Chapter sixth. Of matters pertaining to the soldiers

1. The serious troubles and annoyances which result from the soldiers not being paid. First: His Majesty should be informed that the country is not settled or pacified, because it is poorly governed and has so small a military force. There is lack of men, and even the few that we have serve with no pay or means of gain, but with many hardships and dangers, and in extreme poverty and desolation, and worse than captivity, since they are forced to service without any pay or support. From this ensue many evils. The first is, that they do nothing, and they cannot and even will not do anything voluntarily; and in this alone they are lacking in natural loyalty and fidelity to their king. Second: They go—poor, despised, disgraced, sick, and needy—to serve masters who are often mean, and persons who, although just to others, sometimes give these men no compensation. With such hardships, sorrows, and famine, and but few delicacies or provisions for their illnesses, many of them die, and that in great wretchedness. Third: They try to escape, as often as they can—now to Macan or to Malaca, sometimes to Maluco, but most commonly to Nueva España—under a thousand pretexts and excuses of being married, or sick, or bound to religion, and others. Fourth: On this account, the country has so bad a reputation in Mexico and in the other countries whence they might come, that no one of worth comes, but only very mean and worthless beggars, and destitute, shiftless, and useless fellows; and it would matter very little, and would even be better, if they did not come. Fifth: It is a pitiable thing to see men of rank and quality, and gentlemen, who have come for private opportunities and objects, poor, ill-clad, without shelter, service, or food, and needy, enduring great hunger and shame for the sake of supplying these needs—in the same day dining at one house and supping at another. Sixth: On this account, the captains and commanders neither dare nor can order anything freely, nor are the soldiers willing to obey; and therefore, not only is nothing accomplished, but there remains neither military order, nor respect for superiors, nor organization. Seventh: They have no weapons, or, if they have them, they are compelled to pawn or sell them for clothing and food. Eighth: On this account, many of them are almost forced to inflict injuries on the natives of the country in order to get food, and others to live with native women for the same reason. From all of these follows the ninth and greatest evil of all—namely, that the little that has been conquered has been so weakened that it is not growing, and shows no sign of future growth; and nearly all the rest is so disaffected, and without our having any opportunity or power to hold it, that not only will it remain as now, but it is even feared that the little already conquered will be ruined—especially as, besides the foe at home, there are so many surrounding enemies, those of Japon, China, Çian, Patan, Jabas, Burney, and Maluco, and other innumerable peoples. All this is in the utmost need of remedy, so that this Spanish state may not be destroyed, and so many souls of the natives lost, and the glory of their Creator and the knowledge of Jesus Christ effaced and forgotten. Nor should the enlargement of so great lands and kingdoms, for so much gain, honor, and renown of our Catholic sovereigns and of their faithful vassals, the Spanish nation, be neglected.

2. The great importance of paying the soldiers. Second: All this will be remedied, provided that his Majesty order that, inasmuch as there is an evident and imperative need here for troops, and for their participation, as now, in the exercise and labors of war—conquering, pacifying, conserving, controlling, and anticipating dangers; carrying the responsibilities of presidios [i.e., fortified towns], garrisons, and sentries; and enduring other duties and hardships, greater in this country than in any other—they be granted what is just and necessary, either from the treasury of Mexico or of some other country, or in such manner and method as his Majesty may consider better; and that the pay be the ordinary rate that is paid in the Yndias—or, if he chooses, even less. This will not only put an end to the said evils and annoyances, but will give rise to so great blessings; since the country will be quiet and settled, and there will be continual necessity for subduing and converting more lands, and conquering all of the neighboring islands and kingdoms. These will have the fear and respect that they ought to have for the power and might of his Majesty, and for the Spanish people—of which much has been lost and little gained of late years, because we have been so shut in and abandoned.

