VOLUME I. (continued 5)

On each side there was now something to be proud of and something to regret. If the British exulted over the fall of Detroit and the surrender of General Hull, and the United States viewed these occurrences with indescribable pain and a sense of humiliation, the Americans could now boast of the success of their arms at sea, while Britain regretted a disaster upon that element, on which she had long held and yet holds the undisputed mastery. There was now no room for the American government, on the ground of having been too much humiliated, to refuse peace if it were offered to her. Yet peace was refused. Soon after these occurrences the news of the repeal of the Orders in Council reached this continent, and the ground of quarrel being removed, peace was expected, and an armistice was agreed to between the British Governor of Canada, Sir George Prevost and General Dearborn, the American commander-in-chief, on the northern frontier. But the American government, bent upon the conquest of this province, disavowed the armistice and determined upon the vigorous prosecution of the contest. It was then that the Northern States of the American Union, who were the most likely to suffer by the war became clamorous for peace. The whole brunt of the battle, by land, was necessarily to be borne by the State of New York, and the interruption of the transatlantic traffic was to fall with overwhelmingly disastrous pressure upon Massachusetts and Connecticut. Addresses to the President were sent in, one after another, from the Northeastern States, expressing dissatisfaction with the war and the utmost abhorrence of the alliance between imperial France and republican America. They would have none of it, and if French troops were introduced into their States, as auxiliaries, New England would look upon them and would treat them as enemies. Nay, the Northern States went still further. Two of the States, Connecticut and Massachusetts, openly refused to send their contingents or to impose the taxes which had been voted by Congress, and "symptoms of a decided intention to break off from the confederacy were already evinced in the four Northern States, comprising New York, and the most opulent and powerful portions of the Union."[17]

General Brocke, ignorant of the armistice, and indeed it did not affect him, for General Hull had acted under the immediate orders of the American Secretary at War, and was consequently irresponsible to General Dearborn, with the aid of the Lilliputian navy of the Lakes, was maintaining the ascendancy of Great Britain in Upper Canada and Michigan. He was about indeed to make an attempt upon Niagara, to be followed by another upon Sackett's Harbour, with that daring, promptitude and judgment, which was characteristic of the man, when he received instructions from the Governor General to rest a little. Following the advice of the Duke of Wellington, Sir George Prevost had wisely determined not to make a war of aggression with the only handful of troops that could be spared to him from the scene of prouder triumphs and of harder and more important struggles. But the American government, indifferent to the menaces of the Northern Provinces of the Union, and mistaking for weakness the conciliatory advances of Sir George Prevost, soon disturbed the rest of the gallant Brocke. Early on the morning of the 13th of October, a detachment of between a thousand and thirteen hundred men, from the American army of the centre, under the immediate command of Colonel Solomon Van Rensellaer,[18] crossed the river Niagara, and attacked the British position of Queenstown. It was when Van Rensellaer having himself crossed, and the British had been driven from their position, that General Brocke, and about six hundred of the 49th regiment, in the grey of the morning, arrived at the scene of conflict. The Americans being about the same time reinforced by the addition of regulars and militia. General Brocke put himself at the head of the 49th's Grenadiers, and while gallantly cheering them on, he fell mortally wounded, and soon after died. His trusty aid-de-camp, the brave Colonel McDonell, fell beside him, almost at the same moment, never again to rise in life. The 49th fought stoutly for a time, but, discouraged by the loss of the General, they fell back and the position was lost. But the fortune of the day was not yet decided, although Van Rensellaer, with the aid of Mr. Totter, his Lieutenant of Engineers, had somewhat strengthened the recently captured position on the heights. Reinforcements, consisting partly of regular troops, partly of militia, and partly of Chippewa Indians, in all about eight or nine hundred men, came up about three in the afternoon, to strengthen and encourage the discomfitted 49th, under General Roger Sheaffe, who now assumed the command. A combined attack was made on the Americans by the English troops and artillery, in front and flank, while Norton, with a considerable body of Indians, menaced their other extremity. It was entirely successful. The Americans were totally defeated, and one General Officer, (Wadsworth, commanding in the room of General Van Rensellaer, who had re-crossed the river to accelerate the embarkation of the militia, which, though urged, entreated, and commanded to embark, remained idle spectators, while their countrymen were, as the American accounts say, struggling for victory,) two Lieutenant-Colonels, five Majors, and a corresponding number of Captains and subalterns, with nine hundred men, were made prisoners; one gun and two colours were taken; and there were four hundred killed and wounded, while the loss on the side of the British did not exceed seventy men. Thus was the battle won. It had cost England an excellent soldier, a man who thoroughly understood his duty, and felt his position in whatever capacity he was placed. He died at the age of 42, and the remains of this gallant defender of Upper Canada were buried at Fort George, together with those of his aid-de-camp, Colonel McDonell. One grave contained both. General Brocke was buried amidst the tears of those whom he had often led to victory, and amidst the sympathetic sorrowing of even those who had caused his death. Minute guns were fired during the funeral, alike from the American as from the British batteries. Thus it was with the Americans on land. It was, as has been seen, very different on the sea. And the first rencontre took place on the latter element. When war was declared it was with the intention of intercepting the homeward bound West India fleet of British merchantmen. Three frigates, one sloop, and one brig of war, under the command of Captain Rogers, of the American frigate President, were despatched on that errand. It was about three on the morning of the 23rd of June, that Captain Rogers was informed, by an American brig, bound from Madeira to New York, that four days before a fleet of British merchantmen, were seen under convoy of a frigate and a brig, steering to the eastward. Captain Rogers accordingly shaped his course in pursuit of them. At six o'clock in the morning, a sail was descried, which was soon discovered to be a frigate. The signal was made for a chase, and the squadron made all sail on the starboard tack. This being perceived by Captain Byrn, who commanded the British frigate Belvidera, protecting the convoy, he tacked and made all sail, steering northeast by east. It was now eight o'clock in the morning, and the President seemed to be gaining on the Belvidera, leaving her consorts, however, far behind her. About half past three in the afternoon, the President fired three guns, the shot from one of which was terribly destructive. Two men were killed, and Lieutenant Bruce and four men were more or less severely wounded. Broadside after broadside was fired by both vessels soon afterwards, and the President at last bore off. Each party lost about twenty-two men, but the British frigate had the advantage. Her guns were pointed with great skill, and produced a surprising effect, as the American squadron failed in taking the single English frigate, and the whole merchantmen escaped untouched. Indeed after a cruise of twenty days and before the declaration of hostilities was known at sea, the American squadron returned to port, having only captured seven merchantmen.

The action between the Constitution and the Guerrière occurred after this event, the result of which has been already stated, somewhat out of place, it is true, but, with the design of exhibiting how a peace might have been effected, had it been desired by the Americans, without loss of honor on either side. The simultaneousness of the advantages gained by the British on the land, and of the advantages gained by the Americans on the sea, is not a little remarkable, nor is it less remarkable that after the tide of battle had slightly turned with the British on land, towards the close of the war, the naval actions at sea were nearly all to the disadvantage of the Americans. It would seem that providence had designed to humble the pride of the unnatural combatants.

About the exact time of the surrender of General Wadsworth, at Queenston, an engagement occurred between the English sloop of war Frolic, and the American brig of war Wasp, which proved disastrous to the former. As far as the number of guns went, both vessels were equal. Each had eighteen guns, nine to a broadside, but while the sloop had only 92 men and measured only 384 tons, the brig had 135 men and measured 434 tons. The Frolic, on the night of the 17th of October, had been overtaken by a most violent gale of wind, in which she carried away her mainyard, lost her topsails, and sprung her maintopmast. It was, while repairing damages, on the morning of the 18th, that Captain Whinyates, of the Frolic, was made aware of the presence of a suspicious looking vessel, in chase of the convoy, which the Frolic had in charge. The merchant ships continued their voyage with all sails set, and the Frolic, dropping astern, hoisted Spanish colours to decoy the stranger under her guns and give time for the convoy to escape. The vessels soon approached sufficiently to exchange broadsides, and the firing of the Frolic was admirable. But the vessel could not be worked easily, and the gaff braces being shot away, while no sail could be or was placed upon the mainmast, her opponent easily got the advantage of position. To be brief, the storm of the night before had given the Wasp an advantage which, neither nautical skill, nor undaunted resolution could counteract, and the Frolic, an unmanageable log upon the ocean, was compelled to strike. Undoubtedly this was another triumph to the United States, although, materially considered, the gain was not much. In only a few hours after this action, both the Wasp and the Frolic were surrendered to H.M.S. Poictiers, of seventy-four guns.

Seven days afterwards, another naval engagement occurred, more tellingly disastrous to Great Britain. The United States, a frigate of fifteen hundred tons burthen, carrying 30 long 24-pounders, on her main deck, and 22 42-pounders, with two long 24-pounders, on quarter deck and forecastle, howitzer guns in her tops, and a travelling carronade on her deck, with a complement of 478 picked men,[19] was perceived by H.M. frigate Macedonian, of 1081 tons, carrying 49 guns, and manned by 254 men and 35 boys. The Macedonian approached the enemy and the enemy backed her sails, awaiting the attack, after the firing had continued for about an hour, at long range. When in close battle, Captain Carden perceived that he had no chance of success, but he was determined to fight his ship while she floated and was manageable, hoping for, rather than expecting, some lucky hit, which would so cripple the enemy as to permit the Macedonian, if no more could be done, to bear off with honor. But the fortune of war was adverse. Every shot told with deadly and destructive effect upon the Macedonian, and even yet, with nearly a hundred shots in her hull, her lower guns under water, in a tempestuous sea, and a third of her crew either killed or wounded, Captain Carden fought his ship. To "conquer or die," was his motto, and the motto of a brave crew, some of whom even stood on deck, after having paid a visit to the cockpit, and submitted to the amputation of an arm, grinning defiance, and anxious to be permitted the chance of boarding with their fellows, when Captain Carden called up his boarders as a dernier resort. But boarding was rendered impossible, as the fore brace was shot away, and the yard swinging round, the vessel was thrown upon the wind. The United States made sail ahead and the crew of the Macedonian fancying that she was taking her leave cheered lustily. They were not long deceived. Having refilled her cartridges, the United States, at a convenient distance, stood across the bows of her disabled antagonist, and soon compelled her to strike. While the Macedonian had thirty-six killed and sixty-eight wounded, the United States had only five killed and seven hors de combat.

