventh century, it is written, “It is not lawful to give tithes save unto the poor and pilgrims^[1012],” which can hardly mean anything but a prohibition to the clergy, to make friends among the laity by giving them presents out of the tithe; but which shows what were the lawful or legitimate uses of tithe. Again he says^[1013],—“If any one administers 504the xenodochia of the poor, or has received the tithes of the people, and has converted any portion thereof to his own uses,” etc.

In the Excerptions of archbishop Ecgberht we find the following canon:—“The priests are to take tithes of the people, and to make a written list of the names of the givers, and according to the authority of the canons, they are to divide them, in the presence of men that fear God. The first part they are to take for the adornment of the church; but the second they are in all humility, mercifully to distribute with their own hands, for the use of the poor and strangers; the third part however the priests may reserve for themselves^[1014].”

In the Confessional of the same prelate we find the following exhortation, to be addressed by the priest to the penitent:—“Be thou gentle and charitable to the poor, zealous in almsgiving, in attendance at church, and in the giving of tithe to God’s church and the poor^[1015].”

In the canons enacted under Eádgár, but which are at least founded upon an ancient work of Cummianus, there is this entry:—“We enjoin that the priests so distribute the people’s alms, that they do both give pleasure to God, and accustom the people to alms^[1016];” to which however there is an addition which can scarcely well be understood of anything but tithe: “and it is right that one part be delivered to the priests, a second part for the need of the church, and a third part for the poor.”

505The Canons of Ælfríc have the same entry, and the same mode of distribution as those of Ecgberht: “The holy fathers have also appointed that men shall pay their tithes into God’s church. And let the priest go thither, and divide them into three: one part for the repair of the church; the second for the poor; the third for God’s servants who attend to the church^[1017].”

Thus according to the view of the Anglosaxon church, ratified by the express enactment of the witan, a third of the tithe was the absolute property of the poor. But other means were found to increase this fund: not only was the duty of almsgiving strenuously enforced, but even the fasts and penances recommended or imposed by the clergy were made subservient to the same charitable purpose. The canons enacted under Eádgár provide^[1018], that “when a man fasts, then let the dishes that would have been eaten be all distributed to God’s poor.” And again the Ecclesiastical Institutes declare^[1019]: “It is daily needful for every man that he give his alms to poor men; but yet when we fast, then ought we to give greater alms than on other days; because the meat and the drink, which we should then use if we did not fast, we ought to distribute to the poor.”

So in certain cases where circumstances rendered the strict performance of penance difficult or impossible, a kind of tariff seems to have been devised, the application of which was left to the 506discretion of the confessor. The proceeds of this commutation were for the benefit of the poor. Thus Theodore teaches^[1020]:—“But let him that through infirmity cannot fast, give alms to the poor according to his means; that is, for every day a penny or two or three.... For a year let him give thirty shillings in alms; the second year, twenty; the third, fifteen.”

Again^[1021]:—“He that knows not the psalms and cannot fast, must give twenty-two shillings in alms for the poor, as commutation for a year’s fasting on bread and water; and let him fast every Friday on bread and water, and three forties; that is, forty days before Easter, forty before the festival of St. John the Baptist, and forty before Christmas-day. And in these three forties let him estimate the value or possible value of whatsoever is prepared for his use, in food, in drink or whatever it may be, and let him distribute the half of that value in alms to the poor,” etc.

When we consider the almost innumerable cases in which penance must have been submitted to by conscientious believers, and the frequent hindrances which public or private business and illness must have thrown in the way of strict performance, we may conclude that no slight addition accrued from this source to the fund at the disposal of the church for the benefit of the poor. Even the follies and vices of men were made to contribute their quota 507in a more direct form. Ecgberht requires that a portion of the spoil gained in war shall be applied to charitable purposes^[1022]; and he estimates the amount at no less than a third of the whole booty. Again, it is positively enacted by Æðelred and his witan that a portion of the fines paid by offenders to the church should be applied in a similar manner: they say^[1023], that such money “belongs lawfully, by the direction of the bishops, to the buying of prayers, to the behoof of the poor, to the reparation of churches, to the instruction, clothing and feeding of those who minister to God, for books, bells and vestments, but never for idle pomp of this world.”

More questionable is a command inculcated by archbishop Ecgberht, that the over-wealthy should punish themselves for their folly by large contributions to the poor^[1024]: “Let him that collecteth immoderate wealth, for his want of wisdom, give the third part to the poor.”

Upon the bishops and clergy was especially imposed the duty of attending to this branch of Christian charity, which they were commanded to exemplify in their own persons: thus the bishops are admonished to feed and clothe the poor^[1025], the clerk who possessed a superfluity was to be excommunicated 508if he did not distribute it to the poor^[1026], nay the clergy were admonished to learn and practise handicrafts, not only in order to keep themselves out of mischief and avoid the temptations of idleness, but that they might earn funds wherewith to relieve the necessities of their brethren^[1027]. Those who are acquainted with the MSS. and other remains of Anglosaxon art are well-aware how great eminence was attained by some of these clerical workmen, and how valuable their skill may have been in the eyes of the wealthy and liberal^[1028].

Another source of relief remains to be noticed: I mean the eleemosynary foundations. It is of course well known that every church and monastery comprised among its necessary buildings a xenodochium, hospitium or similar establishment, a kind of hospital for the reception and refection of the poor, the houseless and the wayfarer. But I allude more particularly to the foundations which the piety of the clergy or laics established without the walls of the churches or monasteries. Æðelstán commanded the royal reeves throughout his realm to feed and clothe one poor man each: the allowance was to be, from every two farms, an amber of meal, a shank of bacon, or a ram worth fourpence, monthly, and clothing for the whole year. The reeves here intended must have been the bailiffs (villici, praepositi, túngeréfan) of the 509royal vills; and, if they could not find a poor man in their vill, they were to seek him in another^[1029]. In the churches which were especially favoured with the patronage of the wealthy and powerful, it was usual for the anniversary of the patron to be celebrated with religious services, a feast to the brotherhood and a distribution of food to the poor, which was occasionally a very liberal one. In the year 832 we learn incidentally what were the charitable foundations of archbishop Wulfred. He commanded twenty-six poor men to be daily fed on different manors, he gave each of them yearly twenty-six pence to purchase clothing, and further ordered that on his anniversary twelve hundred poor men should receive each a loaf of bread and a cheese, or bacon and one penny^[1030].

Oswulf, who was duke of East Kent at the commencement of the ninth century, left lands to Canterbury charging the canons with doles upon his anniversary: twenty ploughlands or about twelve hundred acres at Stanstead were to supply the canons and the poor on that day with one hundred and twenty wheaten loaves, thirty of pure wheat, one fat ox, four sheep, two flitches, five geese, ten hens, ten pounds of cheese (or if it happened to be a fastday, a weigh of cheese, fish, butter and eggs ad libitum), thirty measures of good Welsh ale, and a tub of honey or two of wine. From the lands of the brotherhood were to issue one hundred and twenty sufl loaves, apparently a kind of cake; while 510his lands at Bourn were to supply a thousand loaves of bread and a thousand sufls^[1031]. Towards the end of the tenth century Wulfwaru devised her lands to various relatives, and charged them with the support of twenty poor men^[1032]. About the same period Æðelstán the æðeling gave lands to Ely on condition that they fed one hundred poor men on his anniversary, at the expense of his heirs.

From what has preceded it may fairly be argued that at all times there was a very sufficient fund for the relief of the poor, seeing that tithe, penance, fine, voluntary contribution, and compulsory assessment all combined to furnish their quota. It now remains to enquire into the method of its distribution.

The gains of the altar, whether in tithes, oblations, or other forms, were strictly payable over to the metropolitan or cathedral church of the district. The division of the fund was thus committed to the consulting body of the clergy, and their executive or head; and the several shares were thus distributed under the supervision and by the authority of the bishop and his canons in each diocese. Private alms may have remained occasionally at the disposal of the priest in a small parish, but the recognized public alms which were the property of the poor, and held in trust for them by the clergy, 511were necessarily managed by the principal body, the clergy of the cathedral. To the vicinity of the cathedral flocked the maimed, the halt, the blind, the destitute and friendless, to be fed and clothed and tended for the love of God. In that vicinity they enjoyed shelter, defence, private aid and public alms; and as in some few cases the cathedral church was surrounded by a flourishing city, they could hope for the chances which always accompany a close manufacturing or retailing population. In this way the largest proportion of the poor must have been collected near the chief church of the diocese, on whose lands they found an easy settlement, in whose xenodochia, hospitals and almshouses they met with a refuge, to whom they gave their services, such as they were, and from whom they received in turn the support which secular lords were unable or unwilling to give: for the cathedral church being generally a very considerable landowner, had the power of employing much more labour than the majority of secular landlords in any given district.

But it must not be imagined that the poor could obtain no relief save at the cathedral: every parish-church had its share of the public fund, as well as private alms, devoted to this purpose; and to the necessary buildings of every parish-church, however small, a xenodochium belonged. When now we consider the great number of churches that existed all over England in the tenth century, a number which most likely exceeded that now in being, and consequently bore a most disproportionate 512ratio to the then population of the country,—when we further consider that the poor were comparatively few (so that a provision was absolutely made for the case where a pauper could not be found in a royal village), we shall have no difficulty in concluding that relief was supplied in a very ample degree to the needy.