3. That three hundred and fifty soldiers with six captains, six standard-bearers, sergeants, and corporals are sufficient for that country. Third: For the above object, it will be sufficient that his Majesty maintain here three hundred or three hundred and fifty soldiers, with six captains, six standard-bearers, six sergeants, and twelve corporals, well drilled and equipped. This can be done in the Yndias at the price of fifteen pesos [to each soldier], and to the captains fifty, to the standard-bearer twenty-five, and one thousand pesos of additional pay, to be distributed annually at the will of the general.

4. That the soldiers should have no other duty or occupation. Fourth: We recommend that any one of the soldiers, on receiving an encomienda or other appointment, shall draw no more pay; and that while he draws pay, he shall not be allowed to trade or traffic, under severe penalties—for this lure and anxiety is the destruction of soldiers; it lessens and intimidates their resolution, and occupies them and distracts them from their proper aim, which is so necessary for the safety and increase of this land and of Christendom.

5. That the soldiers shall not be servants of the governors or others. Fifth: We recommend that no servants of the governors, captains royal officials or others, may be provided from any garrison of soldiers; but that all the latter be soldiers only, with the occupation and exercise of arms, or of what pertains thereto.

6. That the exemptions of soldiers be observed. Sixth: The exemptions from arrest for debts incurred while a soldier, or from executions on weapons, horse, or anything else necessary and proper to the soldier, should be maintained.

7. That the captains and commanders enjoy their privileges. Seventh: The captains and commanders should be protected in their privileges, by which they have ordinary power and authority to govern and punish the soldiers, and in all matters pertaining to the soldiery; and these powers should be granted to and exercised by them.

8. That the governor and captain-general have a guard of twenty-four halberdiers. Eighth: Twenty-four halberdiers should be given to the governor and captain-general, to guard his person and maintain his authority, as do those of the captain of Malaca; for it is only by such display that due respect is inspired in the natives and foreigners, and their minds kept from planning revolts and treasons. It also confers authority upon the person of him who represents the person of our king, and increases the honor and reverence paid to him. To these guards should be given each month, from the royal exchequer, eight pesos and three fanégas of rice; and to the captain of the guard, twenty-five pesos.

9. That those coming from Mexico be soldiers, and not boys, or pages of the captains. Ninth: His Majesty should order great caution to be employed as to who come from Nueba España, assigned and at his cost, that they be soldiers and bear arms: for those who generally come now are only young lads, mestizos, and even some full-blooded Indians, and these without weapons; and many others are pages and servants of the captains and other persons, who—they and their masters—under the name of soldiers draw the pay.

Chapter seven. Of the forts and presidios needed in this country

1. That Manila should be walled, and the ease with which this can be accomplished. First: His Majesty should be informed of the ease and cheapness with which stone buildings are made and can be made. He should urgently and imperatively order that this city of Manila be enclosed with stone, on the side where that is needed, and on the other sides with water; that the fort be built where it shall be determined by the advice of all; and that a tower be erected on the point at the junction of the river and sea. The part where a wall is necessary is very little, extending from the beach to a marsh of the river—about sixty brazas; but it will never be done, unless his Majesty so order.

2. That until forts are built, the country will not be settled. Second: Having this and the garrison for the fort, not only will the city be secure from the perils that have hitherto menaced it, and its present dangers from revolts; but the natives (like the Chinese and foreigners—Madrid MS.) and the Chinese, the foreigners, and all others, will cease to devour it, and will despair of our having to depart or perish, as they may desire, and of their hopes and designs (which they continually cherish—Madrid MS.) of expelling or putting an end to us. With this stronghold, the whole country will be greatly quieted, and the neighboring peoples will be afraid and have less inclination to resist, or resolution to attack the city. Occasion will not then be given for either natives or foreigners to regard us as so barbarous and not able to govern—which they impute to the weakness and negligence of our king, when they see, as now, everything here so unprotected, with but one small wooden fort, dilapidated and liable to be burned easily in one hour, and, in another part of the city, part of a small tower begun with small stones (and, although belonging to an estate of the country, it remains unfinished—Madrid MS.), and that the city is, at the very least, in a ruinous state.