It was such advantages as these that induced the Americans to continue the war. The Americans were inflated with pride. In their own estimation they had become a first rate maritime power, and even in the eyes of Europe, it seemed that they were destined to become so. The disparity in force was justly less considered than the result. However bravely the British commanders had fought their ships, the disasters were no less distressing, politically considered, than if they had been the result of positive weakness or of lamentable cowardice. These advantages even compensated in glory to the Northeastern States for the losses which their commerce had sustained, and would, had they continued very much longer, have stimulated them to forget their selfishness, their bankruptcies, and their privations, though perhaps they tended on the other hand, to cause less vigorous efforts to be made for the acquisition of Canada, than otherwise would have been the case, by rivetting the public attention of America more on the successful operations by sea than on their own disastrous operations by land. There was yet another disaster to overtake Great Britain. And it was little wonder. The Lords of the Admiralty, wedded to old notions, unlike the Heads of the Naval Department of the United States, were slow to alter the build or armament of the national ships. They seemed to think that success must ultimately be dependent upon pluck, and that there could be again few instances in which a sloop could be so disabled by a storm as to be unable to cope with a brig, better manned, better armed, and in good sailing trim. They continued to send slow-sailing brigs and ill-armed sloops-of-war, for the protection of large fleets of merchantmen, with valuable cargoes, while the frigates of the enemy, in search of them, whether in the calm or in the storm, were faster than British seventy-fours, and were equal to British ships of the line in armament. It was after the loss of the Macedonian that the British Admiralty commissioned and sent to sea the frigate Java, of the same tonnage, with the same deficiency of men, and, worse than all, half of whom were landsmen, and of exactly the same armament as the Macedonian, only that her weight of metal was less, to cope with such frigates as the United States, the President, and the Constitution. On the 12th of November, the Java sailed from Spithead, the remonstrances of Captain Lambert against the inadequacy and inexperience of his crew being of no avail with the authorities. He was told, when he insisted that he was no match for an American, even of equal size, that "a voyage to the East Indies and back would make a good crew." The difficulties in the way of getting to the East Indies, to say nothing of coming back again, never entered into the heads of men, who had long been laid up in ordinary, and were dry-rotting to decay. These were the men who sent the water casks to contain the fresh water of His Majesty's vessels afloat on our fresh water lakes. Then, as now, were the wrong men in the wrong places. Men, who should have been in Greenwich Hospital, talking of times gone by, or living in dignified retirement, were entrusted with the management of affairs in a new age, the country rather losing than gaining by their individual experiences. And the British public stung to the quick, were aware of it. The correctness of Captain Lambert's judgment was too soon brought to the test. The Java fell in with the Constitution on the 28th of December, when the latter stood off as the former approached, to gain a first advantage by firing at long range. But as the Java was fast gaining upon her, the Constitution made a virtue of necessity, and shortened sail, placing herself under the lee bow of the Java, so that in close action, the crew of the Constitution might fight like men behind a rampart, while the crew of the Java stood at their guns en barbette. The action immediately commenced, and the effect of the Java's first broadside, on the enemy's hull, was such that the American wore to get away. Captain Lambert also wore his ship, and a running fight was kept up with great spirit for forty minutes. The Java had, as yet, suffered little, but the vessels coming within pistol shot, a determined action ensued. Captain Lambert had resolved upon boarding his enemy, if it were possible in any measure to effect it. With that view he was closing upon his antagonist, when the foremast of the Java fell suddenly and with a crash so tremendous as to break in the forecastle and cover the deck with the wreck. Only a moment later and the main topmast also fell upon the deck, while Captain Lambert lay weltering in his blood, mortally wounded. Lieutenant Chads, on whom the command now devolved, found the Java perfectly unmanageable. The wreck of the masts hung over the side, next to the enemy, and every discharge of the Java's own guns set her on fire. Yet, Lieutenant Chads continued the action for three hours and a half, until the Java was felt to be going down. It was then that the Constitution assumed a raking position, and it was then only that Lieutenant Chads struck. The Java was no prize to the victors of great value, for her crew were no sooner taken out than the American commander blew her up. In this desperate engagement the Java had twenty-two killed and one hundred and two wounded; the Constitution had ten killed and forty wounded. Captain Lambert's worst fears had been realised, and the death of that gallant and skilful sailor aroused a tongue which, in Great Britain, has a potency and influence, such as official insolence cannot withstand, nor official incapacity escape from. The spirit of the "Times" was up. The voice of the many loudly condemned the incompetency of the few. The conduct of the war had now become a matter of moment, and reforms, in the marine department at least, were imperative.

By the fall of Gen'l. Brocke, the civil governorship of the Upper province devolved upon Major Gen'l. Roger Sheaffe, the senior military officer there, and to him, Gen'l. Smyth, the new American commander at Niagara, applied for an armistice, which was granted, and which lasted from the battle of Queenston until the 20th of November. Nothing could have been more silly than this consent to an armistice on the part of a general so very fortunate as General Sheaffe had been. He needed no rest. He could gain nothing by inactivity. Delay necessary to the enemy was of course injurious to him. Without any molestation whatever the Americans were enabled to forward their naval stores from Black Rock to Presque Isle, by water, which, had hostilities been active, would have been impossible. This truce, not to bury the dead, or preparatory to submission, was obtained with the view of gaining time, so that a fleet might be equipped to co-operate with the army, by wresting from the British their previous superiority on the lakes. General Smyth had, with the true trickery of the diplomatist, rather than with the blunt honesty of the soldier, exerted himself during the armistice, in the preparation of boats for another attempt to invade Upper Canada. Alexander Smyth, Brigadier-General, in command of the American army of the centre, though a rogue, in a diplomatic point of view, was not necessarily a fool. He had shrewd notions in a small way. Like a true downeast Yankee, he knew the effect of soft sawder upon human nature. Like the unfortunate Hull, before taking possession of a territory so extensive as Upper Canada, he thought it necessary to assure the stranger that he was, on submitting to be conquered, to become "a fellow citizen." He proclaimed this interesting fact to his own companions in arms. If the stranger citizens behaved peaceably, they were to be secure in their persons, as a matter of course, but only in their properties so far as Alexander's imperious necessities would admit, and how far that would have been, time was to unfold. He strictly forbade private plundering, but whatever was "booty," according to the usages of war—"booty and beauty," doubtless combined,—Alexander's soldiery were to have. Appealing to the trader-instincts of his hordes, he offered two hundred dollars a head for artillery horses, of the enemy, and forty dollars for the arms and spoils of each savage warrior, who should be killed, and every man, who should shrink, in the moment of trial, was to be consigned to "eternal infamy." The watchword of the "patriots," was to be "the cannon lost at Detroit or death."

During the truce, in Upper Canada, there was some skirmishing in Lower Canada. At St. Régis, four hundred Americans surprised the Indian village. Twenty-three men were made prisoners, and Lieutenant Rolette, with Serjeant McGillivray, and six men were slain. But to counterbalance this affair, a month later, some detachments of the 49th regiment, a few artillery, and seventy militiamen from Cornwall and Glengary, surrounded a block house at the Salmon River, and made prisoners of a Captain, two subalterns and forty men; four batteaux and fifty-seven stand of arms, falling also into the hands of the captors.

In no way discouraged, however much they may have been irritated by these repeated failures, which had not even the excuse of inferiority in numbers, or in any want of the materials of war, if the want of vessels on the lake be not considered, the American government energetically exerted itself to augment their naval forces on the lakes and to reinforce General Dearborn. Indeed, that officer was now at the head of ten thousand men, at Plattsburgh, and the American fleet on Lake Ontario was already so much superior to that of the British, as to make it necessary for the latter to remain inactive in harbour. The British ship Royal George, was actually chased into Kingston channel, and was there cannonaded for some time. It was only when the American fleet came within range of the Kingston forts that they hauled off to Four Mile Point, and anchored, the commander taking time to reflect upon the expediency of bombarding Kingston. Next morning, having come to an opposite conclusion, he stood out with his fleet into the open lake and fell in with the Governor Simcoe. A chase was commenced, and the Governor Simcoe narrowly escaped by running over a reef of rocks, and making for Kingston, which, like the Royal George, she reached more hotly pursued than she had bargained for. It was late in the season, and the weather becoming more and more boisterous, the Americans bore away for Sackett's Harbour, in making for which they captured two British schooners, taking from one of them, Captain Brocke, the paymaster of the 49th regiment of the line, who had with him the plate which had belonged to his gallant deceased brother, the late Governor of Upper Canada. But the American Commodore Chancey, generously paroled him, and suffered him to retain the plate.