It does not necessarily follow, although in itself very probable, that the claim to relief was a territorial one, that is that the man was to have relief where he was born, lived or had gained a settlement by labour. As some landowners, particularly in later times, especially honoured certain churches with the grant of tithes consecrated to them, it is possible that some paupers may have followed the convenient precedent, and argued that whither the fund went, thither might the recipients go also. And inasmuch as in many cases they would appear under the guise of poor pilgrims, we can readily understand the immense resort to particular shrines at particular periods, without overrating the devotion or the superstition of the multitude. But all this might have led to very serious consequences, had the facilities really been so great. In point of fact there were no facilities at all except for such as were from age or infirmity incapable of doing any valuable service. For among the Saxons the law of settlement applied inexorably to all classes: no man had a legal existence unless he could be shown to belong to some association connected with a certain locality, or to be in the hand, protection and surety of a landed lord. Even a 513man of the rank nearest the princes or ealdorman could not leave his land without having fulfilled certain conditions; and the illegal migration of a dependent man from one shire or one estate to another was punished in the severest manner, in the persons of all concerned. He was called a Flýma or fugitive, and the receiving or harbouring him was a grave offence, punishable with a heavy fine, to be raised for the benefit of the king’s officers in the shire the fugitive deserted, as well as that wherein he was received^[1033]. Even if the vigilance of the sheriffs and ealdorman in two shires could be lulled, it was difficult to disarm the selfishness of a landlord or an owner who thought the runaway’s services of any value, or his price worth securing. A year and a day must elapse ere the right abated from the “lord in pursuit,” for so was the lord called over all Europe in the idioms of the several tongues^[1034]; and hence it cannot have been a very easy matter for any man to take advantage of the poor-law, while it remained any one’s advantage to keep him from falling into the state of pauperism: in other words, no man whose labour still possessed any value would be so cast upon the world as to have no refuge but what the church in Christian charity provided. And this was the real and trustworthy test of destitution. If a man was so helpless, friendless and useless that he could find no place in one of the mutual associations, or 514in a lord’s family, it is clear that he must become an outlaw as far as the State is concerned^[1035]: he must fly to the woods, turn serf or steal, or else commend himself as a pauper to the benefits of clerical superintendence: but it is perfectly obvious that none but the hopelessly infirm or aged could ever be placed under such difficulty, in a country situated like England at any period of the Saxon rule, and hence pauper relief was in practice strictly confined to those for whom it was justly intended. The Saxon poor-law then appears simple enough, and well might it be so: they had not tried many unsuccessful and ridiculous experiments in œconomics, suffered themselves to be misled by very many mischievous crochets, nor on the whole did they find it necessary to make so expensive a protest against bad commercial legislation as our poor-law has proved to us. But it is not quite the simple thing it seems, and requires two elements for its efficient working, which are not to be found at every period, namely a powerful, conscientious clergy, and a system of property founded exclusively upon the possession of land, and guarded by 515a compulsory distribution of all citizens into certain fixed and settled associations.

I have already called attention to the fact that it was usual, if not necessary, on emancipating a serf, to provide for his subsistence. It is however not improbable that, though such emancipated serfs remained for the most part upon the land, and in the protection of their former lord, they found some assistance from the poor fund, either directly from the church, or indirectly through the private alms of the lord.

To resume all the facts of the case:—the State did not contemplate the existence or provide for the support of any poor: it demanded that every man should either be answerable for himself in a mutual bond of association with his neighbours; or that he should place himself under the protection of a lord, if he had no means of his own, and thus have some one to answer for him. If unfree, the State of course held him to be the chattel of his owner, who was only responsible to God for his treatment of him. He therefore who had no means and could find no one to take charge of him was an outlaw, that is, had no civil rights of any kind.

But Christianity taught that there was something even above the State, which the State itself was bound to recognize. It accordingly impressed upon all communicants the moral and religious duty of assisting those of their brethren whom the strict law condemned to misery; and the clergy presented their organization as a very efficient machinery for the proper distribution of alms. The voluntary 516oblations became in time replaced by settled payments; but the law did not alter the disposition which the clergy had adopted; it only recognized and sanctioned it; first by making the various church payments compulsory upon all classes; and secondly by enacting that the mode of distribution long prevalent should be the legal one, in a secular as well as an ecclesiastical obligation. And thus by slow degrees, as the State itself became Christianized, the moral duty became a legal one; and the merciful intervention of religion was allowed to supply what could not be found in the strict rule of law.

It is unnecessary here to enquire how the power of the clergy to assist the poor was gradually diminished, by the arbitrary consecration or total subtraction of tithe, and other ecclesiastical payments; or how the burthen of supporting the poor, having become a religious as well as a civil duty, was shifted from one fund to another. It is enough to have shown how the difficulty was attempted to be met during the continuance of the Anglosaxon institutions. Under the present circumstances of almost every European state, it is admitted that no man is to perish for want of means, while means anywhere exist to feed him: and but two questions can be admitted, namely:—Who is really in want? and,—How is he to be fed at the least possible amount of loss to others? This is as far as the State will go. Religion, properly considered, imposes very different duties, and very different tests: but public morality alone ought to teach that 517where the State has interfered on one side, it must pay the penalty on the other; and that where it has positively prescribed the directions in which men shall seek their subsistence, it is bound to indemnify those whom these restrictions have tended to impoverish. Every Poor Law is a protest against some wrong done: and in proportion to the wrong is the energy of the protest itself. Do not interfere with industry, and it will be very safe to leave poverty to take care of itself. It is quite possible to conceive a state of things in which crime and poverty shall be really convertible ideas, but of this the history of the world as yet has given us no example.

APPENDIX.

521

APPENDIX A. THE DOOMS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

(Æðelstán V. Thorpe, i. 228, sq.)

“This is the ordinance which the bishops and the reeves belonging to London have ordained, and with weds confirmed, among our ‘frith gegildas,’ as well eorlish as ceorlish, in addition to the dooms which were fixed at Greatanlea and at Exeter and at Thunresfeld.

“This then is first.

“1. That no thief be spared over XII pence, and no person over XII years, whom we learn according to folkright that he is guilty, and can make no denial; that we slay him, and take all that he has; and first take the ‘ceapgild’ from the property; and after that let the surplus be divided into II: one part to the wife, if she be innocent, and were not privy to the crime; and the other into II; let the king take half, half the fellowship. If it be bócland or bishop’s land, then has the landlord the half part in common with the fellowship.

“2. And he who secretly harbours a thief, and is privy to the crime and to the guilt, to him let the like be done.

“3. And he who stands with a thief, and fights with him, let him be slain with the thief.

“4. And he who oft before has been convicted openly of theft, and shall go to the ordeal, and is there found guilty; that he be slain, unless the kindred or the lord be willing to release him by his ‘wer,’ and by the full ‘ceap-gild,’ and also have him in ‘borh,’ that he thenceforth desist from every kind of evil. If after that 522he again steal, then let his kinsmen give him up to the reeve to whom it may appertain, in such custody as they before took him out of from the ordeal, and let him be slain in retribution of the theft. But if any one defend him, and will take him, although he was convicted at the ordeal, so that he might not be slain; that he should be liable in his life, unless he should flee to the king, and he should give him his life; all as it was before ordained at Greatanlea, and at Exeter, and at Thunresfeld.

“5. And whoever will avenge a thief, and commits an assault, or makes an attack on the highway; let him be liable in CXX shillings to the king. But if he slay any one in his revenge, let him be liable in his life, and in all that he has, unless the king is willing to be merciful to him.

“Second.

“That we have ordained: that each of us should contribute IV pence for our common use within XII months, and pay for the property which should be taken after we had contributed the money; and that all should have the search in common; and that every man should contribute his shilling who had property to the value of XXX pence, except the poor widow who has no ‘forwyrhta’ nor any land.

“Third.

“That we count always ten men together, and the chief should direct the nine in each of those duties which we have all ordained; and [count] afterwards their ‘hyndens’ together, and one ‘hynden-man’ who shall admonish the X for our common benefit; and let these XI hold the money of the ‘hynden,’ and decide what they shall disburse when aught is to pay, and what they shall receive, if money should arise to us, at our common suit; and let them also know that every contribution be forthcoming which we have all ordained for our common benefit, after the rate of XXX pence or one ox; so that all be fulfilled which we have ordained in our ordinances, and which stands in our agreement.

“Fourth.

“That every man of them who has heard the orders should be 523aidful to others, as well in tracing as in pursuit, so long as the track is known; and after the track has failed him, that one man be found where there is a large population, as well as from one tithing where a less population is, either to ride or to go (unless there be need of more) thither where most need is, and as they all have ordained.

“Fifth.

“That no search be abandoned, either to the north of the march or to the south, before every man who has a horse has ridden one riding; and that he who has not a horse, work for the lord who rides or goes for him, until he come home; unless right shall have been previously obtained.

“Sixth.

“1. Respecting our ‘ceapgild’: a horse at half a pound, if it be so good; and if it be inferior, let it be paid for by the worth of its appearance, and by that which the man values it at who owns it, unless he have evidence that it be as good as he says, and then let [us] have the surplus which we there require.

“2. An ox at a mancus, and a cow at XX, and a swine at X, and a sheep at a shilling.

“3. And we have ordained respecting our ‘theowmen’ whom men might have; if anyone should steal him, that he should be paid for with half a pound; but if we should raise the ‘gild,’ that it should be increased above that, by the worth of his appearance, and that we should have for ourselves the surplus that we then should require. But if he should have stolen himself away, that he should be led to the stoning, as it was formerly ordained; and that every man who had a man, should contribute either a penny or a halfpenny, according to the number of the fellowship, so that we might be able to raise the worth. But if he should make his escape, that he should be paid for by the worth of his appearance, and we all should make search for him. If we then should be able to come at him, that the same should be done to him that would be done to a Wylisc thief, or that he be hanged.

“4. And let the ‘ceapgild’ always advance from XXX pence to 524half a pound, after we make search; further, if we raise the ‘ceap-gild’ to the full ‘angilde’; and let the search still continue, as was before ordained, though it be less.

“Seventh.

“That we have ordained: let do the deed whoever may that shall avenge the injuries of us all, that we should be all so in one friendship as in one foeship, whichever it then may be; and that he who should kill a thief before other men, that he be XII pence the better for the deed, and for the enterprize, from our common money. And he who should own the property for which we pay let him not forsake the search, on peril of our ‘oferhyrnes,’ and the notice therewith, until we come to payment; and then also we would reward him for his labour, out of our common money, according to the worth of the journey, lest the giving notice should be neglected.

“Eighth.

“1. That we gather to us once in every month, if we can and have leisure, the ‘hynden men’ and those who direct the tithings, as well with ‘bytt-fylling,’ as else it may concern us, and know what of our agreement has been executed; and let these XII men have their refection together, and feed themselves according as they may deem themselves worthy, and deal the remains of the meat for the love of God.

“2. And if it then should happen that any kin be so strong and so great, within land or without, whether ‘XII hynde’ or ‘twy hynde,’ that they refuse us right, and stand up in defence of a thief; that we all of us ride thereto with the reeve within whose ‘manung’ it may be.