3. Five dangers that are feared from revolt, and their remedy. Third: There are five dangers to be feared from revolts or invasions. The first is from the natives, who are numerous, heavily oppressed, and but thinly settled; the second, from the Chinese, of whom four or five thousand reside here, and have ingress and egress. The third is from the Japanese, who make a descent almost every year, and, it is said, with the intent of colonizing Luçon; the fourth from the inhabitants of Maluco and Burney, who are infuriated and irritated, and have quite lost their fear of us, having driven us twice from their lands; and it is feared lest they unite, as they have threatened, in order to drive us from our own. The fifth is from the English, who were in Maluco and noted our weakness (who, when in Maluco, had information of the weakness of Manila—Madrid MS.). A fort is needed in Ylocos or Cagayan, as a defense against the Japanese and Chinese robbers; another in Çebu, against Burney and the Malucos; another in Panpanga, against the Çanvales, or rebels. These with the fort of Manila will give security, and at a very slight cost to his Majesty, more than to order it, for materials are abundant, and almost all the natives are workmen.

4. That there should be ships to ensure the safety of the islands. Fourth: Besides these presidios, there should be some coasting galleys or fragatas, to make the coasts secure, and ward off the invasions of the Japanese. They (are accustomed to come every year, chiefly to the region of Cagayan and Ylocos, to—Madrid MS.) rob and kill many natives, and seize the Chinese vessels that bring us food and goods, so that much is lost, and commerce and plenty hindered. They also cause the Chinese, returning from Manila to their country, not to take the usual route; and they harm our Indians by sea and land, as they do even now. The fragatas can also protect us against other Chinese and Bornean pirates; and against any other emergencies and dangers, from foreigners or from the natives.

5. That no confidence can be placed in the natives. Fifth: In order that the necessity for these forts and presidios above mentioned may be understood, notification should be given that, with the arrival of Englishmen or any other enemy, it would be necessary for the Spaniards, for lack of these forts, especially in Manila, to seek refuge and be dispersed inland. There, beyond, any doubt, they would all be killed, or run great risk of it, because the Indians of the Philippinas are knaves (very warlike; and the Spaniards and soldiers have so harassed them, on account of having no pay or food, that—Madrid MS.); and as they receive so many wrongs and such ill treatment from the soldiers (who can almost be excused for doing it, by their poverty), if they had such an opportunity, they would kill as many as possible, since even now, without having such occasion for it, they never lose any opportunity, and daily kill Spaniards.

Chapter eighth. Of the expeditions and pacifications necessary

1. That much can be gained, and many Christians made, at but little cost. First: To his Majesty should be declared the new mode and new circumstances in which we can justly make (and they have been made for several years) expeditions and pacifications in this land. He should know that this may be done with few troops, and at slight cost, and with great facility, and the advantage that will be gained if the troops are paid and under military rule; for the land is so divided into many islands, and between many petty rulers—who quarrel easily among themselves, and ally themselves with us, and maintain themselves with but little of our assistance. In all this, his Majesty has a very extensive equipment for performing great service to our Lord (and doing good to so many souls—Madrid MS.), and in extending the Christian religion and the church, and his royal name, in lands so strange, and broad, and thickly populated.

2. How little establishment has been made in the country. Second: Inasmuch as this pacification can be made justifiably, there is the utmost need for it (even in the very region where the Spaniards reside and travel—Madrid MS.), both for the Spaniards and some Christians, since it is all so disaffected and unsubdued for lack of troops, as above stated, and because they have not the necessary pay. Thus even in the island of Luçon are provinces that have never been conquered, or which, although once subdued, have revolted again—as those called Çagayan, Pangasinan, Playa Onda, Zanbales, Balete, Cataduanes, and others, surrounding and near Manila. These are mixed up with the pacified provinces, and thus it is neither all done nor to be done, for the want of a little system and provision.