Unable to remain longer inactive, General Dearborn, in command of the American army of the north, approached Lower Canada. On the 17th of November, Major DeSalaberry, commanding the Canadian Cordon and advanced posts, on the line, received intelligence of Lieutenant Phillips, that the enemy, ten thousand strong, were rapidly advancing upon Odelltown. There was no time to be lost and he set about strengthening his position as speedily as he could. Two companies of Canadian Voltigeurs, three hundred Indians, and a few militia volunteers were obtained from the neighboring parishes, and there was every disposition manifested to give the intruders a warm reception. The enemy, however, halted at the town of Champlain, and nothing of moment occurred until the 20th of November, when the Captain of the day, or rather of the night, as it was only three in the morning, noticed the enemy fording the river Lacolle. Retracing his steps, he had only time to warn the piquet of their danger, when a volley was fired by the Americans, who had surrounded the log guard-house, at so inconsiderable a distance that the burning wads set fire to the birch covering of the roof, until the guard-house was consumed. But long before that happened, the militia and Indians had discharged their guns, and dashed through the enemy's ranks. It was dark, and the position which the Americans had taken, with the view of surrounding the guard-house, contributed somewhat to their own destruction. In a circle, face to face, they mistook each other in the darkness, and fought gallantly and with undoubted obstinacy. Neither side of the circle seemed willing to yield. For half an hour a brisk fire was kept up, men fell, and groaned, and died; and the consequences might have been yet more dreadful had not the moon, hidden until now by clouds, revealed herself to the astonished combatants. The victors and the vanquished returned together to Champlain, leaving behind four killed and five wounded. From the wounded prisoners, whom, with the dead, the Indians picked off the battle field, it was learned that the unsuccessful invaders consisted of fourteen hundred men and a troop of dragoons, commanded by Colonels Pyke and Clarke.

Unfortunate to the Americans as this night attack had been, it was sufficient to lead the Governor General of Canada to the conclusion that it would not be the last. Nay, he was persuaded that a most vigorous attempt at invasion would be made, and having no Parliament to consult, nor any public opinion to fear, he turned out the whole militia of the province for active service, and ordered them to be in readiness to march to the frontier. Lieutenant-Colonel Deschambault was directed to cross the St. Lawrence at Lachine, and from Caughnawaga, to march to the Pointe Claire, Rivière-du-Chène, Vaudreuil, and Longue Pointe. Battalions upon L'Acadie, and volunteers from the foot battalions, with the flank companies of the second and third battalions of the Montreal militia, and a troop of militia dragoons, crossed to Longueil and to Laprairie. Indeed the whole district of Montreal, armed to the teeth, and filled with enthusiasm, simultaneously moved in the direction from whence danger was expected. General Dearborn quietly retreated upon Plattsburgh and Burlington, and, like a sensible man, as he undoubtedly was, abandoned for the winter, all idea of taking possession of Lower Canada.

On the 28th of November, the armistice being at end, General Smyth invaded Upper Canada, at the foot of Lake Erie. With a division of fourteen boats, each containing thirty men, a landing was effected between Fort Erie and Chippewa, not however unopposed. Lieutenant King, of the Royal Artillery, and Lieutenants Lamont and Bartley, each in command of thirty men of the gallant 49th, gave the enemy a reception more warm than welcome. Overwhelmed, however, by numbers, the artillery and the detachment of the 49th, under Lamont gave way, when Lieutenant King had succeeded in spiking his guns. Lamont and King were both wounded, and with thirty men, were overtaken by the enemy and made prisoners. Bartley fought steadily and fiercely. His gallant band was reduced to seventeen, before he even thought of a retreat, which his gallantry and tact enabled him to effect. The American boats had, while Bartley was keeping up the fight, returned to the American shore with the prisoners, and as many Americans as could crowd into them, leaving Captain King, General Smyth's aid-de-camp, to find his way back, as best he might. He moved down the river shore with a few officers and forty men, followed, from Fort Erie, by Major Ormsby, who made them all prisoners with exceedingly little trouble. Unconscious of any disaster, another division of Americans, in eighteen boats, made for the Canada shore. Colonel Bishop had now arrived from Chippewa, and had formed a junction with Major Ormsby, the Commandant of Fort Erie, and with Colonel Clarke and Major Hall, of the militia. There were collected together, under this excellent officer, about eleven hundred men, taking into account detachments of the 41st, 49th, and Royal Newfoundland regiments, and in addition, some Indians. The near approach of the Americans was calmly waited for. A cheer at last burst from the British ranks and a steady and deadly fire of artillery and musketry was opened upon the enemy. The six-pounder, in charge of Captain Kirby, of the Royal Artillery, destroyed two of the boats. The enemy were thrown into confusion, and retired.

General Smyth again tried the effect of diplomacy upon the stubborn British. He displayed his whole force of full six thousand men, upon his own side of the river. Colonel Bishop ordered the guns which had been spiked to be rendered serviceable, and the spikes having been withdrawn, the guns were remounted and about to open fire, with the view of scattering the valiant enemy, when a flag of truce brought a note from General Smyth. It was simply a summons to surrender Fort Erie, with a view of saving the further effusion of blood. He was requested to "come and take it," but did not make another attempt until the 1st of December, when the American troops embarked merely again to disembark and go into winter quarters. Murmur and discontent filled the American camp, disease and death were now so common, and General Smyth's self-confidence was so inconsiderable that the literary hero, who had spoken of the "eternal infamy" that awaits him who "basely shrinks in the moment of trial," literally fled from his own camp, afraid of his own soldiery, who were exasperated at his incapacity. Thus ended the first year of the invasion. The Americans had learned, the not unimportant lesson, that, as a general rule, it is so much more easy successfully to resist aggression, than, as the aggressor, to be successful. The invasion of any country, if only occupied by savages, requires more means than is generally supposed.

Sir George Prevost, somewhat relieved from the anxiety attendant upon anticipated and actual invasions, now summoned his Parliament of Lower Canada, to meet for the despatch of business. He opened the session on the 29th of December, and in his speech from the throne, alluded to the honorable termination of the campaign, without much effusion of blood, any loss of territory, or recourse having been had to martial law. He proudly alluded to the achievements in Upper Canada, and feelingly alluded to the loss sustained by the country, in the death of General Brocke. He spoke of the recent advantages gained over the enemy in both provinces, and recommended fervent acknowledgements to the ruler of the universe, without whose aid the battle is not to the strong nor the race to the swift. And it was not alone for such advantages, great as they were, that the country had to be thankful; the Marquis of Wellington had gained a series of splendid victories in Spain and Portugal. In Spain and Portugal British valour had appeared in its native vigour, encouraging the expectation that these countries would soon be relieved from the miseries which had desolated them. His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, had directed him to thank the House for their loyalty and attachment. His Royal Highness felt not the slightest apprehension of insidious attacks upon the loyalty of a people who had acted so liberally and loyally as the Canadians had done. Sir George spoke of the beneficial effects arising from the Army Bill Act, and recommended it to their further consideration. The militia had been called out and had given him the cheering satisfaction of having been a witness of a public spiritedness, and of a love of country, religion, and the laws, which elsewhere might have been equalled, but could not be anywhere excelled. He recommended a revision of the militia law and urged upon the legislature the expediency of concluding the public business with dispatch.

Sir George had aroused the better feelings of the country. His words fell gratefully upon the ear. The Canadian people and their representatives felt that they were treated with respect and were proud in the knowledge of deserving it. All that the Assembly wanted was the confidence and affection of their sovereign. No longer treated with suspicion and looked upon with aversion they were ready to sacrifice everything for their country, and the reply of the House of Assembly was an assent to his every wish.

As soon as the House had proceeded to business, Mr. James Stuart, one of the members for Montreal, with the view of embarrassing the government, and with no purpose of creating uneasiness in England, moved for an enquiry into the causes and injurious consequences that might have resulted from the delay incurred in the publication of the laws of the Provincial Parliament, passed in the previous session. His assigned object in making the motion was to palliate the conduct of the Pointe Claire rioters. The motion carried and the Clerks and other officers of the Upper House were summoned to attend at the Bar of the Assembly. The Upper House, seemingly, considered that their officers had equal privileges with themselves, and at first refused to allow these gentlemen to attend, but, seeing the Assembly resolute, and being anxious not to throw any obstacle in the way of the speedy despatch of the public business, they permitted their attendance under protest. The result of the enquiry amounted to nothing, and the House proceeded to other business. The subject of appointing an agent to England was again considered, but postponed until a more suiting time, when the propriety of an income tax was discussed. It was indeed resolved in the Assembly to impose a tax upon persons enjoying salaries from the government, of fifteen per cent upon such as had £1,500 a year, twelve per cent upon such as had £1,000 and upwards, ten per cent upon £500 and upwards, and five per cent upon every £250 and upwards. The bill was, of course, rejected by the Council. The Assembly, however, firmly convinced of the loyalty of the people, were neither to be cajoled nor brow-beaten out of their rights, and they proceeded to other business of a singularly unpleasant character to the higher powers. Mr. Stuart, the leader of the opposition, was a man of extraordinary capacity and of great firmness of purpose. Those who had made Sir James Craig do him an injustice still held their appointments, and he was determined to bring about a change without the slightest regard whatever to the consequences of change. He moved for an enquiry into the power and authority exercised by His Majesty's Courts of Law, with a view to put a stop to such trifling with justice as had been exhibited in the arrest and imprisonment of Mr. Bedard and others. It was asserted by Mr. Stuart that under the name of Rules of Practice, the Chief Justice, in league with the government, had subverted the laws of the province, and had assumed legislative authority, to impose illegal burthens and restraints upon His Majesty's subjects, in the exercise of their legal rights, which were altogether inconsistent with the duties of a Court and subversive of the rights and liberties of the subject. The House granted the enquiry sought for, and proceeded to other business. But it is here worthy of note that Mr. Bedard, who had been so unjustly treated by Sir James Craig, in virtue of these Rules of Practice, had now triumphed over his enemies. He, who only two years back, had been presented, at the instance of the government, by the Grand Juries of Quebec and Montreal, was now seated upon the Bench as Provincial Judge for the District of Three Rivers, and thus, says his secret enemy, Mr. Ryland, is he associated with the Chief Justice of the province, who, in his capacity of Executive Councillor, had concurred in his commitment to the gaol of Quebec, on treasonable practices. It was to secure the independence of the judges by freeing them from executive trammels, that Mr. James Stuart himself, afterwards Chief Justice of the province, and a Baronet of the United Kingdom, moved for an enquiry concerning their Rules of Practice, rules obviously incompatible with the liberty of speech and with the freedom of the press. The enquiry had an excellent indirect effect. It seemed to some extent, to have secured the liberty of the press. From the time, says Mr. Ryland, that the Assembly began its attacks on the Courts of Justice, the licentiousness of a press, (the Gazette,) recently established at Montreal, has appeared to have no bounds. Every odium that can be imagined, is attempted in that publication, to be thrown on the memory of the late Governor-in-Chief, on the principal officers of government, and on the Legislative Council. The people's minds are poisoned and the disorganizing party encouraged to proceed. Thus is it led to hope that any future Governor may be deterred from exercising that vigor, which the preservation of His Majesty's government may require. A higher tribute to a free press no man ever paid than that. The hope has been realised, the trials have all been passed through, and persecutions for opinion's sake must now be cloaked, at least, by something more than expediency.