“3. And also send on both sides to the reeves, and desire from them aid of so many men as may seem to us adequate for so great a suit, that there may be the more fear in those culpable men for our assemblage, and that we all ride thereto, and avenge our wrong, and slay the thief, and those who fight and stand with him, unless they be willing to depart from him.

“4. And if any one trace a track from one shire to another, let 525the men who there are next take to it, and pursue the track till it be made known to the reeve; let him then with his ‘manung’ take to it, and pursue the track out of his shire, if he can; but if he cannot, let him pay the ‘angylde’ of the property, and let both reeveships have the full suit in common, be it wherever it may, as well to the north of the march as to the south, always from one shire to another; so that every reeve may assist another, for the common ‘frith’ of us all, by the king’s ‘oferhyrnes.’

“5. And also that everyone shall help another, as it is ordained and by ‘weds’ confirmed; and such man as shall neglect this beyond the march, let him be liable in XXX pence, or an ox, if he aught of this neglect which stands in our writings, and we with our ‘weds’ have confirmed.

“6. And we have also ordained respecting every man who has given his ‘wed’ in our gildships, if he should die, that each gild-brother shall give a ‘gesufel’ loaf for his soul, and sing a fifty, or get it sung within XXX days.

“7. And we also command our ‘hiremen’ that each man shall know when he has his cattle, or when he has not, on his neighbour’s witness, and that he point out to us the track, if he cannot find it within three days; for we believe that many heedless men reck not how their cattle go, for over-confidence in the ‘frith.’

“8. Then we command that within III days he make it known to his neighbours, if he will ask for the ‘ceap-gild’; and let the search nevertheless go on as it was before ordained, for we will not pay for any unguarded property, unless it be stolen. Many men speak fraudulent speech. If he cannot point out to us the track, let him show on oath with III of his neighbours that it has been stolen within III days, and after that let him ask for his ‘ceap-gild.’

“9. And let it not be denied nor concealed, if our lord or any of our reeves should suggest to us any addition to our ‘frith-gilds’ that we will joyfully accept the same, as it becomes us all, and may be advantageous to us. But let us trust in God, and our kingly lord, if we fulfil all things thus, that the affairs of all folk will be better with respect to theft than they before were. If, 526however, we slacken in the ‘frith’ and the ‘wed’ which we have given, and the king has commanded of us, then may we expect, or well know, that these thieves will prevail yet more than they did before. But let us keep our ‘weds’ and the ‘frith’ as is pleasing to our lord; it greatly behoves us that we devise that which he wills; and if he order and instruct us more, we shall be humbly ready.

“Ninth.

“That we have ordained: respecting those thieves whom one cannot immediately discover to be guilty, and one afterwards learns that they are guilty and liable; that the lord or the kinsmen should release him in the same manner as those men are released who are found guilty at the ordeal.

“Tenth.

“That all the ‘witan’ gave their ‘weds’ altogether to the archbishop at Thunresfeld, when Ælfeah Stybb and Brihtnoth Odda’s son came to meet the ‘gemot’ by the king’sking’s command; that each reeve should take the ‘wed’ in his own shire: that they would all hold the ‘frith’ as king Æthelstan and his ‘witan’ had counselled it, first at Greatanlea, and again at Exeter, and afterwards at Feversham, and a fourth time at Thunresfeld, before the archbishop and all the bishops, and his ‘witan’ whom the king himself named, who were thereat: that those dooms should be observed which were fixed at this ‘gemot,’ except those which were there before done away with; which was, Sunday marketing, and that with full and true witness any one might buy out of port.

“Eleventh.

“That Æthelstan commands his bishops and his ‘ealdormen’ and all his reeves over all my realm, that ye so hold the ‘frith’ as I and my ‘witan’ have ordained; and if any of you neglect it, and will not obey me, and will not take the ‘wed’ of his ‘hiremen,’ and he allow of secret compositions, and will not attend to these regulations as I have commanded, and it stands in our writs; then be the reeve without his ‘folgoth’, and without my friendship, 527and pay me cxx shilling; and each of my thanes who has land, and will not keep the regulations as I have commanded, [let him pay] half that.

“Twelfth.

“1. That the king now again has ordained to his ‘witan’ at Witlanburh, and has commanded it to be made known to the archbishop by bishop Theodred, that it seemed to him too cruel that so young a man should be killed, and besides for so little, as he has learned has somewhere been done. He then said, that it seemed to him, and to those who counselled with him, that no younger person should be slain than xv years, except he should make resistance or flee, and would not surrender himself; that then he should be slain, as well for more as for less, whichever it might be. But if he be willing to surrender himself, let him be put into prison, as it was ordained at Greatanlea, and by the same let him be redeemed.

“2. Or if he come not into prison, and they have none, that they take him in ‘borh’ by his full ‘wer,’ that he will evermore desist from every kind of evil. If the kindred will not take him out, nor enter into ‘borh’ for him, then let him swear as the bishop may instruct him, that he will desist from every kind of evil, and stand in servitude by his ‘wer.’ But if he after that again steal, let him be slain or hanged, as was before done to the elder ones.

“3. And the king has also ordained, that no one should be slain for less property than xii pence worth, unless he will flee or defend himself; and that then no one should hesitate, though it were for less. If we it thus hold, then trust I in God that our ‘frith’ will be better than it has before been.”

The following Flemish Charters of Liberties seemed to me fitting to be recorded here. They are taken from the ‘Piéces justificatives’ of Warnkönig’s History of Flanders, vol. ii.

528I. Première Charte ou Keure de la ville de St. Omer, accordée par Guillaume de Normandie, comte de Flandre, et confirmée par Louis-le-Gros, roi de France. 14 Avril 1127.

“Ego Guillelmus Dei gratia Flandrensium Comes petitioni Burgensium Sancti Audomari contraïre nolens, pro eo maxime quia meam de Consulatu Flandriæ petitionem libenti animo receperunt, et quia honestius et fidelius cæteris Flandrensibus erga me semper se habuerunt, lagas seu consuetudines subscriptas perpetuo eis iuro concedo, et ratas manere præcipio.

“§ 1. Primo quidem ut erga unumquemque hominem, pacem eis faciam et eos sicut homines meos sine malo ingenio manuteneam et defendam; rectumque iudicium scabinorum erga unumquemque hominem, et erga me ipsum eis fieri concedam; ipsisque scabinis libertatem, qualem melius habent scabini terræ meæ constituam.

Ҥ 2. Si quis Burgensium Sancti Audomari alicui pecuniam suam crediderit, et ille cui credita est, coram legitimis hominibus et in villa sua hereditariis sponte concesserit, quod si die constituta pecuniam non persolverit, ipse vel bona eius, donec omnia reddat, retineantur: si persolvere noluerit, aut si negaverit hanc conventionem, et testimonio duorum Scabinorum, vel duorum iuratorum inde convictus fuerit, donec debitum solvat, retineatur.

“§ 3. Si quis de iure christianitatis ab aliquo interpellatus fuerit, de villa Sancti Audomari alias pro iustitia exequenda, non exeat: sed in eadem villa coram episcopo vel eius Archidiacono, vel suo presbytero, quod iustum est clericorum, scabinorumque iudicio exequatur: nec respondeat alicui, nisi tribus de causis; videlicet de infractura ecclesiæ, vel atrii, de lesione clerici, de oppressione et violatione feminæ: quod si de aliis causis querimonia facta fuerit coram iudicibus et præposito meo hoc finiatur. Sic enim coram K. Comite et episcopo Johanne statutum fuit.

“§ 4. Libertatem vero, quam antecessorum meorum temporibus habuerunt eis concedo. Scilicet quod nunquam de terra sua in expeditionem proficiscentur, excepto si hostilis exercitus terram Flandriæ invaserit; tunc me et terram meam defendere debebunt.

“§ 5. Omnes qui Gildam eorum habent, et ad illam pertinent, 529et infra cingulam villæ suæ manent, liberos omnes a teloneo facio, ad portum Dichesmudæ et Graveningis; et per totam terram Flandriæ, eos liberos a Sewerp facio. Apud Batpalmas teloneum, quale donant Atrebatenses, eis constituo.

Ҥ 6. Quisquis eorum ad terram imperatoris pro negotiatione sua perexerit, a nemine meorum hansam persolvere cogatur.

“§ 7. Si contigerit mihi aliquo tempore præter terram Flandriæ aliam conquirere, aut si concordia pacis inter me et avunculum meum H. regem Angliæ facta fuerit, in conquisita terra illa aut in toto regno Anglorum eos liberos ab omni teloneo et ab omni consuetudine in concordia illa recipi faciam.

“§ 8. In omni mercato Flandriæ si quis clamorem adversus eos suscitaverit iudicium scabinorum de omni clamore sine duello subeant; ab duello vero ulterius liberi sint.

Ҥ 9. Omnes qui infra murum sancti Audomari habitant et deinceps sunt habitaturi, liberos a Cavagio hoc est a capitali censu, et de advocationibus constituo.

“§ 10. Pecuniam eorum quæ post mortem Comitis K. eis ablata est, et quæ propter fidelitatem quam erga me habent adhuc eis detinetur, aut infra annum reddi faciam, aut iudicio scabinorum institiam eis fieri concedam.

“§ 11. Præterea rogaverunt regem Franciæ et Raulphum de Parona, ut ubicumque in terram illorum venerint, liberi sint ab omni teloneo, et traverso et passagio; quod et concedi volo.

“§ 12. Communionem autem suam sicut eam iuraverunt permanere præcipio, et a nemine dissolvi permitto, et omne rectum rectamque iustitiam sicut melius stat in terra mea, scilicet in Flandria, eis concedo.

“§ 13. Et sicut meliores et liberiores Burgenses Flandriæ ab omni consuetudine liberos deinceps esse volo; nullum scoth, nullam taliam, nullam pecuniæ suæ petitionem ab eis requiro.

“§ 14. Monetam meam in Sancto Audomaro unde per annum XXX libras habebam et quidquid in ea habere debeo, ad restaurationem damnorum suorum et gildæ suæ sustentamentum constituo. Ipsi vero Burgenses monetam per totam vitam meam stabilem et bonam, unde villa sua melioretur, stabiliant.