3. The obligation to protect those already converted. Third: Not only is it necessary to establish the said equipment and system, but it even appears that his Majesty has an obligation thereto, because of the so great service that he has rendered to God by the conversion of so many souls, who are under his royal protection, who exceed two hundred and fifty thousand in number. By not being able to protect these, they are suffering at present great hardships and wrongs from the disaffected and unpacified natives, who daily attack and kill them, and burn their houses, crops, and palm-trees. On this account, and because they kill also many Spaniards, not only are our present conquests not extended, but they are daily diminished; and there is grave danger, as above stated, of losing them altogether (of the Christian population being exterminated—Madrid MS.).

4. The many peoples that can be pacified now—a thing which it will be impossible to do later. Fourth: Besides the said provinces, which in many places are in revolt, between ourselves and those already converted, are others, which, although not so near in distance or in the disposition of the people, still cannot be called new discoveries, because they are already known and studied. Daily they are becoming more deteriorated and perverted; and it will be necessary for their good and our safety to pacify and rule them—which later will be very difficult or impossible to do. These provinces are Ba[bu]yanes, the island of Hermosa [Formosa], the island of Cavallos, Lequios, the island of Aynao [Hainan], Jabas, Burney, Paraguan, Calamianes, Mindanao, Siao, Maluco, and many others.

5. That the governor be empowered to make expeditions. Fifth: His Majesty is informed that, on account of these conditions in the country, it is here unanimously considered necessary that the governor of Manila should have authority and power to make these expeditions and this pacification at the cost of the royal exchequer, in the most important cases that arise (and are continually arising), if he consult as to the law with the ecclesiastics and lawyers, and, as to the execution of his plans, with captains and with men of experience and conscience. He should also seek counsel in regard to the other important details, in order that the expenses be only those necessary, and such as shall produce results. For lack of this power, in lands so remote, and since he must wait so long for the proceedings of the Council, and a reply from España, when the reply comes most important opportunities will have passed, and great difficulties will have resulted; and no matter how important these things may be considered here, seldom is there anyone who pays any attention to anything except his own individual concerns. (As for this country, every one looks after his own interests and enrichment, and there is no longer anyone who will spend a maravedi, even if the country is endangered—Madrid MS.).

6. That the governor may be empowered to entrust expeditions by contract to other Spaniards. Sixth: In order that this may be done more easily, and at less cost, the governor should be permitted to make agreements and contracts with captains, encomenderos, and other persons who wish to coöperate with the king, to undertake these expeditions at their own expense, or partly so, as may seem most advisable—for there are and will be many persons who, although not able to make them at their own expense, can make them with this aid. And in such contracts the governor should have power to concede and grant, on the part of his Majesty, appointments and titles of governor, adelantado, mariscal, and other honors which are and have been conceded, in the Yndias, to such men.

Chapter ninth. Of other matters common to Indians and Spaniards

1. That his Majesty should aid in atoning for the wrongs inflicted by the first conquerors. First: His Majesty should be informed that, as this country has been recently conquered, the majority of the first conquerors are still alive, who inflicted great injuries in their expeditions; and that as either the Indians on whom they inflicted them, or their heirs, are likewise living, or at least the villages and provinces remain, the confessors refuse to absolve these conquerors unless they pay, each one the whole amount in solidum, or all together unite to pay it. This they can never do, as it is a vast sum, and because many are dead, or gone, or poor, so that those remaining are but few; and an exceeding great sum is assigned to them, which they refuse, or are unable to pay, except with great injury to themselves, and many of them being left poor and in their former condition. They beg that, since these wrongs were inflicted in gaining the country for his Majesty, and as they remain but little or no richer thereby, and because these are damages inflicted in the act of conquest, his Majesty will aid them with a certain sum of money—in order that with what the conquerors are prepared to give, the Indians may be recompensed, and they themselves may be confessed and at peace with themselves and the ecclesiastics; or, at least, that his Majesty write to the pope to grant a bull for the adjustment of this matter. This he may concede, so that each one may comply by paying what wrong he thinks he has done, and not the whole; and they request that what they have restored hitherto at the advice of their confessors for pious works be taken into account (of the total sum of which they are uncertain), especially when an Indian, or his heirs, of those aggrieved is not alive.