The Assembly next proceeded to the consideration of the expediency of legally enlarging the limits and operation of martial law, as recommended in the speech from the throne, and reported that such enlargement was inexpedient. The House then renewed the Army Bill Act, authorised the sum of five hundred pounds to be put in circulation, and commissioners were appointed to ascertain the current rate of exchange on London, which holders were entitled to recover from government. Fifteen thousand pounds were granted for the equipment of the militia, and £1,000 additional for military hospital. Towards the support of the war £25,000 were granted. £400 were granted for the improvement of the communication between Upper and Lower Canada. A duty of two and a half per cent, for the further support of the war was placed upon all imported merchandize, with the exception of provisions, and two and a half per cent additional on imports by merchants or others not having been six months resident. A motion was made by one of the most independent members of the Assembly, for a committee of the whole, to enquire whether or not it was necessary to adopt an address to the King concerning the impropriety of the judges being members of the Legislative Council. But the motion was not pressed. This gentleman, though very desirous of as much liberty as it was possible to obtain for himself, was not particularly disposed to give an undue share to others. He took umbrage at an article communicated to the Mercury, ably written, and perhaps, at the time, strikingly true, relative to the conduct which Mr. Stuart had been and was pursuing, since he had been stript of his official situation by the late Governor. It was hinted that the discontented legislator was actuated in his opposition to the government by no unfriendly feeling to the United States. It was asked if he were not determined to be somebody. He was a man not unlike him who fired the temple of Ephesus. He was sowing seeds of embarrassment and delay, and picking out flaws, with the microscope of a lawyer, in the proceedings of the government. And he was prostituting his talents and perverting his energies. The House resolved that the letter of "Juniolus Canadensis," was a libel, and perhaps it was, but if so, Mr. Stuart had the Courts of Law open to him, and therefore the interference of the House was as silly as it was tyrannical. Mr. Cary, the publisher of the Mercury, evaded the Sergeant-at-Arms, and laughed at the silliness of the collective wisdom afterwards. The House was prorogued on the 15th of February. The war had not so far produced any injurious effect on the commerce of the country The revenue was £61,193 currency, and the expenditure, which included the extraordinary amount of £55,000 granted towards the support of the militia, was only £98,777. The arrivals at Quebec numbered 399 vessels of 86,437 tons, and in 1812, twenty vessels were built at the port of Quebec.

The first operations of the next campaign, in 1813, were favorable to the British. On the 22nd of January, a severe action was fought at the River Raisin, about twenty-six miles from Detroit, between a detachment from the north-eastern army of the United States, exceeding seven hundred and fifty men, under General Winchester, and a combined force of eleven hundred British and Indians, under Colonel Proctor. General Harrison, in command of the north western army of the United States, was stationed at Franklintown. Anxious, at any cost, to afford the discontented and sickly troops under him, active employment, he detached General Winchester with his seven or eight hundred, or, as it is even said, a thousand men, to take possession of Frenchtown. This, General Winchester had little difficulty in doing, as he was only opposed by a few militiamen and some Indians, under Major Reynolds. The intelligence of the capture of Frenchtown had, however, no sooner reached Colonel Proctor than he collected his men together and marched with great celerity from Brownston to Stoney Creek. Next morning, at the break of day, he resolutely attacked the enemy's camp and a bloody engagement ensued. General Winchester fell into the hands of the chief of the Wyandot Indians, soon after the action began, and was sent a prisoner to Colonel Proctor. The Americans soon retreated, taking refuge behind houses and fences, and, terribly afraid of the Indians, determinedly resisted. The Americans blazed away; every fence and window of the village vomited a flame of fire; but the British, with their auxiliary Indians, were still driving in the enemy, and about to set the houses on fire, when the captured General Winchester, stipulated for a surrender. On condition of being protected from the Indians, he assured Colonel Proctor that the Americans would yield, and this assurance being given, General Winchester caused a flag of truce to be sent to his men, calling upon them to lay down their arms, which they were only too glad to do. The Americans lost between three and four hundred in killed alone; while one brigadier-general, three field officers, nine captains, twenty subalterns, and upwards of five hundred rank and file, were taken prisoners.[20] Comparatively considered, the British loss was trifling. Twenty-four men were killed, and one hundred and fifty-eight were wounded. Colonel Proctor was raised to the rank of Brigadier-General, in reward for his successful gallantry.

As if to counterbalance the effect of this success, another naval engagement occurred at sea, on the 14th of February, between the British sloop of war Peacock and the American brig Hornet. The fight was long continued, bloody and destructive. The Peacock, after an hour and a half of hard fighting was in a sinking state. The effect of the enemy's fire was tremendous, but the men of the Peacock behaved nobly. Mr. Humble, the boatswain, having had his hand shot away, went to the cockpit, underwent amputation at the wrist, and again voluntarily came upon deck to pipe the boarders. The Peacock was now rapidly settling down, and a signal of distress was consequently hoisted. The signal was at once humanely answered. The firing ceased immediately, the American's boats were launched, and every effort praiseworthily made to save the sinking crew. All were not, however, saved. Three of the Hornet's men and thirteen of the crew of the Peacock went down in the latter vessel together. The Hornet carried twenty guns, while the Peacock had only eighteen, and the tonnage of the former exceeded, by seventy-four tons, that of the latter.

The Americans now gathering up their strength, irritated by their repeated failures on the land, and disheartened, but yet not discouraged by their original weakness on the lakes, were about, in some degree, to be compensated more suitably for their inland losses than by the capture or rather by the negative kind of advantage of destroying at considerable cost and risk, frigates and sloops of war at sea, inferior in every respect, the bravery of the sailors and the skill of the officers excepted, to the huge and properly much esteemed American double-banked frigates and long-gunned brigs. The command of Lake Ontario had devolved on the Americans. New ships of considerable size, and well armed, under the superintendence of experienced naval officers, were built and launched day after day. Troops were being collected at every point for an attack, by sea and land, upon either York or Kingston. It was now exceedingly necessary that some activity of a similar kind should be displayed by the British. The forests abounded in the very best timber; there were able shipbuilders at Quebec; the Canadian naval commanders had distinguished themselves frequently; there was a secure dockyard at Kingston; and, indeed, there existed no reason whatever, for the absence of that industry on the Canadian side of the rivers and lakes, dividing the two countries, but one, and a more fatal one could not have been listened to. It was simply that the British had been hitherto able to repel the invader wherever he had effected a landing, and would be, under any circumstances, quite able, as they were willing, to repel him again. And there was an ignorance about Canada, on the part of both the heads of the naval and of the military departments in England, as disgraceful, as it was inexcusable. It was believed that there were neither artisans to be found in the country nor wood. It seemed to be a prevalent opinion that the country was peopled only by French farmers, a few French gentlemen, and some hundreds of discharged soldiers, with a few lawyers and landed proprietors, styled U.E. Loyalists, besides the few naval officers resident at Kingston, and the troops in the different garrisons. In Upper Canada, during the winter, nothing, or almost nothing, was done in the way of building ships for the lakes. Sir George Prevost, it is true, made a hurried visit to Upper Canada, after having prorogued the Parliament. He was a man admirably adapted for the civil ruler of a country having such an elastic and very acceptable constitution as that which Canada has now had for some years past. He was one of those undecided kind of non-progressive beings, who are always inclined to let well alone. He was well meaning, and he was able too, in some sense. He was cautious to such a degree that caution was a fault. He was not, by any means, deficient in personal courage, but his mind always hovered on worst consequences. If he had hope in him at all, it was the hope that providence, without the aid of Governor Prevost, would order all things for the best. He had a strict sense of duty and a nice sense of honor, but he always considered that it was his duty not to risk much the loss of anything, which he had been charged to keep, and his moral was so much superior to his physical courage, that he never considered it dishonorable to retreat without a struggle, if the resistance promised to be very great. An instance of this occurred while Sir George was on his way to Upper Canada. On the 17th of February, Lieutenant-Colonel Pearson, commanding at Prescott, proposed to him an attack upon Ogdensburgh, which was then slightly fortified, and was a rallying point for the enemy. Indeed, an attack had some days previously been made upon Brockville, by General Brown, at the head of some militia from Ogdensburgh, and Colonel Pearson thought that the sooner an enemy was dislodged from a position exactly opposite his own and only separated by a frozen river, three quarters of a mile in width, the more secure he would have felt himself to be, and the less danger would there have been of the communication between the Upper and Lower provinces of Canada, being interrupted. General Prevost would not consent to an attack, but he allowed a demonstration to be made by Colonel McDonnell, the second in command at Prescott, so that the enemy might exhibit his strength, and his attention be so much engaged that no attempt would be made to waylay the Governor General, on the information of two deserters from Prescott, who would, doubtless, have informed the commandant, at Ogdensburgh, of Sir George's arrival and of his chief errand. Colonel McDonell moved rapidly across the river, and on landing, was met by Captain Forsyth and the American forces under him. A movement designed for a feint, was now converted into a real attack. Colonel McDonell, as he perceived the enemy, still more rapidly pushed forward, and, in a few minutes, was hotly engaged. The Americans were driven from the village, leaving behind them twenty killed and a considerable number wounded. On the side of the British, the loss of Colonel McDonell, seven other officers and seven rank and file had to be deplored, while forty-one men were wounded. The attack was most successful however. Eleven cannons, several hundred stands of arms, and a considerable quantity of stores fell into the hands of the victors, while two small schooners and two gun-boats were destroyed in winter quarters.