530“§ 15. Custodes qui singulis noctibus per annum vigilantes castellum Sancti Audomari custodiunt, et qui præter feodum suum et præbendam sibi antiquitus constitutam in avena et caseis et in pellibus arietum, iniuste et violenter ab unaquaque domo in eadem villa, scilicet ad Sanctum Audomarum sanctumque Bertinum in natali domini panem unum et denarium unum aut duos denarios exigere solent, aut pro hiis pauperum vadimonia tollebant, nihil omnino deinceps præter feodum suum et præbendam suam exigere audeant.

Ҥ 16. Quisquis ad Niuverledam venerit, undecumque venerit, licentiam habeat veniendi ad Sanctum Audomarum cum rebus suis in quacunque navi voluerit.

Ҥ 17. Si cum Boloniensium comite S. concordiam habuero, in illa reconciliatione eos a Teloneo et Seuwerp apud Witsant et per totam terram eius liberos esse faciam.

“§ 18. Pasturam adiacentem villæ Sancti Audomari in nemori, quod dicitur Lo, et in paludibus et in pratis et in bruera et in Hongrecoltra, usibus eorum, exceptâ terrâ Lazarorum, concedo, sicut fuit tempore Roberti Comitis Barbati.

“§ 19. Mansiones quoque, quæ sunt in ministerio Advocati Sancti Bertini, illas videlicet quæ inhabitantur, ab omni consuetudine liberas esse volo: dabuntque singulæ denarios XII in festo Sancti Michælis, et de brotban denarios XII et de byrban denarios XII. Vacuæ autem nihil dabunt.

“§ 20. Si quis extraneus aliquem Burgensium Sancti Audomari agressus fuerit, et ei contumeliam vel iniuriam irrogaverit vel violenter ei sua abstulerit, et cum hac iniuria manus eius evaserit, postmodum vocatus a castellano vel uxore eius seu ab eius dapifero, infra triduum ad satisfactionem venire contempserit aut neglexerit; ipsi communiter iniuriam fratris sui in eo vindicabunt, in qua vindicta si domus diruta vel combusta fuerit, aut si quispiam vulneratus vel occisus fuerit, nullum corporis aut rerum suarum periculum, qui vindictam perpetravit, incurrat, nec offensam meam super hoc sentiat vel pertimescat; si vero, qui iniuriam intulit presentialiter tentus fuerit, secundum leges et consuetudines villæ presentialiter iudicabitur et secundum quantitatem 531facti punietur; scilicet oculum pro oculo, dentem pro dente, caput pro capite reddet.

Ҥ 21. De morte Eustachii de Stenford quicunque aliquem Burgensium Sancti Audomari perturbaverit et molestaverit, reus proditionis et mortis K. Comitis habeatur; quoniam pro fidelitate mea factum est, quidquid de eo factum est; et sicut iuravi et fidem dedi, sic eos erga parentes eius reconciliare et pacificare volo.

“§ 25. Hanc igitur Communionem tenendam, has supradictas consuetudines et conventiones esse observandas fide promiserunt et sacramento confirmaverunt: Ludovicus rex Francorum, Guillelmus comes Flandriæ, Raulphus de Parona, Hugo Candavena, Hosto Castellanus, et Guillelmus frater eius, Robertus de Bethuna, et Guillelmus filius eius, Anselmus de Hesdinio, Stephanus Comes Boloniensis, Manasses Comes Gisnensis, Galterus de Lillers, Balduinus Gandavensis, Hiuvannus frater eius, Rogerus Castellanus Insulensis, et Robertus filius eius, Razo de Gavera, Daniel de Tenremot, Helias de Sensen, Henricus de Brocborc, Eustachius advocatus, et Arnulphus filius eius, Castellanus Gandavensis, Gervasius Petrus dapifer, Stephanus de Seningaham. Confirmatum est hoc privilegium et a Comite Guillelmo et prædictis Baronibus istis fide et sacramento sancitum, et collaudatum anno dominicæ Incarnationis MCXXVII, XVIII Kl. Maii, feria V^a die festo Sancti Tiburtii et Valeriani.”

II. Additions et changemens faits à la Keure précédente par le Comte Thierri d’Alsace. 22 Août 1128.

Ҥ 1. Monetam quam Burgenses Sancti Audomari habuerant, Comiti liberam reddiderunt eo quod eos benignius tractaret, et lagas suas eis libentius ratas teneret: et insuper ut ceteri Flandrenses eidem sua incrementa celerius redderent.

Ҥ 2. Teloneum vero suum ab eodem in perpetuo censu receperunt, quotannis C solidos dando.

“§ 3. Si quis etiam eorum mortuo aliquo consanguineo suo, portionem aliquam possessionis illius sibi obvenire credens et in comitatu Flandriæ manens, cum eo, qui possessionem illam tenebit, vel partiri infra annum neglexerit, vel eum super hoc per iudices et 532scabinos minime convenerit; qui per annum integrum sine legitima calumnia tenuerit, quiete deinceps teneat, et nulli super hoc respondeat. Si autem heres in comitatu Flandriæ non fuerit, infra annum, quo redierit, cum possessore agat supradicto modo: alioquin qui tenebit sine ulla inquietatione teneat. Si autem herede aliquandiu peregre commorante, et cum redierit portionem suam requirente, possidens se cum eo partitum esse dixerit, si ille per quinque Scabinos probare falsum esse poterit, hereditas quæ eum attingit ei reddetur: alioquin possidens per quatuor legitimos viros se ei portionem suam dedisse probabit; et ita quietus erit. Quod si heres infra annos discretionis fuerit, pater vel mater, si supervixerint, vel qui eum manutenebit, portionem quæ illum attinget scabinis et aliis legitimis viris infra annum obitus illius ostendat, et si eis visum fuerit quod ille fideliter servare debeat, ei comittatur. Sin autem iudicio et providentia illorum ita disponatur, ne heres damnum alioquod patiatur; et cum ad annos discretionis venerit, et opportunum fuerit, hereditate sua integre et sine aliqua diminutione investiatur.

“§ 4. Item si quis alicui filium suum, vel filiam in matrimonio coniunxerit, et filius ille, vel filia sine prole obierint, ad patrem et matrem eorum si supervixerint, si autem mortui fuerint ad alios filios eorum, vel filios filiorum redeat hereditas quæ pertinebat ad filium vel filiam, quos aliis matrimonio copulaverant; et viventibus patre vel matre eorum hereditas illa cum supradictis personis tantum dividatur: mortuis autem illis propinquiores consanguinei illam, prout iustum est, sortiantur.

“Hanc igitur communionem tenendam, et supradictas institutiones et conventiones esse observandas fide promiserunt et sacramento confirmaverunt Theodoricus, Comes Flandriæ, Willelmus Castellanus Sancti Audomari, Willelmus de Lo, Iwannus de Gandavo, Danihel de Tenramunda, Raso de Gavera, Gislebertus de Bergis, Henricus de Broburc, Castellanus de Gandavo, Gervasius de Brugis.—Præfati Barones insuper iuraverunt, quod si Comes Burgenses Sancti Audomari extra consuetudines suas eiicere et sine iudicio Scabinorum tractare vellet, se a comite discessuros et cum eis remansuros, donec comes eis suas consuetudines integre 533restitueret et iudicium Scabinorum eos subire permitteret. Actum anno dominicæ Incarnationis MCXXVIII in octavis assumptionis Beatæ Mariæ.”

III. Charte de donation du fonds de la Gild-halle de St. Omer aux Bourgeois de cette ville. 1151.

“Ego Theodoricus Dei patientia Flandrensium Comes, consensu uxoris meæ Sibillæ, concedente ita quoque Philippo filio meo, terram in qua Ghildhalla apud sanctum Audomarum in foro sita est, cum scopis et adpenditiis suis tam ligneis quam lapideis, burgensibus eiusdem villæ hereditario iure possidendam, et ad omnem mercaturam tam in appenditiis, quam in Ghildhalla exercendam tradidi: hanc quoque libertatem eis concessi, ut si quis in eam venerit, undecunque reus fuerit, in ipsa domo iudici in eum manum non mittere licebit; ille autem sub cuius custodia Ghildhalla tenetur, admonitus a iudice reum extra limen Ghildhallæ conducens nisi fideiussione se defenderit, in præsentia duorum scabinorum vel plurium eum iudici tradet: iudex vero eum in potestate sua habens secundum quantitatem facti cum eo aget. Illud quoque addidimus, quod alienus negotiator nusquam, nisi in prædicta domo aut in appendiciis eius, vel in pleno foro merces suas vendendas exponat aut vendat. Solis autem burgensibus in foro, in Ghildhalla, seu magis velint, is propria domo sua, vendere liceat.

“Quoniam autem humana omnia ex rerum et temporum varietate senescunt, sigilli mei auctoritate et subscriptorum testimonio hoc corroboravi. Walterus Castellanus sancti Audomari, Arnoldus Comes de Gisnes, Gerardus Præpositus, Arnulphus de Arde, Henricus Castellanus de Brübborg, Elenardus de Sinningehem, Hugo de Ravensberghe, Baldevinus de Bailgul, Michael Iunior, Christianus de Aria, Guido Castellanus de Bergis, Rogerus de Wavrin, Helinus filius eius.”

IV. Keure de Bruges. Vers 1190.

“Hæc est lex et consuetudo quam Brugenses tenere debent a comite Philippo instituta. Si quis alicui vulnus fecerit infra pontem sanctæ Mariæ, infra Botrebeika, infra usque ad domum Galteri 534Calvi, infra usque ad domum Lanikini carpentarii, supra terram Balduini de Prat, infra fossatum veteris molendini, et illud veritate scabinorum cognoscatur de quacunque re factum sit, ad domum in qua ille manet, qui vulnus imposuit, per scabinos et per iustitiam comitis submoncatur. Qui submonitus, si scabinis se præsentet, veritate inquisita de illo qui vulnus fecerit per sexaginta libras forefactum emendet, et si scabini sciunt quod vulnus non fecerit, liber et in pace remanebit. Si die quâ submonebitur se non præsentaverit, remanebat in forefacto sexaginta librarum, et si scabini voluerint domum eius prosternere, poterunt et in respectum ponere, sed ex toto condonare non possunt nisi voluntate Comitis.