2. That many encomenderos do not furnish ministers of instruction. Second: His Majesty should be informed that although certain of the encomenderos, fearful of their consciences, strive to furnish the necessary instruction in their encomiendas, there are others who furnish none (many others who will not furnish any—Madrid MS.), or not the amount necessary, notwithstanding that there are enough ministers (who reside in the encomienda—Madrid MS.). Thus they do not lighten the burdens on the conscience of his Majesty, to whom belongs the country, and to whom it pertains to furnish instruction, and thus to justify the chief argument for collecting the tributes. This requires rigor on the part of his Majesty, in order that the Indians, since all can be and are so assiduously compelled by their encomenderos to pay tribute, may and shall be also instructed; for up to this time there are encomiendas which have been peaceably paying their tributes for fifteen, twenty (twenty-five—Madrid MS.) or more years, without ever having seen a minister or hearing one word about God; and who cannot imagine why they are paying tribute, unless it be by sheer violence. And, in the same way, there are many others, who are disaffected and pay by sheer force of soldiers and arquebuses, and by compulsion, etc. The principal reason for their disaffection is that they have not ministers; for there is nothing that settles and calms the Indians better than the treatment of all alike, and mildness, and an upright life, or at least to see that one has not an evil intention. The ministers also serve as a check on the encomenderos, collectors, and other Spaniards, who go among the Indians, and cause the usual altercations and scandals. And since there is no means besides force, even for the temporal, that his Majesty can use, and so that the pacified may not become disaffected, and that the disaffected may be held in check, severe and forcible measures should be taken to see that this instruction is given them. His Majesty should decide whether the encomenderos (who, in order not to spend money, do not furnish instruction) can collect the entire amount of their tributes, or he should inflict upon them what penalty he deems advisable; and he should decide—if, in order that they may furnish the instruction, it is necessary to increase the tributes somewhat—whether it can be done, as stated.

3. The injuries inflicted in the collection of tributes. Third: His Majesty should be informed of the great lack of system and the confusion existing in the collection of tributes, and the many injuries inflicted on the Indians by the Spaniards and their great opportunity for inflicting them; for, as he who made the assessments in die beginning was not a lawyer (as the first governors were not lawyers—Madrid MS.), nor acquainted with the mischief that could happen later in the collections, he rendered them very confused and vexatious. Although, in its general understanding, and in the usage of the first years, it is seen that the tribute amounted to the value of eight reals, paid in what the Indian possessed and desired to pay, still in certain words and clauses regarding the assessments and the articles which they fix as payment for the tributes—such as cotton cloth, rice, and other products of the country, or three mayces of gold and one fowl—opportunity is given for the lack of system now existing, each one collecting as he pleases, with great offense to the Indians, and harm to the country. For when gold is plentiful, and reals scarce, they ask for reals; when the latter are plentiful, and there is a scarcity of gold, they ask for gold, even when the Indians have to buy it; and when crops are plentiful, they ask for money, but when these are lacking, they ask for produce—such as rice, etc.—even all that the Indians have, and they are compelled to travel great distances to try to buy it at high rates. Thus, where the tribute is eight reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty, and more, on account of the value of the articles that they demand, which they compel the Indians to search for and bring from other districts. Through this the Indians endure so great oppression and distress, that, on this account, several provinces have revolted, and others will not pay, except by force and with much disturbance. All, including the encomenderos themselves, desire that this matter be cleared up; but the royal Audiencia did not care to meddle with it, as it is a matter of tributes, and pertains solely to his Majesty. It is necessary that the tributes be in the standard of Castilian reals, paid in money, or in the produce of the soil, as the Indian has them, and as he chooses, provided that their value remains.