Recruiting and drilling were being briskly carried on about Quebec and Montreal. Some troops began to arrive, about the beginning of March, from the Lower Provinces. The 104th regiment had arrived overland from Fredericton, in New Brunswick, by the valley of the St. Johns River, through an impenetrable forest, for hundreds of miles, to Lake Temiscouata, and from thence to River-du-Loup, proceeding upwards along the south shore of the St. Lawrence.

A month later and the Americans were ready to resume the offensive in Upper Canada. The American fleet, consisting of 14 vessels, equipped at Sackett's Harbour, situated at the foot of the lake, and not very far from Kingston, in a direct line across, sailed from the harbour under Commodore Chancey, with seventeen hundred men, commanded by Generals Dearborn and Pike, to attack York, (now Toronto.) In two days the fleet was close in shore, a little to the westward of Gibraltar Strait. A landing was soon effected at the French fort of Toronto, about three miles below York, under cover of the guns of the fleet, but the enemy's advance was afterwards stoutly opposed. Six hundred militia men altogether, including the grenadiers of the 8th regiment of the line, could not long withstand seventeen hundred trained troops. They withdrew and the schooners of the fleet approaching close to the fort, commenced a heavy cannonade, while General Pike pushed forward to the main works, which he intended to carry by storm, through a little wood. As General Sheaffe, in command of the British, retired, and as General Pike, in command of the Americans, advanced, a powder magazine exploded which blew two hundred of the Americans into the air, and killed Pike. Of the British, fully one hundred men were killed, and the walls of the fort were thrown down. The Commodore was now in the harbour. And General Sheaffe seeing that not the remotest chance of saving the capital of Upper Canada, now existed, most wisely determined to retreat upon Kingston. He accordingly directed Colonel Chewett, of the militia, to make arrangement for a capitulation, and set off with his four hundred regulars for Kingston. By the capitulation, private property was to be respected, and public property only surrendered. The gain was not great, if the moral effect of victory be not considered. The victors carried off three hundred prisoners, and the British, before retreating, had considered it expedient to burn a large armed ship upon the stocks, and extensive naval stores.

The Clerk of the House of Assembly of Upper Canada, a volunteer, fell during the struggle. In all, the British loss was one hundred and thirty killed and wounded.

It is said that General Sheaffe suffered severely in the public estimation, because he retreated. The public had forgotten that he had killed and destroyed more Americans than had fallen on the side of the British. Nor did it occur to them that had their general not retreated, and capitulated, an armed fleet was in the harbour, which it was impossible to drive out, even had the fort been standing, or had there been great guns, with which earth batteries could have been formed. It had not occurred to the public of Lower Canada that if York had been burned, Sheaffe's retreat to Kingston, would have been no less imperative than it was. He was, however, superseded in the command in chief of Upper Canada by Major General De Rottenburgh.

The American fleet landed the troops at Niagara after this success, and then sailed for Sackett's Harbour for reinforcements. The Commodore, an energetic, clearheaded sailor, sent two of his vessels to cruise off the harbour of Kingston, vigilantly, and then sent vessel after vessel, at his convenience, with troops, up the lake to Michigan. There he concentrated the whole of his ships, including his Kingston cruisers, for an attack upon Fort George, in combination with the land force under General Dearborn. The British were under the command of General Vincent, who could not muster above nine hundred soldiers. It was early on the morning of the 27th of May, that the enemy began the attack. The fort was briskly cannonaded, and during the fire, Colonel Scott, with a body of eight hundred American riflemen, effected a landing. But they were promptly met by the British and compelled to give way, in disorder. The Americans retreated to the beach and crept under cover of the bank, from whence they kept up a galling fire, the British troops being unable to dislodge them, on account of the heavy broadsides of the American fleet, formed in Crescent shape, to protect their soldiers. Indeed, under cover of this fire from the fleet, another body of the enemy, numbering ten thousand men, effected a landing, and the British were reluctantly compelled to retire. General Vincent blew up the fort and fell back upon Burlington Heights, every inch of ground being stoutly contested. Flushed with success, Dearborn, the American General-in-Chief, now confidently anticipated the conquest of the whole of Upper Canada, and pushed forward a body of three thousand infantry, two hundred and fifty horse, and nine guns. But General Vincent having learned of the enemy's advance, sent Colonel Harvey, with eight hundred men, to impede their progress. Harvey, an experienced and brave officer, was not long in discovering that the enemy kept a bad look out. He resolved upon surprising them. Accordingly, he waited for the darkness of night, under cover of which, a sudden attack was made so successfully, that he made prisoners of two generals and a hundred and fifty men, besides capturing four guns. It was now the enemy's turn to retreat, and they did so in admirable confusion. Arrived at Fort George a halt took place, but a fortnight elapsed before General Dearborn had sufficiently recovered from the effect of this surprise to send out an expedition of six hundred men to dislodge a British picquet, posted at Beaver's Dam, near Queenstown. The dislodgement was most indifferently effected, inasmuch as the expedition was waylaid on their passage through the woods, by Captain Kerr, with a few Indians, and by Lieutenant Fitzgibbons, at the head of forty-six of the 49th regiment, in all, less than two hundred men, but so judiciously disposed as to make the Americans believe that they were the light troops of a very superior army, the approach of which was expected, and they, to the number of five hundred, surrendered, with two guns and two standards.

It now became the turn of the British to invade, and early in July, Colonel Bishop set out on an expedition to Black Rock, at the head of a party of militia, aided by detachments of the 8th, 41st, and 49th regiments of the line. He was perfectly successful. The enemies' block-houses, stores, barracks, and dockyard were burned, and seven pieces of ordnance, two hundred stand of arms, and a great quantity of stores were brought away. But it was at great cost. While employed in securing the stores, the British were fired upon, from the woods, by some American militia and Indians, and while Captain Saunders, of the 41st, dropped, severely wounded, Colonel Bishop, who had planned, and so gallantly executed the assault, was killed.

While these things were happening in the Far-Civilised-West of that day, the British flotilla on Lake Champlain, had captured two American schooners, the Growler and Eagle, of eleven guns each, off Isle-aux-Noix.