“2. Si verò quis aliquem in domo suâ assiluerit, unde clamor factus sit, scabini et iustitia domum ibunt inspicere: et si scabini poterunt videre, assultum esse apparentem, ille de quo clamor factus est submoneri debet; qui si scabinis se præsentaverit et illum intellexerint assultum fecisse, LX libras amittet. Si vero cognoverint illum assultum non fecisse, liber et in pace recedat. Si autem ad diem submonitionis venire noluerit, domo ejus prostrata LX librarum reus erit. Quod si alii assultui interfuerint, de quibus clamor factus non sit, si comes super hoc veritatem scabinorum requisierit, scabini veritatem inquirere debent, et quotquot veritate scabinorum de assultu tenebuntur, unusquisque eorum LX librarum reus erit, ac si de eo clamor factus sit. Si vero scabini nullum assultum agnoscere potuerunt ab ipsis super hoc veritas est inquirenda.

“3. Qui cum armis molutis infra præfinitos terminos aliquem fugaverit, si veritate scabinorum convincatur forisfacto librarum LX tenebitur: si aliquis assiliatur, quidquid ipse faciat in defendendo corpus suum nullo tenebitur forisfacto.

“4. Qui aliquem bannitum occiderit in hoc nullum facit forisfactum.

“5. Quicumque testimonio scabinorum convictus fuerit de rapina, LX lib. de forisfacto dabit et dampnum rapinæ restituet.

“6. Qualemcunque concordiam bannitus faciat comiti, remanebit tamen bannitus, donec viris Brugensibus ad opus castri LX solidos dederit.

535“7. Qui bannitum de forefacto LX libr. hospitio susceperit, veritate scabinorum convictus LX libras amittet.

“8. Qui aliquem fuste vel baculo percusserit, convictus a scabinis in forisfacto X lib. incidit de quibus comes habebit V lib. Castellanus XX sol. ille qui percussus est LX sol. et ad opus castri XX sol.

“9. Qui pugno vel palma aliquem percusserit seu per capillos acceperit inde per scabinos convictus LX sol. dabit unde XXX solidi comitis erunt, percussi XV sol. castallani X sol. ad opus castri V sol. Qui aliquem per capillos ad terram traxerit sive per lutum trahendo pedibus conculcaverit, X lib. comiti dabit, maletractato XV solidos, Castellano X sol. et ad castrum V solidos.

“10. Qui vero alicui convitia dixerit, si testimonio duorum scabinorum convincatur, illi cui convicia dixerit V solidos dabit, Iusticiæ XII denarios.

“11. Qui duobus scabinis aut pluribus inducias pacis, quæ treuiæ dicuntur, de quâlibet discordiâ dare noluerit, illud emendabit per LX lib.

“12. Si dissensiones aut discordiæ aut guerræ aut aliquod aliud malum inter probos viros oppidi exoriatur, unde ad aures scabinorum clamor perveniat, salvo iure comitis, scabini illud componere et pacificare poterunt. Qui verò compositionem vel pacem quam super hoc scabini consolidaverint, sequi noluerit, forisfactum LX lib. incurret.

“13. Qui ea dedixerit quæ scabini in iudicio vel testimonio affirmaverint, LX lib. amittet, et unicuique scabinorum qui ab co dedictus erit X libras dabit.

“14. Quicumque per vim fœminam violaverit, si de eo veritate scabinorum convincatur, eâdem pœnâ dampnabitur, quantâ a prædecessoribus comitibus, tales malefactores dampnari solent in Flandriâ.

“15. Quicumque per malum in scabinos manum suam immiserit, si scabini illud testificentur, LX libras dabit.

“16. Præterea sciant omnes, quod vir de oppido Brugensi, cuiuscumque forisfacti se reum fecerit, non amplius quam LX libr. amittere poterit, nisi legitime per scabinos convictus fuerit de raptu, 536ut dictum est, vel de latrocinio, vel de falsitate, vel nisi hominem occiderit. Qui verò occiderit hominem, caput pro capite dabit, et omnia sua in potestate comitis erunt absque omni contradictione, si de homicidio veritate scabinorum teneatur.

“17. Nemo infra præfinitos terminos manens infra muros castri gladium ferat, nisi sit mercator vel alius qui gratiâ negocii sui per castrum transeat. Si verò castrum intraverit causâ inibi morandi, gladium extra in suburbio dimittat. Quod si non fecerit, LX solidos et gladium amittet. Iusticiis vero comitis et ministris earum, quia pacem castri observare debent, nocte et die infra castrum arma ferre licebit. Viris etiam Brugensibus gladium portare et reportare licebit, dummodo castro exeant festinanter. Si quis autem eorum moras faciendo, vel per castrum vagando, gladium portaverit, LX solid. et gladium amittet.

“18. Si scabini gratiâ emendationis villæ assensu iustitiæ comitis bannum in pane et vino et cæteris mercibus constituerint, medietas eorum quæ ex banno provenient, comitis erit, et altera medietas castellani et oppidi.

“19. Si mercator sive alius homo extraneus ante scabinos iustitiæ causâ venerit, si illi, de quibus conqueritur presentes sint vel inveniri possint infra tertium diem vel saltem infra octavum, plenariam ei scabini iustitiam faciant iuxta legem castri.

“20. Nemini in foro comitis stallos locare licebit, quod si locaverit et veritate scabinorum super hoc convictus fuerit, LX solidos comiti dabit.

“21. Si aliquis de infracturis castri coram scabinis falsum testimonium portaverit si scabini illud cognoverint LX libras amittet.

“22. Quando aliquis scabinus decedet, alius ei substituetur electione Comitis non aliter.

“23. Si scabinus testimonio scabinorum parium suorum de falsitate convictus fuerit, ipse et omnia sua in potestate Comitis erunt.

“24. Si Scabini a Comite vel a ministro Comitis submoniti, falsum super aliqua re iudicium fecerint, veritate scabinorum Atrebatensium, sive aliorum qui eandem legem tenent, comes eos convincere poterit; et si convicti fuerint, ipsi et omnia sua in potestate 537comitis erunt. Quoties verò super huiusmodi falsitate submoniti fuerint, nullatenus contradicere poterunt, quin diem sibi a Comite praefixum teneant, ubicumque Comes voluerit in Flandriâ.

“25. De omnibus verò aliis causis ad Comitem pertinentibus, Brugis in castello vel ante castellum placita tenebunt in praesentia Comitis vel illius quem loco suo ad iustitiam tenendam instituerit. Instituto autem ad eius submonitionem de omnibus tanquam Comiti respondebunt, quamdiù in hoc servitio comitis erit.

“Ad hoc nec scabini nec Brugenses aliquid addere, mutare, vel corrigere poterunt, nisi per consilium Comitis vel illius quem loco suo ad iustitiam tenendam instituerit.

V. Ordonnance du comte Philippe d’Alsace, sur les attributs des Baillis en Flandre. Vers 1178.

“Hæc sunt puncta, quæ per universam terram suam Comes observari præcepit.

Ҥ 1. Primo qui hominem occiderit, caput pro capite dabit.

Ҥ 2. Item baillivus Comitis poterit arrestare hominem qui forefecit sine Scabinis donec ante Scabinos veniat, et per consilium eorum plegium accipiat de forisfacto.

“§ 3. Item si baillivus volens hominem arrestare, non potuerit et auxilium vocaverit, qui primus fuerit, et baillivum non adiuverit in forisfacto erit, sicut Scabini considerabunt; nisi forte ostendere quis potuerit per Scabinos quod ille qui arrestandus erat, inimicus eius sit de mortali faidâ; et tunc sine forisfacto erit licet baillivum non adiuverit ad capiendum suum inimicum.

“§ 4. Item baillivus Comitis erit cum Scabinis, qui eligent probos viros villæ ad faciendas tallias et Assisas, sed cum talliabunt Scabini vel Iudicia facient, vel inquisitiones veritatis, vel protractiones, non intererit baillivus: aliis autem consiliis quæ ad utilitatem villæ pertinebunt, baillivus intererit cum Scabinis, scriptum autem talliæ et assisæ reddent Scabini baillivo, si postulaverit.

Ҥ 5. Item baillivus accipiet forisfactum adiudicatum Comiti per Scabinos, ubicumque illud invenerit extra ecclesiam et ubicumque accipi debet per Scabinos.

538“§ 6. Item qui bannitum de pecuniâ receptaverit eâdem lege de pecuniâ tenebitur quâ bannitus; et si fuerit capite bannitus qui receptatus est, tunc receptans tenebitur de forisfacto LX lib. Quod si vir domi non fuerit, et ejus uxor bannitum receptaverit, rediensque vir, tertiâ manu proborum virorum iurare potuerit: quod bannitum in domam suam receptum esse nescierit; sine forisfacto remanebit: si autem absentiâ mariti, uxori prohibitum fuerit per Scabinos, ne bannitum receptet, de cætero non poterit eum sine forisfacto receptare.

“§ 7. Item de quindenâ in quindenam, habet comes, vel baillivus ex eius parte, veritatem si voluerit.

“§ 8. Item domus diruenda Judicio Scabinorum, post quindenam a scabinis indultam, quandocunque Comes præceperit, aut baillivus eius, diruetur a Communia villæ, campana pulsata per Scabinos: et qui ad diruendam domum illam non venerit, in forisfacto erit, sicut Scabini considerabunt, nisi talem excusationem habuerit, quæ Scabinis sufficiens videatur.

“§ 9. Item pater non poterit forisfacere domum vel rem filiorum, quæ eis ex parte matris contingit; nec filii poterunt forisfacere rem vel domum patris, quæ ex parte patris venit.

Ҥ 10. Item si homo per Scabinos domum suam sine scampo invadiaverit, eam forisfacere non poterit, nisi salvo catallo eius, qui domum illam vadet in vadio.

“§ 11. Item fugitivus de aliquâ villâ pro debito, si in aliâ villâ inventus fuerit, arrestabitur, et ad villam, de quâ fugerat, reducetur, et iudicium Scabinorum illius villæ subire cogetur.

“§ 12. Item si quis vulneratus fuerit, et videatur Scabinis’ quod non sit vulneratus ad mortem, et postea de illo vulnere mortuus fuerit, Scabini non erunt in forisfacto contra Comitem, qui minorem plegiaturam acceperunt de eo qui cum vulneravit, quam si mortaliter fuisset vulneratus.”