4. That his Majesty order the Spaniards to release their Indian slaves. Fourth: Although many of the Spaniards (all the Spaniards who have tender consciences—Madrid MS.), have, in obedience to his Majesty's decrees, given up the Indians whom they held as slaves, many others still retain them—forbidding them to have house or property of their own, or to live in their own villages and doctrinas. [42] A new decree is necessary, so that an end may be put to all this pest, as was done in Nueba España and Piru.

5. That the enslavement of Indians by other Indians be regulated. Fifth: His Majesty is informed that all the chief and wealthy Indians, and even many of the common people among them, have and continually make, many slaves among themselves, and sell them to heathen and foreigners, although the slave may be a Christian. It is ascertained that of the twenty and more different methods of enslavement not one is justifiable. Although in regard to those who are recently enslaved, and are known, reform is easy, still regarding the many held from former times, the bishop and all his assistants are in great doubt and perplexity, because, on the one hand, they see that the Indians possess and inherit the slaves from their parents and grandparents, while on the other, the ecclesiastics are certain that none, or almost none, of the slaves were made so justly. Therefore, hardly any learned and conscientious religious is willing, not only to absolve, but even to baptize or marry the Indian, unless he gives up his slaves; for these generally are, or were, stolen from other countries, or taken in unjustifiable petty warfare, or made slaves for very small debts—of which the majority admit no other payment than their enslavement—others by usury and barter according to their custom, and by other methods, even more unjust than these. It is necessary for his Majesty to ordain some method so that, now and henceforth, at least those who are under our control, may make no more slaves; that children born to those who are now slaves, or appear to be slaves, should be born free; that those that wish to redeem themselves may do so at a price adjudged reasonable by arbitrators; and that those held at present may not be sold to pagans, or to Indians not subject to his Majesty.

6. The annoyances to the Indians from lawsuits and the preparation therefor. Sixth: His Majesty should prevent the annoyances and troubles suffered by the Indians from the ministers of justice—alcaldes-mayor, deputies, notaries, and alguazils—by the many suits that they stir up among them, not only about events occurring since the advent of the Spaniards and a government, but also about events of former days, occurring in their heathen condition, and regarding their ancestors; these may be either civil or criminal. And these are not summary cases, but are conducted with all the preparation made in a chancilleria of España; and as the ministers of justice and their assistants are so many (and as there are so many alguazils, attorneys, secretaries, reporters, summoners, notaries, clerks, and servants of all these—Madrid MS.), and the Indians are so poor, ignorant, and cowardly, the latter spend their entire substance (all they have is quickly consumed—Madrid MS.), and they are left without any property or any conclusion to the suit, which keeps them frightened and uneasy. The encomenderos and ministers of instruction, who see the spiritual and temporal scandal occasioned to the Indians, desire that his Majesty remedy this; and the same is desired by the president and auditors—although one says that, without an order from his Majesty, no summary process can be conducted, but that justice must take its ordinary course.

Chapter tenth. Of the advice necessary to the religious who come to Manila and go to other countries

1. That the religious leave the islands for other countries without orders from the governor or bishop. First: His Majesty should be informed of the disorder in these islands which arises from the religious being allowed to leave them whenever they wish, and for any place where they choose to go, and that they have gone four times, without permission of governor, bishop, or any other authority in the islands—saying that, by the full power given them by the pope, whosoever shall hinder them will be excommunicated. By these departures they have caused and are causing many losses, and are gathering no harvest of souls.

2. The injuries caused by the departures of the religious. Second: The injuries on the part of the islands are, that the religious, whom his Majesty sends from España at so much cost to himself, declare, as soon as they have arrived here, that they do not come for the islands, but for China; and therefore they do not give themselves to the language of the Indians, or intercourse with them—but rather, to give color to their own acts in traveling farther to satisfy their curiosity and see new lands, they speak evil of the natives and of the country, thus giving it a bad name, in speech and by letter. They prevent religious, soldiers, and settlers from coming from España and Mexico, while in the islands they disquiet the other religious with desires to travel farther, or to return; and they rouse and excite the seculars and soldiers, so that, moved and deceived by the same curiosity; they should furnish them with fragatas and equipment, and go with them. Therefore, religious, soldiers, and vessels leave the islands—all of which has cost his Majesty so much money and causes great want.