After it had become apparent that the Americans had the command of Lake Ontario, and could visit to burn and destroy every village or unfortified town, held by the British, some slight and very inadequate exertion was made to remedy so distressing a state of affairs. In May, Sir James L. Yeo, with several other naval officers and 450 seamen arrived at Quebec, en route for the lakes. Captains Barclay, Pring, and Finnis, had been some time at Kingston, and were doing something in the way of preparing for service the few, vessels at Kingston, by courtesy called a fleet. Sir George Prevost and Sir James L. Yeo lost little time in reaching Kingston together. The American fleet was off Niagara, bombarding Fort George. It occurred to the two commanders that an attack upon their naval station at Sackett's Harbour would not be amiss, and it was resolved upon. About a thousand men were embarked on board of the Wolfe, of 24 guns, the Royal George, of 24 guns, the Earl of Moira, of 18 guns, and four armed schooners, each carrying from ten to twelve guns, with a number of batteaux. The weather was very fine. Everything was got in readiness for an expeditious landing. The soldiers were transferred from the armed vessels to the batteaux, so that no time might be lost in the debarkation. Two gun-boats were placed in readiness, as a landing escort, The boats were under the direction of Captain Mulcaster, of the Royal Navy, and the landing under the immediate supervision of Sir George Prevost and Sir James L. Yeo. It was expected that, in the absence of the American fleet and army, the growing and formidable naval establishment of the enemy would be temporarily rendered worthless. And the expectation was not an unnatural one. It was, indeed, in a trifling degree, realised. There was some injury done to Sackett's Harbor, but not of such a nature as to produce a strong effect upon either Canadian minds or American nerves. A number of boats, containing troops, from Oswego, were dispersed, while doubling Stoney Point, and twelve of them, with 150 men on board, captured. But the loss to the British was the delay caused by such an unlucky acquisition. The landing was deferred by it. General Brown was put on the alert. He had time to make arrangements and to collect troops. He planted 500 militia on the peninsula of Horse Island, which is a sort of protection wall for the harbour. He ordered them to be still and close, keep their powder dry, and reserve their fire. And they did their best, in accordance with these instructions, until the fleet opened a heavy cannonade to cover the landing of the invaders, when General Brown's militiamen quaked exceedingly. When the troops had landed, and the American militia had lost, by death, their immediate commander, Colonel Mills, they fled with the utmost precipitation. But it was the conduct of these very cowards that afterwards alarmed, the ever suspicious Sir George Prevost, and caused, to a very considerable extent, the almost failure of the expedition. The British columns were advancing somewhat rapidly towards Fort Tomkins, when they were met by Colonel Backus, at the head of 400 regulars, and some militia, hastily assembled from the neighboring towns. A sharp contest ensued. Colonel Backus was mortally wounded. His regulars still maintained their ground, but a serious impression had been made upon his line. On the militia, so strong an impression had been made that before General Brown could bring up, to the assistance of Backus, 100 of the party dispersed at the landing, these irregulars fled by a road leading south westwardly, through a wood. The regulars stood firm. Captain Gray, commanding the British advanced corps fell, and the suspicious mind of Prevost fancied a snare. He saw the regular soldiery of the enemy standing unmoved; he had learned that a regiment of American regulars, under Colonel Tutle, were marching at double step, to the scene of action; and he fancied that the retreating militia were not at all afraid, but brilliantly executing a circuitous march to gain the rear of the British line, and cut off their retreat. It was true Fort Tomkins was about to fall into British hands. Already the officer in charge of Navy Point, agreeably to orders, and supposing the fort to be lost, had set on fire the naval magazine, containing all the stores captured at York; the hospital and barracks were illuminating the lake by their grand conflagration; and a frigate on the stocks had been set on fire, only to be extinguished, when Sir George Prevost's mind became unsettled, concerning the ulterior designs of the enemy. In the very moment of fully accomplishing the purpose of the expedition, he ordered a retreat; the troops were re-embarked without annoyance; the fleet returned safely to Kingston, and the Canadian public suspected that Sir George Prevost, as a military commander, had been weighed in the balance and found wanting. They felt, indeed, most acutely, that Major General Isaac Brock was dead, and that he was not replaced by Sir George Prevost.

In the west, the Americans, under Harrison, exerted themselves to recover Michigan. They were blockaded, it is true, and inactive within Fort George, but, on Lake Erie, the war was vigorously prosecuted. General Proctor was kept particularly busy. The Americans were inconveniently near. They showed no disposition to move. They had settled down and were practicing masterly inactivity at Sandusky. Proctor determined upon disturbing them. He moved rapidly upon Lower Sandusky, and invested it with five hundred regulars and militia, and upwards of three thousand Indians. The Indians were commanded by Tecumseh. Having battered the fort well and made a breach Proctor determined upon carrying the place by assault. The Indians, however, were worthless for the assault of a fortified place. Concealed in the grass of the prairie, or hidden in the trees of the forest, they could fire steadily and watch their opportunity to rush upon the foe, but they had a horror of great guns and stone walls. They kept out of range of the American cannon. Nothing could induce them to consent even to follow their British allies up to the breach. The assault was, nevertheless, determined upon, and Colonel Short led the storming party of regulars and militia. Under cover of the fire of cannon the gallant band reached the summit of the glacis and stood with only the ditch between them and the fort. The heavy fire of the enemy upon men in a position so exposed at first produced some confusion; but the storming party soon rallied and leaped into the ditch. It was then that they were smitten with such a fire of grape and musketry as no men could long withstand. The assailants retreated, leaving Colonel Short, three officers, and fifty-two men dead in the ditch, and having forty-one of their number wounded.

General Proctor, finding his force inadequate to carry the fort by assault, raised the siege and retired to Amherstburgh.

Although it was all important to have and maintain the command of the lakes, very little was done by the British with that view. It was especially necessary to obtain the command of Lakes Erie, Ontario and Champlain. No great aggressive movement could have been easily effected while the British had the command of the lakes. But on Lake Ontario the British fleet was inferior to that of the American, the American Captain Perry had almost established himself on Lake Erie, and on Lake Champlain the British had not a single vessel larger than a gun-boat, and very few of them. The excuse was that every vessel cost a thousand pounds a ton; that timber, nor iron, nor anything required for shipbuilding was obtainable in a province which was even then compensating for the check in the Baltic timber trade, in a province which abounds in iron, and was then quite capable of building large sea-going craft at Quebec. While it was in truth no more difficult for England to cover the lakes with cannon than it was for the United States to do so, England kept sending out, at great expense, timber, pitch, materials in iron, water casks, and such like to Quebec and Kingston, with some thirty or forty shipwrights, and less than a hundred sailors to man the flotillas of three lakes. Neither the Admiralty nor the Ordnance had time to make enquiries concerning Canada, or even to think of the American war. All eyes were upon Wellington in Spain. The attention of the people of England was not directed towards Canada. A wide sea rolled between the two countries, and, besides, there was an indistinct notion that Canada was wholly inhabited by Frenchmen, who might take care of themselves or not, as they pleased. The two first vessels belonging to the British on Lake Champlain, were built by the Americans. The British were contented with their fort at Isle-aux-Noix, and rejoiced in the luxury of two gun-boats. It was on a lovely morning very early in June, that a sail was seen stretching over a point of land, formed by a bed in the river Chambly, and about six miles distant from the fort. Another sail followed closely, and the shrewd suspicion seized upon Colonel Taylor, of the 100th foot, commanding the garrison, that the visitants were vessels of war. He determined to war with the two strangers, per mare et terram. He converted some of his soldiery into marines, manned his three gun-boats, and placing three artillerymen in each boat, proceeded towards the enemy. But he took the additional precaution of sending down both shores of the river a few detachments from the fort. The sloops of war came up majestically, the star-spangled banner waved gracefully in the gentle morning air, and the American commanders were guessing the effect of their first broadside upon Isle-aux-Noix, when they were met by a heavy and well directed fire of grape from the gun-boats, and by a steady torrent of bullets from the shore. Still they tacked shortly from shore to shore, and every time they were in stays, a shower of bullets swept the decks, while the grape of the gun-boats whistled through the rigging. From half past four in the morning until half past eight, the battle raged, but then it was necessary to run one of the sloops ashore, to prevent her from sinking, and both surrendered. The Growler and the Eagle were worth the trouble incurred in capturing them. Each mounted eleven guns. They had long eighteens upon their forecastles, and their broadside guns were composed of twelves and sixes. The crew of each vessel consisted of thirty-five men and between the two vessels there was a company of marines, who embarked on the previous evening at Champlain. Nor was the cost to the captors very great. No one was killed and only three men were severely wounded, while the enemy suffered severely in killed and wounded, and a hundred men were made prisoners.

These vessels now called the Shannon and the Blake, as forget-me-nots of an action recently fought, but not yet noticed, in Chesapeake Bay, were speedily turned to excellent use. It was conceived expedient to destroy the barracks, hospitals and stores at Plattsburgh, Burlington, Champlain, and Swanton, if possible, and an expedition was accordingly fitted out at Isle-aux-Noix. The two captured sloops of war were repaired and made ready for the lake. Captain Pring, from Lake Ontario, was promoted to the rank of commander and sent to take command, but the sloop of war Wasp, having shortly afterwards arrived at Quebec, Captain Everard, with his whole crew, were sent to Isle-aux-Noix, and as senior officer assumed the command of the two vessels and the three gun-boats. The squadron sailed on the 29th of July, with about nine hundred men on board, consisting of detachments of the 13th, 100th, and 103rd regiments of the line, under Lieutenants Colonel Taylor and Smelt, some royal artillery under Captain Gordon, and a few militia, as batteaux men, under Colonel Murray. The expedition was altogether successful. At Plattsburgh, the American General, Moore, made no opposition to the landing of the British, but retired with fifteen hundred soldiers, Murray, meanwhile, destroying the arsenal, public buildings, commissariat stores, and the new barracks, capable of accommodating five thousand men. Neither did the squadron lie idly by. Captains Everard and Pring, in the Growler and Eagle, proceeded to Burlington, and threw the place into the utmost consternation. Gen'l. Hampton, who was encamped there with four thousand men, was unable to prevent the capture and destruction of four vessels. And the two ships did not linger there either unnecessarily. They went back to Plattsburgh, re-embarked the troops, and proceeded to Swanton, Colonel Murray sending a detachment to Champlain to destroy the barracks and blockhouse. At Swanton the object of the expedition was accomplished, and the expedition returned without casualty.

Public opinion had its effect upon the Admiralty, notwithstanding the stubborn resistance of the old Lords, who still privately persisted in the notion that an old tub, manned by monkeys, if commanded by an officer in the royal navy, was a match for the best American frigate that ever floated. There had for some time back been considerable activity in the English dockyards. Several vessels were commenced on the model of the American frigates, and the commanders of frigates and sloops of war, on the American coast, were cautioned not to expose themselves to certain destruction by attacking large and heavily armed vessels, only nominally of the same rank or class as themselves. There was to be a real, not an apparent equality. There was to be an equality in tonnage, an equality in the number of guns, an equality in the weight of metal, an equality in the thickness of a ship's sides, and above all an equality in men, so far as such equality could be ascertained. Equality in sailing power was of great importance, but where it was wanting, the superior sailor, if superior in metal and men had an advantage which nothing but a calm or a lucky hit aloft could destroy. The crews of every ship on the North American Station were to be exercised in gunnery. Wisdom had been luckily forced upon the Admiralty. And the result was good. Sir John Borlase, the naval commander, in North America, blockaded every harbour in the United States. American commerce was ruined. The carrying trade of the Atlantic was no longer in American hands. The public revenue sank from twenty-four millions of dollars annually, to eight millions. Even had the Americans possessed the means of building new frigates, the expenditure would have been useless, while Sir John Borlase had the command of the sea. Congress did authorise the commencement of four new seventy-fours, and of four forty-four gun frigates, with six new sloops for the ocean, and as many vessels of every description, as circumstances would show the necessity for, on the lakes.