The following charters of the French communes are taken from M. Thierry’s Lettres sur l’Histoire de France.

I. Charte de Beauvais.—“Tous les hommes domiciliés dans l’enceinte du mur de ville et dans les faubourgs, de quelque seigneur que relève le terrain où ils habitent, prêteront serment à la commune. 539Dans toute l’étendue de la ville, chacun prêtera secours aux autres, loyalement et selon son pouvoir.

“Treize pairs seront élus par la commune, entre lesquels, d’après le vote des autres pairs et de tous ceux qui auront juré la commune, un ou deux seront créés majeurs.

“Le majeur et les pairs jureront de ne favoriser personne de la commune pour cause d’amitié, de ne léser personne pour cause d’inimitié, et de donner en toute chose, selon leur pouvoir, une décision équitable. Tous les autres jureront d’obéir et de prêter main forte aux décisions du majeur et des pairs^[1036].

“Quiconque aura forfait envers un homme qui aura juré cette commune, le majeur et les pairs, si plainte leur en est faite, feront justice du corps et des biens du coupable.

“Si le coupable se réfugie dans quelque château fort, le majeur et les pairs de la commune parleront sur cela au seigneur du château ou à celui qui sera en son lieu; et si, à leur avis, satisfaction leur est faite de l’ennemi de la commune, ce sera assez; mais si le seigneur refuse satisfaction, ils se feront justice à eux-mêmes sur ses hommes.

“Si quelque marchand étranger vient à Beauvais pour le marché, et que quelqu’un lui fasse tort ou injure dans les limites de la banlieue; si plainte en est faite au majeur et aux pairs, et que le marchand puisse trouver son malfaiteur dans la ville, la majeur et les pairs en feront justice, à moins que le marchand ne soit un des ennemis de la commune.

“Nul homme de la commune ne devra prêter ni créancer son argent aux ennemis de la commune tant qu’il y aura guerre avec eux, car s’il le fait il sera parjure; et si quelqu’un est convaincu de leur avoir prêté ou créance quoique ce soit, justice sera faite de lui, selon que le majeur et les pairs en décideront.

540“S’il arrive que le corps des bourgeois marche hors de la ville contre ses ennemis, nul le parlamentera avec eux si ce n’est avec licence du majeur et des pairs.

“Si quelqu’un de la commune a confié son argent à quelqu’un de la ville, et que celui auquel l’argent aura été confié se réfugie dans quelque château fort, le seigneur du château, en ayant reçu plainte, ou rendra l’argent ou chassera le débiteur de son château; et s’il ne fait ni l’une ni l’autre de ces choses, justice sera faite sur les hommes de ce château.

“Si quelqu’un enlève de l’argent à un homme de la commune et se réfugie dans quelque château fort, justice sera faite sur lui si on peut le recontrer, ou sur les hommes et les biens du seigneur du château, à moins que l’argent ne soit rendu.

“S’il arrive que quelqu’un de la commune ait acheté quelque héritage et l’ait tenu pendant l’an et jour, et si quelqu’un vient ensuite réclamer et demander le rachat, il ne lui sera point fait de réponse, mais l’acheteur demeurera en paix.

“Pour aucune cause la présente charte ne sera portée hors de la ville.”

II. Charter of the Commune of Laon.—“Nul ne pourra se saisir d’aucun homme, soit libre, soit serf, sans le ministère de la justice.

“Si quelqu’un a, de quelque manière que ce soit, fait tort à un autre, soit clerc, soit chevalier, soit marchand indigène ou étranger, et que celui qui a fait le tort soit de la ville, il sera sommé de se présenter en justice par-devant le majeur et les jurés, pour se justifier ou faire amende; mais s’il se refuse à faire réparation, il sera exclu de la ville avec tous ceux de sa famille. Si les propriétés du délinquant en terres ou en vignes sont situées hors du territoire de la ville, le majeur et les jurés réclameront justice contre lui, de la part du seigneur dans le ressort duquel ses biens seront situés; mais si l’on n’obtient pas justice de ce seigneur, les jurés pourront faire dévaster les propriétés du coupable. Si le coupable n’est pas de la ville, l’affaire sera portée devant la cour del’évêque, et si, dans le délai do cinq jours, la forfaiture n’est pas reparée, le majeur et les jurés en tireront selon leur pouvoir.

541“En matière capitale, la plainte doit d’abord être portée devant le seigneur justicier dans le ressort duquel aura été pris le coupable, ou devant son bailli s’il est absent; et si le plaignant ne peut obtenir justice ni de l’un ni de l’autre, il s’adressera aux jurés.

“Les censitaires ne paieront à leur seigneur d’autre cens que celui qu’ils le doivent par tête. S’ils ne le paient pas au temps marqué, ils seront punis selon la loi qui les régit, mais n’accorderont rien en sus à leur seigneur que de leur propre volonté.

“Les hommes de la commune pourront prendre pour femmes les filles des vassaux ou des serfs de quelque seigneur que ce soit, à l’exception des seigneuries et des églises qui font partie de cet commune. Dans les familles de ces dernières ils ne pourront prendre des épouses sans le consentement du seigneur.

“Aucun étranger censitaire des églises ou des chevaliers de la ville ne sera compris dans la commune que du consentement de son seigneur.

“Quiconque sera reçu dans cet commune, bâtira une maison dans le délai d’un an, ou achetera des vignes, ou apportera dans la ville assez d’effets mobiliers pour que justice puisse être faite, s’il y a quelque plainte contre lui. Les main-mortes sont entièrement abolies. Les tailles seront réparties de manière que tout homme devant taille paie seulement quatre deniers à chaque terme et rien de plus, à moins qu’il n’ait une terre devant taille, à laquelle il tienne assez pour consentir à payer la taille.”

III. Charter of the Commune of Amiens.—“Chacun gardera fidélité à son juré et lui prêtera secours et conseil en tout ce qui est juste.

“Si quelqu’un viole sciemment les constitutions de la commune et qu’il en soit convaincu, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison et ne lui permettra point d’habiter dans ses limites jusqu’à ce qu’il ait donné satisfaction.

“Quiconque aura sciemment reçu dans sa maison un ennemi de la commune et aura communiqué avec lui, soit en vendant et achetant, soit en buvant et mangeant, soit en lui prêtant un secours quelconque, ou lui aura donné aide et conseil contre le commune, sera coupable de lèse-commune, et, à moins qu’il ne donne promptement 542satisfaction en justice, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison.

“Quiconque aura tenu devant témoin des propos injurieux pour la commune, si la commune en est informée, et que l’inculpé refuse de répondre en justice, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison et ne lui permettra pas d’habiter dans ses limites jusqu’à ce qu’il ait donné satisfaction.

“Si quelqu’un attaque de paroles injurieuses le majeur dans l’exercice de sa juridiction, sa maison sera démolie, ou il paiera rançon pour sa maison en la miséricorde des juges.

“Que nul n’ait la hardiesse de vexer au passage, dans la banlieue de la cité, les personnes domiciliées dans la commune, ou les marchands qui viennent à la ville pour y vendre leurs denrées. Si quelqu’un ose le faire, il sera réputé violateur de la commune et justice sera faite sur sa personne ou sur ses biens.

“Si un membre de la commune enlève quelque chose à l’un de ses jurés, il sera sommé par le maire et les échevins de comparaître en présence de la commune, et fera réparation suivant l’arrêt des échevins.

“Si le vol a été commis par quelqu’un qui ne soit pas de la commune, et que cet homme ait refusé de comparaître en justice dans les limites de la banlieue, la commune, après l’avoir notifié aux gens du château où le coupable a son domicile, le saisira, si elle le peut, lui ou quelque chose qui lui appartienne, et le retiendra jusqu’à ce qu’il ait fait réparation.

“Quiconque aura blessé avec armes un de ses jurés, à moins qu’il ne se justifie par témoins et par le serment, perdra le poing ou paiera neuf livres, six pour les fortifications de la ville et de la commune, et trois pour la rançon de son poing; mais s’il est incapable de payer, il abandonnera son poing à la miséricorde de la commune.

“Si un homme, qui n’est pas de la commune, frappe ou blesse quelqu’un de la commune, et refuse de comparaître en jugement, la commune, si elle le peut, démolira sa maison; et si elle parvient à le saisir, justice sera faite de lui par-devant le majeur et les échevins.

543“Quiconque aura donné à l’un de ses jurés les noms de serf, récréant, traître ou fripon, paiera vingt sous d’amende.

“Si quelque membre de la commune a sciemment acheté ou vendu quelque article provenant de pillage, il le perdra et sera tenu de le restituer aux dépouillés, à moins qu’eux-mêmes ou leurs seigneurs n’aient forfait en quelque chose contre la commune.

“Dans les limites de la commune, on n’admettra aucun champion gagé au combat contre l’un de ses membres.

“En toute espèce de cause, l’accusateur, l’accusé et les témoins s’expliqueront, s’ils le veulent, par avocat.

“Tous ces articles, ainsi que les ordonnances du majeur et de la commune, n’ont force de loi que de juré à juré: il n’y a pas égalité en justice entre le juré et le non-juré.”

IV. Charter of the Commune of Soissons.—“Tous les hommes habitant dans l’enceintel’enceinte des murs de la ville de Soissons et en dehors dans le faubourg, sur quelque seigneurie qu’ils demeurent, jureront la commune: si quelqu’un s’y refuse, ceux qui l’auront jurée feront justice de sa maison et de son argent.

“Dans les limites de la commune, tous les hommes s’aideront mutuellement, selon leur pouvoir, et ne souffriront en nulle manière que qui que ce soit enlève quelque chose ou fasse payer des tailles à l’un d’entre eux.

“Quand la cloche sonnera pour assembler la commune, si quelqu’un ne se rend pas à l’assemblée, il payera douze deniers d’amende.

“Si quelqu’un de la commune a forfait en quelque chose, et refuse de donner satisfaction devant les jurés, les hommes de la commune en feront justice.

“Les membres de cette commune prendront pour épouses les femmes qu’ils voudront, après en avoir demandé la permission aux seigneurs dont ils relèvent; mais, si les seigneurs s’y refusaient, et que, sans l’aveu du sien, quelqu’un prît uneune femme relevant d’une autre seigneurie, l’amende qu’il paierait dans ce cas, sur la plainte de son seigneur, serait de cinq sols seulement.