3. The wrongs committed in the countries where the religious and the seculars go without orders. Third: The injuries on the part of the countries whither they go are not less, because those people are all disturbed and offended, and consider the religious as spies and explorers. Therefore they are continually preparing defenses and building fortifications, as those in China have done, who have added many war vessels and garrisons, because of their suspicions of these departures. And, as these religious go without order or provision, they cause our affairs—of both religion and war—to be held in contempt and ridicule; and the foreigners arrest the religious and soldiers, to whom they offer many insults, while they keep the fragatas and their cargoes—as they have done five or six times.

4. The difficulty caused by thinking that China and other kingdoms can be converted, since it is not so. Fourth: Likewise one may reckon as a harm and a serious difficulty the settled opinion formed in Nueba España, Castilla, and Roma, through letters, that China or Cochinchina, Canboja, Sian, and other districts, will be converted. Therefore, it is necessary that his Majesty be undeceived and that people in Europe [Nueba España, etc.] should be informed that, after all these departures, an embassy was sent by order of the governor, the bishop, and the community, who traversed all those kingdoms, even Malaca, yet now they are all more tightly closed than ever; while the religious, who have gone without orders, have accomplished nothing more than to be insulted and maltreated, and to leave the pagans more haughty and more on their guard.

5. That no secular person may leave the islands, nor give the religious aid to leave them. Fifth: It is very needful, for a reform of the said disorders, that his Majesty order the governor of Manila, under severe penalties, that no secular Spaniard may leave the islands for any place or for any business, or furnish a fragata, supplies, or any other aid to any religious in order that the latter may leave the islands, without showing a special order from his Majesty, from the governor, bishop, or any one else whom (or, in Manila—Madrid MS.) his Majesty may consider a suitable person.

6. That the religious come from España and Mejico for the islands, and for no other place. Sixth: His Majesty should order that, now and henceforth—since all the mainland is so closed, and there is, on the other hand, in the islands a very wide open gate for the increase of Christianity and of his kingdoms—the religious coming from España and Mexico shall come assigned for the Philippinas Islands, where there is the greatest abundance of souls. Many who are already baptized, are yet without instruction or ministers; many others pacified, and yet to be baptized, are daily asking for baptism; and there are an infinite number of others to be pacified, who have no knowledge of God—all for lack of ministers; and it is a most serious error that, while this land is so ready, all thought is centered on China, which is wholly averse to the faith; and its doors are closed against it. This is the, art of Satan, so that neither the one nor the other may be effected. [43]

The Proposed Entry Into China, In Detail

First: The person who is sent as an eye-witness will give his Majesty a brief relation of the vastness of China, of the abundance of its fruits and provisions, of the richness of its merchandise, and the great quantity of gold and silver, quicksilver, copper, iron, and other metals; of the immensity and certainty of the treasures, and the infinite amount and variety of the products of the handicrafts and of human industry; and, above all, the endless things that may be said about the people and their life, health, peace, and plenty; and how, with and by all this, there is offered to his Majesty the greatest occasion and the grandest beginning that ever in the world was offered to a monarch. Here lies before him all that the human mind can desire or comprehend of riches and eternal fame, and likewise all that a Christian heart, desirous of the honor of God and his faith, can wish for, in the salvation and restoration of myriad souls, created for Him, and redeemed by His blood, and now deluded and possessed by the devil, and by his blindness and wickedness.