Admiral Cockburn, at the head of a light squadron, was most annoying to the Americans. Not only did he blockade the Chesapeake and Delaware inlets, but he scoured every creek and river. Every now and then gun-boats were sent on excursions, and marines landed to damage naval stores and arsenals. He was a kind of legalized pirate, who darted in to a harbour, bay, or port, doing every imaginable kind of mischief and running off.

About this time there were cruising off Boston two ships of equal strength, the Shannon and the Tenedos. Captain Broke, the commander of the Shannon, was the senior officer, and having determined upon a combat, if it were possible to effect it, between the American frigate Chesapeake, then in Boston harbour, where she had passed the winter, and his own vessel, he sent the Tenedos to sea, with instructions not to return for three weeks. Captain Broke had laboriously and anxiously drilled his men. He had sighted his guns and used them often. In a word, he had by long continued training brought his crew to the highest state of discipline and subordination. They could fire ball to a nicety. At sea and in harbour he had kept his men at great gun practice. He was in a position to cope with any forty-four gun frigate, belonging to the United States, for, though the Shannon was only pierced for 38 guns, she carried 52. When the Tenedos had put to sea, Captain Broke sent in a challenge to Captain Lawrence, of the Chesapeake, entreating him to try the fortunes of their respective flags in even combat. The Chesapeake had 49 guns. Captain Broke immediately lay close into Boston Light House, and the Chesapeake was quickly under weigh. It is said that Captain Lawrence had not received the challenge of his opponent when he stood out of the harbour, but, however that may be, the Chesapeake was escorted to sea by a flotilla of barges and pleasure boats. Victory, indeed, was considered certain by the Americans. Nay, so very certain were the inhabitants of Boston that the Shannon would either be sunk or towed into port that, counting their chickens before they were hatched, they prepared a public supper to greet the victors on their return to the harbour, with their prisoners. It was otherwise. Captain Broke saw with delight, from the masthead of the Shannon, that his challenge was to be satisfactorily replied to. The Shannon was cleared for action, and waited for the Chesapeake. She had not long to wait. The Chesapeake came bowling along with three flags flying, on which were inscribed—"Sailors, rights and free trade." The Shannon had her union jack at the foremast, and a somewhat faded blue ensign at the mizen peak. There were two other ensigns rolled into a ball ready to be fastened to the haulyard and hoisted in case of need. But her guns were well loaded, alternately with two round shot and a hundred and fifty musket balls, and with one round and one double-headed shot in each gun. The enemy hauled up within two hundred yards of the mizen beam and cheered. The Shannon cheered in return, and then the bravest held his breath for a time. A moment more and the Shannon's decks flashed fire. With deliberate aim each gun along her sides was discharged, and the enemy, in passing, fired with good effect his whole broadside. The Shannon's shot, however, told upon the rigging of the Chesapeake, and upon her men, and after two or three broad sides, the Chesapeake in attempting to haul her foresail up fell on board the Shannon, whose starboard bower anchor locked with the Shannon's mizen chains. The great guns, with the exception of the Shannon's two aftermost guns ceased firing. The Chesapeake's stern was beaten in, and her decks swept. There was now a sharp fire of musketry from both sides, but Captain Broke perceiving that the Chesapeake's men had left their guns, called up his boarders, at the same time ordering the two ships to be lashed together. And Mr. Stevens, the Shannon's boatswain, set about the execution of the latter order. His left arm was hacked off by the enemy's marines, and he was mortally wounded by a shot from the Chesapeake's tops. He proceeded, nevertheless, in fastening the two ships together, and then dropped in death between the vessels. Captain Lawrence was wounded and carried below, when Captain Broke, at the head of his boarders, leapt upon the Chesapeake's quarter-deck. The enemy's crew were soon overpowered and driven below. Forcing his way forward, the Shannon's men shut down the Chesapeake's hatches and kept up a fire on the men in the tops, while the Shannon's men at the same time, under Mr. Smith, forced their way from the foreyard to the Chesapeake's mainyard, and soon cleared the tops. Captain Broke was at this time assailed furiously by three American sailors, who had previously submitted, and was knocked down by the butt end of a musket, but as he rose he had the satisfaction of seeing the American flag hauled down and the proud old British union floating over it in triumph. Fifteen minutes had only elapsed and the Chesapeake was entirely in the hands of the British. There was one lamentable mishap. Lieutenant Watt, who hauled down the enemy's colours was, with two of his men, killed by a discharge of musketry from the Shannon's marines, in the belief that the conflict still continued. The Chesapeake had forty-seven killed and ninety-eight wounded, and the Shannon lost in killed twenty-four, while fifty-nine had been wounded. It was so ascertained that on equal terms England still held the supremacy of the seas, and the exultation in England was so great that every right-minded man went with the government when they made Captain Broke a baronet. The broadside guns of the Shannon were 25, of the Chesapeake 25; the weight of metal in the former was 538 lbs., and of the latter 590 lbs.; while the Shannon had 306 and the Chesapeake 376 men.

The Chesapeake was carried into Halifax, where her gallant, gentlemanly, and ill-starred commander died and was buried, with full military honors, in the presence of all the British officers on the station, who uncovered themselves as they laid into the grave all that was earthly of their noble foe.

The tide of fortune on the sea had now turned in favor of Great Britain. On the 14th of August, the Argus, of twenty guns, employed in carrying out Mr. Crawford, the American Minister to France, was met after having landed the minister off St. David's, at the mouth of the Irish channel, by the British brig Pelican, of eighteen guns, more heavily armed, though carrying fewer guns, and better manned than the Argus, so that, everything considered, the vessels were tolerably well matched. As a matter of course they fought, and the Pelican, one of the improved brigs, soon out-manœuvred and raked her antagonist. Captain Allen, of the Argus, fell at the first broadside. The Argus was ultimately obliged to surrender with a loss of six killed and seventeen wounded, her opponent having only three killed and five wounded.

It was not long after this that the British brig Boxer, of only fourteen guns and sixty-six men, fell a prize to the American brig Enterprise, of sixteen guns and one hundred and twenty men, but afterwards, throughout the war, single combats, where there was even an approach to equality, terminated in favor of the British. Captain Blythe, of the Boxer, and the commander of the Enterprise, Lieutenant Burrows, were buried in one grave, at Portland in Maine, with military honors.

Thus were the favors of Mars still balanced with tolerable fairness between the combatants.

Between Upper and Lower Canada the communication by either land or water, in summer, was very imperfect, during the war. There was then no Rideau Canal, connecting Kingston with the Ottawa and the St. Lawrence. And there was neither the Lachine, the Beauharnois, the Cornwall nor any other canal by which the dangers and difficulties of the St. Lawrence rapids might be avoided. Only batteaux and canoes plied between Upper and Lower Canada. A kind of flat-bottomed boat, of from 35 to 40 feet in length, and about six feet beam in the centre, carrying from four to four and a half tons, was only available for the transport of passengers, goods, wares, and merchandise. The boat was worked by oars, a mast and sail, drag-ropes for towing, and long poles for pushing them through the rapids, while the bow was kept towards the shore by a tow line held by the boat's crew or attached to horses. From ten to twelve days were occupied in the voyage from Montreal or Lachine to Kingston. To convey stores from Lachine to Kingston, during the war, required some tact. On one side of the river were the British batteries, while exactly opposite was an American fort or earthwork, which as the batteaux poled past Prescott or Brockville, could throw a round shot or two in their immediate vicinity without very much trouble. Indeed the Americans did very quietly send one or two cruisers and privateers to dodge about that marine paradise, the Thousand Islands, forming the delta of Lake Ontario, and covered to this day with timber to the water's edge, islands of all sizes and of all forms, gently rising out of the limpid rippling stream, or boldly standing forth from the deep blue water, presenting a rugged, rocky moss-clad front to the wonderstruck beholder. On the 20th of July, some cruisers from Sackett's Harbour, succeeded in surprising and capturing, at daybreak, a brigade of batteaux laden with provisions, under convoy of a gun-boat. They made off with their prize to Goose Creek, which is not far from Gananoque. At Kingston the loss of the supplies was soon ascertained, and Lieutenant Scott, of the Royal Navy, was despatched with a detachment of the 100th regiment, in gun-boats, to intercept the plunderers. At the lower end of Long Island, he ascertained the retreat of the enemy, and waited patiently for the morning. In the evening, still later, a fourth gun-boat with a detachment of the 41st regiment came up, and having passed the night in bright anticipations of glory, the rescuing gun-boats proceeded at three in the morning to Goose Creek. The enemy had gone well up and had judiciously entrenched themselves behind logs, while they had adopted the Russian plan of blocking up the entrance to their harbor where the Creek became so narrow that the attacking gun-boats found it necessary to pole up even that far. Lieutenant Scott set his men to work, to remove the barriers to his ingress, but a brisk fire soon caused him to desist, and indeed he was very nearly disabled. The only gun-boat that could be brought to bear upon the enemy was already disabled, and the consequences might have been disastrous but for the gallant conduct of the soldiers, who leaped from the sternmost boats, up to their necks, carrying their muskets high overhead, and charged the enemy on landing, causing them to retreat with precipitation behind their entrenchment. While this was being done, the gun-boats were got afloat and put to rights, and the soldiers expeditiously re-embarking the re-capture of the provisions was abandoned. Captain Milnes, a volunteer aid-de-camp to the Commander of the Forces, was killed.