“Si un étranger apporte son pain ou son vin dans la ville pour 544les y mettre en sûreté, et qu’ensuite un différend survienne entre son seigneur et les hommes de cette commune, il aura quinze jours pour vendre son pain et son vin dans la ville et emporter l’argent, à moins qu’il n’ait forfait ou ne soit complice de quelque forfaiture.

“Si l’évêque de Soissons amène par mégarde dans la ville un homme qui ait forfait envers un membre de cette commune, après qu’on lui aura remontré que c’est l’un des ennemis de la commune, il pourra l’emmener cette fois; mais ne le ramènera en aucune manière, si ce n’est avec l’aveu de ceux qui ont charge de maintenir la commune.

“Toute forfaiture, hormis l’infraction de commune et la vieille haine, sera punie d’une amende de cinq sous.”

It would be easy to add other examples of these early covenants between the towns and their seigneurs: but enough seems to have been said, to illustrate the line of argument adopted in the text. There is no single point in all mediæval history of more importance than the manner in which the towns assumed their municipal form; and none in which the gradual progress of the popular liberties can be more securely traced. But all these compromises imply a long apprenticeship to freedom before the “master’s” dignity was attained: and great is the debt of gratitude we owe to those whose sufferings and labour have enabled us to understand and to record their struggles.

545

APPENDIX B. TITHE.

The importance of this subject requires a full statement of details: the following are all the passages in the Anglosaxon law which have reference to this impost.

“I Æðelstán the king, with the counsel of Wulfhelm, archbishop, and of my other bishops, make known to the reeves in each town, and beseech you, in God’s name, and by all his saints, and also by my friendship, that ye first of my own goods render the tithes both of live stock and of the year’s increase, even as they may most justly be either measured or counted or weighed out; and let the bishops then do the like from their own property, and my ealdormen and reeves the same. And I will, that the bishop and the reeves command it to all who are bound to obey them, so that it be done at the right term. Let us bear in mind how Jacob the Patriarch spoke: ‘Decimas et hostias pacificas offeram tibi;’ and how Moses spake in God’s law: ‘Decimas et primitias non tardabis offerre Domino.’ It is for us to reflect how awfully it is declared in the books: if we will not render the tithes to God, that he will take from us the nine parts when we least expect; and, moreover, we have the sin in addition thereto.” Æðelst. i. Thorpe, i. 195.

There is a varying copy of this circular, or whatever it is, coinciding as to the matter, but differing widely in the words. Thorpe, i. 195. The nature of the sanction is obvious: it is the old, unjustifiable application of the Jewish practice, which fraud or ignorance had made generally current in Europe. The tithe mentioned by Æðelstán is the prædial tithe, or that of increase of the fruits of the earth, and increase of the young of cattle.

546The next passage is in the law of Eádmund, about 940. He says: “Tithe we enjoin to every Christian man on his christendom, and church-shot, and Rome-fee and plough-alms. And if any one will not do it, be he excommunicate.” Thorpe, i. 244.

“Let every tithe be paid to the old minster to which the district belongs; and let it be so paid both from a thane’s inland and from geneátland, as the plough traverses it. But if there be any thane who on his bookland has a church, at which there is a burial-place, let him give the third part of his own tithe to his church. If any one have a church at which there is not a burial-place, then of the nine parts let him give his priest what he will.... And let tithe of every young be paid by Pentecost, and of the fruits of the earth by the equinox ... and if any one will not pay the tithe, as we have ordained, let the king’s reeve go thereto, and the bishop’s, and the mass-priest of the minster, and take by force a tenth part for the minster whereunto it is due; and let them assign to him the ninth part; and let the eight parts be divided into two, and let the landlord seize half, the bishop half, be it a king’s man or a thane’s.” Eádg. i. § 1, 2, 3. Thorpe, i. 262. Cnut, i. § 8. 11. Thorpe, i. 366.

“This writing manifests how Eádgár the king was deliberating what might be a remedy for the pestilence which greatly afflicted and decreased his people, far and wide throughout his realm. And first of all it seemed to him and his Witan that such a misfortune had been merited by sin, and by contempt of God’s commandments, and most of all by the diminution of that need-gafol (necessary tax or rent or recognitory service) which men ought to render to God in their tithes. He looked upon and considered the divine usage in the same light as the human. If a geneát neglect his lord’s gafol, and do not pay it at the appointed time, it may be expected, if the lord be merciful, that he will grant forgiveness of the neglect, and accept the gafol without inflicting a further penalty. But if the lord, by his messengers, frequently remind him of his gafol, and he be obdurate and devise to resist payment, it is to be expected that the lord’s anger will so greatly increase, that he will grant his debtor neither life nor goods. Thus 547is it to be expected that our Lord will do, through the audacity with which the people have resisted the frequent admonition of their teachers, respecting the need-gafol of our Lord, namely our tithes and church-shots. Now I and the archbishop command that ye anger not God, nor earn either sudden death in this world, nor a future and eternal death in hell, by any diminution of God’s rights; but that rich and poor alike, who have any tilth, joyfully and ungrudgingly yield his tithes to God, according to the ordinance of the witan at Andover, which they have now confirmed with their pledges at Wihtbordesstán. And I command my reeves, on pain of losing my friendship and all they own, to punish all that will not make this payment, or by any remissness break the pledge of my witan, as the aforesaid ordinance directs: and of such punishment let there be no remission, if he be so wretched as either to diminish what is God’s to his own soul’s perdition, or in the insolence of his mood to account them of less importance than what he reckoneth as his own: for that is much more his own which lasteth to all eternity, if he would do it without grudging and with perfect gladness. Now it is my will that these divine rights stand alike all over my realm, and that the servants of God who receive the moneys which we give to God, live a pure life: that so, through their purity, they may intercede for us with God; and that I and my thanes direct our priests to that which the shepherds of our soul’s teach us, that is, our bishops, whom we ought never to disobey in any of those things which they declare to us in God’s behalf; so that through the obedience with which we obey them for God’s sake, we may merit that eternal life for which they fit us by their doctrine and the example of their good works.” Eádgár, Suppl. Thorpe, i. 270 seq. Such are the views of Eádgár under the influence of Dúnstán, Æðelwold and Oswald.

“And let God’s dues be willingly paid every year; that is, plough-alms fifteen days after Easter, the tithe of young by Pentecost, and of the fruits of the earth by Allhallows’ Mass, and Rome-fee by St. Peter’s mass, and lightshot thrice a year.” Æðelr. v. § 11; vi. § 17; ix. § 9. Cnut, i. § 8.

“Et ut detur de omni caruca denarius vel denarium valens, et 548omnis qui familiam habet, efficiat ut omnis hirmannus suus det unum denarium; quod si non habeat, det dominus eius pro eo. Et omnino Thaynus decimet totum quicquid habet.” Æðelr. viii. § 1. Thorpe, i. 336.

“Et praecipimus, ut omnis homo, super dilectionem Dei et omnium sanctorum, det Cyricsceattum et rectam decimam suam, sicut in diebus antecessorum nostrorum stetit, quando melius stetit; hoc est, sicut aratrum peragrabit decimam aeram. Et omnis consuetudo reddatur super amicitiam Dei ad matrem nostram aecclesiam cui adiacet. Et nemo auferat Deo quod ad Deum pertinet, et praedecessores nostri concesserunt.” Æðelr. viii. § 4. Thorpe, i. 338.

“And with respect to tithe, the king and his witan have chosen and decreed, as right it is, that one third part of the tithe which belongs to the church, go to the reparation of the church, and a second part to God’s servants there; the third part to God’s poor and needy men in thraldom.” Æðelr. ix. § 6. Thorpe, i. 342.

“And be it known to every Christian man that he pay to the Lord his tithe justly, ever as the plough traverses the tenth field, on peril of God’s mercy, and of the full penalty, which king Eádgár decreed; that is; If any one will not justly pay the tithe, then let the king’s reeve go, and the mass-priest of the minster or the landlord, and the bishop’s reeve, and take by force the tenth part for the minster to which it is due, and assign to him the ninth part: and let the remaining eight parts be divided into two; and let the landlord seize half, and the bishop half, be it a king’s man or a thane’s.” Æðelr. ix. § 7, 8. Thorpe, i. 342. Cnut, i. § 8. Thorpe, i. 366. Leg. Hen. I. xi. § 2. Thorpe, i. 520.

“De omni annona decima garba sanctae aecclesiae reddenda est. Si quis gregem equarum habuerit, pullum decimum reddat; qui unam solam vel duas, de singulis pullis singulos denarios. Qui vaccas plures habuerit, vitulum decimum; qui unam vel duas, de singulis obolos singulos. Et si de eis caseum fecerit, caseum decimum, vel lac decima die. Agnum decimum, vellus decimum, caseum decimum, butirum decimum, porcellum decimum. De apibus, secundum quod sibi per annum inde profecerit. Quinetiam 549de boscis et pratis, aquis, molendinis, parcis, vivariis, piscariis, virgultis, ortis, negotiationibus, et de omnibus similiter rebus quas dederit Dominus, decima reddenda est; et qui eam detinuerit, per iusticiam sanctae aecclesiae et regis, si necesse fuerit, ad redditionem cogatur. Haec praedicavit sanctus Augustinus, et haec concessa sunt a rege, et confirmata a baronibus et populis: sed postea, instigante diabolo, ea plures detinuerunt, et sacerdotes qui divites erant non multum curiosi erant ad perquirendas eas, quia in multis locis sunt modo iiii vel iii aecclesiae, ubi tunc temporis non erat nisi una; et sic inceperunt minui.” Eádw. Conf. § vii. viii.

Such are all the passages in the Anglosaxon Laws, directing the levy and distribution of the tithe.

550

APPENDIX C. TOWNS.

The strict meaning of burh, appears to be fortified place or stronghold. It can therefore be applied to a single house or castle, as well as to a town. There is a softer form byrig, which in the sense of a town can hardly be distinguished from burh, but which, as far as I know, is never used to denote a single house or castle. Rome and Florence, and in general all large towns, are called Burh or Byrig. This is the widest term.

Port strictly means an enclosed place, for sale and purchase, a market: for “Portus est conclusus locus, quo importantur merces, et inde exportantur. Est et statio conclusa et munita.” (Thorpe, i. p. 158.)

Wíc is originally vicus, a vill or village. It is strictly used to denote the country-houses of communities, kings or bishops.

Ceaster seems universally derived from castrum, and denotes a place where there has been a Roman station. Now every one of these conditions may concur in one single place, and we accordingly find much looseness in the use of the terms: thus,

London is called Lundenwíc^[1037], Hhoðh. § 16. Chron. 604: but Lundenburh or Lundenbyrig, Chron. 457, 872, 886, 896, 910, 994, 1009, 1013, 1016, 1052. And it was also a port, for we find its geréfa, a port-geréfa. Again York, sometimes Eoferwíc, sometimes Eoferwíc-ceaster (Chron. 971) is also said to be a burh, Chron. 1066. Dovor is called a burh, Chron. 1048; but a port, Chron. 1052. So again Hereford, in Chron. 1055, 1056, is called a port, but in Chron. 1055 also a burh. Nor do the Latin chroniclers 551help us out of the difficulty; on the contrary, they continually use the words oppidum, civitas, urbs and even arx to denote the same place.

The Saxon Chronicle mentions the undernamed cities:—

Ægeles byrig, now Aylesbury in Bucks. Chron. Sax. 571, 921.

Acemannes ceaster or Baðan byrig, often called also Æt baðum or Æt hátum baðum, the Aquae Solis of the Romans and now Bath in Somerset. This town in the year 577 was taken from the British. The Chronicle calls it Baðanceaster: see also Chron. 973.

Ambresbyrig, now Amesbury, Wilts. Chron. 995.

Andredesceaster. Anderida, sacked by Ælli. Chron. 495. Most probably near the site of the present Pevensey: see a very satisfactory paper by Mr. Hussey, Archæol. Journal, No. 15, Sept. 1847.

Baddanbyrig, now Badbury, Dorset. Chron. 901.

Badecanwyl, now Bakewell, Derby, fortified by Eádweard. Chron. 923. Florence says he built and garrisoned a town there: “urbem construxit, et in illa milites robustos posuit.” an. 921.

Banesingtún, now Bensington, Oxf. Chron. 571, 777.

Bebbanburh, now Bamborough in Northumberland. This place, we are told, was first surrounded with a hedge, and afterwards with a wall. Chron. 642, 926, 993. Florence calls it “urbs regia Bebbanbirig.” an. 926.

Bedanford, now Bedford. There was a burh here which Eádweard took in 919: he then built a second burh upon the other side of the Ouse. Chron. 919. Florence calls it “urbem.” an. 916.

Beranbyrig. Chron. 556.

Bremesbyrig. At this place Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 910. Florence says “urbem.” an. 911: perhaps Bromsgrove in Worcestershire, the Æt Bremesgráfum of the Cod. Dipl. Nos. 183, 186.

Brunanburh, Brunanbyrig, and sometimes Brunanfeld: the site of this place is unknown, but here Æðelstán and Eádmund defeated the Scots. Chron. 937.

Brycgnorð, Bridgenorth, Salop. Here Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 912: “arcem munitam.” Flor. an. 913.

552Bucingahám, now Buckingham. Here Eádweard built two burhs, one on each side of the Ouse. Chron. 918. Florence calls them “munitiones.” an. 915.

Cantwarabyrig, the city of Canterbury. Dorobernia, ciuitas Doruuernensis, the metropolis of Æðelberht’s kingdom in 597. Beda, H. E. lib. i. c. 25. In the year 1011 Canterbury was sufficiently fortified to hold out for twenty days against the Danish army which had overrun all the eastern and midland counties, and was then only entered by treachery. Flor. Wig. an. 1011. I have already noticed both king’s reeves and port-reeves, the ingang burhware and cnihta gyld of Canterbury. There can be little doubt that king, archbishop, abbot and corporation had all separate jurisdictions and rights in Canterbury: see Chron. 633, 655, 995, 1009, 1011.

Cirenceaster, now Cirencester in Gloucestershire, the ancient Durocornovum. Chron. 577, 628.

Cissanceaster, now Chichester, the Roman Regnum. Chron. 895.

Cledemúða. Here Eádweard built a burh. Chron. 921.

Colnceaster, now Colchester in Essex, the first Roman Colonia, destroyed by Boadicea. In 921 Colchester was sacked by Eádweard’s forces, and taken from the Danes, some of whom escaped over the wall. In the same year Eádweard repaired and fortified it. Chron. 921. “murum illius redintegravit, virosque in ea bellicosos cum stipendio posuit.” Flor. 918.

Coludesburh, Coldingham. Chron. 679.

Cyppanham, Chippenham, Wilts. Chron. 878.

Cyricbyrig, a city built by Æðelflǽd. Flor. 916. Cherbury.

Deóraby, Derby, one of the Five Burgs taken by Æðelflǽd from the Danes. Chron. 917, 941. A city with gates. Flor. 918. “civitas.” Flor. 942.

Dofera, Dover in Kent. Chron. 1048, 1052. There was a fortified castle on the cliff, which in 1051 was seized by the people of Eustace, count of Boulogne, against the town. Flor. Wig. 1051.

553Dorceceaster, Dorchester, Oxon. Chron. 954, 971. For some time a bishop’s see, first for Wessex, which was afterwards removed to Winchester: afterwards for Leicester.

Dorceceaster, Dornwaraceaster, Dorchester, Dorset. Chron. 635, 636, 639.

Eádesbyrig, a place where Æðelflǽd built a burh. Chron. 914. Florence says a town. an. 915. Eddisbury, Cheshire?

Eligbyrig, Ely in Cambridgeshire. Chron. 1036.

Egonesham, now Eynesham, Oxon. Chron. 571.

Eoforwíc, Eoforwíc ceaster, now York; Kair Ebrauc, Eboracum; the seat of an archbishop, a bishop, and again an archbishop. It seems to have been always a considerable and important town. In the tenth century it was one of the seven confederated burgs, which Æðelflǽd reduced. The strength however which we should be inclined to look for in a city, which once boasted the name of altera Roma, is hardly consistent with Asser’s account of it. Describing the place in the year 867, he says: “Praedictus Paganorum exercitus ... ad Eboracum ciuitatem migravit, quae in aquilonari ripa Humbrensis fluminis^[1038] sita est.” After stating that Ælla and Osberht, the pretenders to the Northumbrian crown, became reconciled in presence of the common danger, he continues: “Osbyrht et Ælla, adunatis viribus, congregatoque exercitu Eboracum oppidum adeunt, quibus advenientibus Pagani confestim fugam arripiunt, et intra urbis moenia se defendere procurant: quorum fugam et pavorem Christiani cernentes, etiam intra urbis moenia persequi, et murum frangere instituunt: quod et fecerunt, non enim tunc adhuc illa civitas firmos et stabilitos muros illis temporibus habebat. Cumque Christiani murum, ut proposuerant, fregissent, etc.^[1039]” We may infer from Asser himself that the Saxon mode of fortification. was not strong: speaking of a place in Devonshire, called Cynuit (which he describes as arx), he says: “Cum Pagani arcem imparatam atque omnino immunitam, nisi quod moenia nostro more erecta solummodo haberet, 554cernerent, non enim effringere moliebantur, quia et ille locus situ terrarum tutissimus est ab omni parte, nisi ab orientali, sicut nos ipsi vidimus, obsidere eam coeperunt^[1040].” York however continued to be an important town. It was retaken by Æðelflǽd who subdued the Danes there; and again by Eádred in 950. At this time it appears to have been principally ruled by its archbishop Wulfstán. For York, see Chron. 971, 1066, etc.

Exanceaster, now Exeter, the Isca Damnoniorum or Uxella, of the Romans. Chron. 876, 894, 1003. As the Saxon arms advanced westward, Exeter became for a time the frontier town and market between the British and the men of Wessex: in the beginning of the tenth century there appears to have been a mixed population. But at that period^[1041] Æðelstán expelled the British inhabitants, and fortified the town: he drove the Cornwealhas over the Tamar, and made that their boundary, as he had the Wye for the Bretwealas. William of Malmesbury tells us: “Illos (i. e. Cornewalenses) impigre adorsus, ab Excestra, quam ad id temporis aequo cum Anglis iure inhabitarunt, cedere compulit: terminum provinciae suae citra Tambram fluvium constituens, sicut aquilonalibus Britannis amnem Waiam limitem posuerat. Urbem igitur illam, quam contaminatae gentis repurgio defaecaverat, turribus munivit, muro ex quadratis lapidibus cinxit^[1042]. Et licet solum illud, ieiunum et squalidum, vix steriles avenas, et plerumque folliculum inanem sine grano producat, tamen pro civitatis magnificentia, et incolarum opulentia, tum etiam convenarum frequentia, omne ibi adeo abundat mercimonium, ut nihil frustra desideres quod humano usui conducibile existimes^[1043].” Thus situated, about ten miles from the sea, Exanceaster could not fail to become an important commercial station; the Exa being navigable for ships of considerable burthen, till in 1284, Hugh Courtenay interrupted the traffic, by building a 555weir and quay at Topsham. It is probable that Æðelstán placed his own geréfa in the city. But in the year 1003, queen Emme Ælfgyfu seems to have been its lady; for it is recorded that through the treachery of a Frenchman Hugo, whom she had made her reeve there, the Danes under Svein sacked and destroyed the city, taking great plunder^[1044]. It was afterwards restored by Cnut; but appears to have been still attached to the queens of England, for after the conquest we find it holding out against William, under Gýð, the mother of Harald.

Exanmúða, now Exmouth. Chron. 1001.

Genisburuh, now Gainsborough. Chron. 1013, 1014.

Glæstingaburh or Glæstingabyrig, now Glastonbury, Som. Urbs Glastoniae, Chron. 688, 943.

Gleawanceaster, now Gloucester; Kair glou, and the Roman Glevum. Urbs Gloverniae, Glocestriae. A fortified city of Mercia. Chron. 577, 918.

Hæstingas, now Hastings in Kent. A fortification, and probably at one time the town of a tribe so called. Chron. 1066. It was reduced by Offa, and probably ruined in the Danish wars of Ælfred and Æðelred.