A second boat expedition from Kingston failed, Sir James Yeo, conceived that he might out cut of Sackett's Harbour the new American ship Pike, the equipment of which Commodore Chancey was superintending. He arrived at the mouth of the harbor, but the enemy having accidentally heard of his errand, Sir James abandoned a scheme that could only have been effected by surprise. In July, the American fleet appeared on the lake with augmented force. Colonel Scott, with a company of artillery and a considerable number of other soldiers was on board, en route for Burlington Heights. He was most anxious to destroy the British stores there, the more especially as the place was only occupied by Major Maule, at the head of a small detachment of regulars. Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey, the Deputy Adjutant-General of the army, shrewdly suspecting the design of the enemy, despatched Colonel Battersby from York, who arrived in time to re-inforce Maule. Scott made no attack, but with the advice, or at all events, the concurrence of the commodore, did a much wiser thing. The expedition sailed upon York, which Lieutenant-Colonel Battersby had evacuated to save Burlington. A landing was effected at York, of course, without opposition; the storehouses, barracks, and public buildings were burned, and such stores as were worth carrying away, taken. In Lake Champlain, on the same afternoon, Colonel Murray and Captains Everard and Pringle were retaliating at Plattsburgh, Burlington, Champlain, and Swanton. Commodore Chancey having effected his purpose sailed for Niagara, whither he was followed by Sir James Yeo, and looked in upon on the 31st of July. Chancey, without loss of time, raised his anchors and stood out of the bay, bearing down upon the British squadron. Sir James manœuvred, keeping out of range, and indeed coquetted with the enemy, until he had an opportunity of pouncing upon two of his vessels, the Julia and Growler, which he cut off and captured. He still pursued the same tantalizing course of action, and Commodore Chancey became completely disheartened, when the Scourge of eight, and the Hamilton of nine guns, in endeavouring to escape from the British, capsized under a press of sail, and went down, all hands perishing, except sixteen who were picked up by the boats of the opposing squadron. Immediately after this disaster he stood off for Sackett's Harbour, and arrived there on the 13th of August. He merely took in provisions, however, and again sailed for Niagara, arriving there early in September. On the 7th the British fleet appeared off the harbour, and Chancey stood out into the lake. The two fleets manœuvred as before, avoiding close quarters, and indeed, for full five days, hardly exchanged a shot. But on the 28th of September, the fleets approached each other, and a sharp engagement ensued between the two flag ships. The Wolfe, in which Sir James Yeo's pendant was hoisted, lost her main and mizen topmasts, and only that the Royal George ran in between the Wolfe and the Pike, enabling the former to haul off and repair, the British flag ship would have been captured. As it was, Sir James Yeo made off with his fleet to take refuge under Burlington Heights.[21] Soon after, the American fleet took troops from Fort George to Sackett's Harbour, from whence an expedition was being fitted out, in the way, capturing five out of seven small vessels, from York, containing 250 men of DeWatteville's regiment, intended to reinforce the garrison at Kingston.

On the lakes of Upper Canada, the fair face of fortune was turned away from the British. As yet the capricious lady had only frowned, but now she was positively sulky. A serious and indeed dreadful disaster, which could not be afterwards repaired, but entailed loss upon loss to the British, occurred on Lake Erie. The British provinces were indeed exposed by it to the most imminent danger. At one blow all the advantages gained by Brocke were lost. On Lake Erie as on Lake Ontario, both the British and the Americans exerted themselves in the construction of war vessels. The great drawback to the British was the want of seamen. Captain Barclay, when appointed to the command on Lake Erie, in May, took with him fifty English seamen, to man two ships, two schooners, a brig and a sloop, the rest of the crews being made up of 240 soldiers and 80 Canadians. Captain Perry, the American commander, had two more vessels, an equal number of guns, double the weight of metal, and was fully manned by experienced seamen. Captain Barclay sailed from Amherstburgh and stretched his little squadron across the entrance to Presque Isle. The American squadron, under Perry, was riding at anchor, unable to put out, because the bar at the entrance of the harbour prevented it from crossing, except with the guns out, an operation not considered perfectly safe when done in the face of an enemy. Captain Barclay was under the necessity of momentarily leaving his station, and his opponent, Perry, crossed the bar. Barclay in turn became the blockaded party. He made with all haste for Amherstburgh and was shut in by Perry. Barclay practiced his soldiers at the guns, and learned his Canadians how to handle the ropes. He was indefatigable in his exertions to render his crew as efficient as such a crew could be made on shipboard. He yet feared to meet Perry and his picked crews, but his provisions fell short, and he was compelled to put out. The result was a battle, the last thing to have been desired, where so much depended on the issue. Victory was stoutly contested for on both sides. At 11 o'clock, on the forenoon of the 10th of September, the American squadron, consisting of nine vessels, and the British squadron, consisting of six vessels, formed in lines of battle. At a quarter before 12, Captain Barclay's ship, the Queen Charlotte, opened a tremendous fire upon the Lawrence, the flag ship of Commodore Perry. The Lawrence was torn to pieces. She became unmanageable. Except the Commodore and four or five others, every man on board was either killed or wounded. Perry abandoned her, and the colours were hauled down; but he only left one ship to rehoist his flag in another, as yet untouched. He boarded the Niagara, of twenty guns, and a breeze springing up behind his ships, which as yet had not been in action, he obtained the weather gage of the British, and made it necessary for them to wear round. It was in the endeavour to execute this manœuvre that Barclay lost the advantage. His inexperienced and, therefore, somewhat awkward sailors, became flurried, and the vessels fell foul of each other. They were for the most part jammed together, with their bows facing the enemy's broadside. Captain Perry saw his advantage and raked the Detroit, the Queen Charlotte, and Lady Prevost, at pleasure. The Chippewa and Little Belt had been separated from the other ships, and were hotly engaged by the Americans. The British line was, in a word, broken. The carnage was now dreadful, and the result awfully disastrous to the British. Barclay fell, severely wounded. Every officer was either killed or wounded. And two hundred out of three hundred and forty-five men were in a like condition. For three hours the battle raged, but at the end of that time the British squadron was capsized, and Perry, in imitation of Julius Cæsar, sent the message to Washington:—"We have met the enemy, and they are ours." Of the Americans, twenty-seven were killed and ninety-six wounded.

This was a sore blow and terrible discouragement to Canada. Supplies of provisions were no longer obtainable by General Proctor from Kingston, and Michigan was, consequently, untenable. The speedy evacuation of Detroit, and a retreat towards the head of Lake Ontario, became inevitable. Commodore Perry could, at any moment, land a force in General Proctor's rear, and entirely cut him off from Kingston and York, and the lower part of Upper Canada. General Proctor at once retreated, abandoning and destroying all his fortified posts, beyond the Grand River. He dismantled first Detroit and then Amherstburgh, setting fire to the navy yard, barracks, and public stores, of the latter place. And he had just done so in time. As soon after the destruction of the British fleet, as circumstances would permit, Commodore Perry transported the American forces, under General Harrison, from Portage River and Fort Meigs, to Put-in-Bay, from whence they were conveyed to Amherstburgh, which they occupied on the 23rd of December. Proctor retreated through woods and morasses, upon the Thames, hotly pursued by Harrison. The brave Tecumseh, at the head of the Indians, endeavored to cover his retreat. But on the 4th of October, the enemy came so close upon the British rear as to succeed in capturing all their stores and ammunition. Destitute of the means of subsistence, worn down with fatigue, and low-spirited by misfortune, Proctor came to the determination of staking all on the hazard of a die. He resolved upon bringing the enemy to an engagement, and took up a position near the Moravian village upon the Thames. Tecumseh and his Indians assumed a position, well to the British right, in a thicket. Prescott drew out his right in line on a swamp, and supported it by a field piece, while his left stretched along, towards the Thames, supported by another field piece. The ground was not well chosen. Between Proctor and his enemy there was a dry or rather elevated piece of ground, covered with lofty trees, without underbrush. On the following day the enemy came up. Harrison drew up his army in two lines, the cavalry in front, and ordered the Kentucky Riflemen, commanded by Colonel Johnson, to charge the British, which they could not so easily or effectually have done, had the British been either on the summit of the wooded knoll or some distance behind the swamp. The Kentuckians slowly advanced through the wood, receiving two vollies from the British line, before they were out of it. It was then that they dashed forward at full speed, broke the British ranks, and wheeled about. Taken, as it were, suddenly, in the rear, Proctor's men became confused. To resist or to retreat was equally impossible. They could only retreat by forcing the American infantry, in front, and they could only resist by facing the Kentucky Riflemen in the rear, who had already ridden through them and had now raised their rifles to decimate them. The British threw down their arms and the Indians, with the exception of Tecumseh and a chosen few fled, yelling, through the woods. Tecumseh fought desperately, even with the mounted rifles. He sprang upon their leader, Colonel Johnson, wounded him and pulled him to the earth. But, at this moment, Johnson's faithful dragoons spurred to his rescue. Tecumseh was surrounded and pierced with bullets. Raising his hands aloft, to the great Father of all, this faithful ally and courageous savage, gave one last, stern, defiant look, at the foe, and breathed no more. General Proctor and his personal staff, with a few men, had previously sought safety by flight to Ancaster. And this remnant of the right division, including Proctor and seventeen officers, amounting to only two hundred and forty-six men, arrived at Ancaster on the 17th of October.