Second: If we, who are here, and see and hear these things, should neglect for any consideration whatsoever—either to escape the labor, anxiety, danger, and cost, or for any other reason—to advise his Majesty of this and to persuade him to undertake so grand a work, we would fulfil neither our duty to heaven, which we owe to God and to the souls of our kinsmen; nor the faith and loyalty, which in such a juncture we owe to our king, our religion, and our fatherland. Surely, we should all be known as vile-spirited cowards, and men of little valor, since, standing on the threshold that bounds so much good, we are content with the little we now possess; and by dint of idling and amusing ourselves with the little that we have here, we fail to look or reach for an object so important for the world, for God, for our king, for ourselves, and above all for the people of this country.

Third: Let his Majesty come to a decision in this matter, for we who dwell here know that either this matter must be left, and entirely given over, and lost forever, or it must be taken up now, because the chance is slipping by, never to return. Thus, a few years ago, it might have been accomplished with no labor, cost, or loss of life; today it cannot be done without some loss, and in a short time it will be impossible to do it at any cost. For the Chinese are each day becoming more wary, and more on their guard. They are even laying in munitions of war, fortifying themselves, and training men—all which they have learned, and are still learning, from the Portuguese and our people. Seeing the Portuguese in that country, and us here, they are fearful, and especially so from the accounts the Portuguese give them of us, telling how we go about subjecting foreign lands, overthrowing native kings and setting up our own, and that this has so far been our sole object in coming, and other things that the father has heard from the mouths of the mandarins themselves, and which he will recount. Besides, there is the passage of the fragatas, which they have seen on their way from here to Macan, having met nearly all of them in their ports or with their fleets; and, most of all, the course of affairs in these islands, which, if it were presently made known, would be understood in such wise as to destroy all hope of success.

Fourth: Further, if, for their sins and ours, the doctrine of Mahoma comes into their country—and it has already spread over nearly the whole of Yndia as far as Malaca, Samatra, Javas, Burney, Maluco, Lucon, and almost all other lands—if it should get a foothold there, and some have already entered there, it would be an insurmountable obstacle, not only to cleansing the soul from such an obstinate error, but to winning the land; because they will enter straightway and teach the use of arms, munitions, and the science of war.

Of the right and ground for this entry

First: As for the right and justification which we have for entering and subduing this land, the father who is going to España will discuss and explain this to his Majesty, as he has considered it long and often with the Castilians here, as well as elsewhere with the Portuguese of Yndia, China, and of Japon, with all persons of scrupulous conscience and broad experience; and he knows what all of them think of this project. His Majesty may think it necessary to learn what the father has heard and known and felt respecting the fight and ground which exists, or may exist, both for the preaching of the gospel, and because of the injury that we from day to day sustain, and for the sake of these islands, but much more on account of Macan and the Portuguese.

Of the necessary means for this entry; and, first, of the personnel and troops

First: Considering the condition and climate of the land of China, and its populace, it will be necessary and sufficient for ten or twelve thousand men to come from España, either Spaniards, Italians, or other own subjects of his Majesty; but try to have them, as far as possible, Biscayans. If possible, the expedition will set out with an addition here of five or six thousand Japanese, and as many Visayans, who are subjects of his Majesty in our islands, and are a spirited and sturdy people.

Second: Although there are persons here of great valor and experience, yet for so great an undertaking they are few; and some captains and persons of tried capabilities must come from España, as so great an affair demands—since it can only be carried out if picked noblemen are brought over, who are prouder of the glories of war and honorable deeds for their God and their king and the world, and of the fame of them, and who have little lust for other gain or sordid lucre.

Third: The governor of these islands should also be the commander of the expedition; and he should be some great person, superior in rank to all the rest, of whatever nation they may be, with whom he may have to deal in this expedition, or anything pertaining to it in these parts, whether they be Portuguese or Castilian. In the allotment of the offices and positions, the veteran captains and soldiers should be preferred, and especially the Castilian and Portuguese citizens of these islands, who have merited it by their loyalty, labors, and services, both because they have won and kept this land and because they have had much experience with the country and the people. Besides they are already acclimated and used to the country, its climate, heat, and rain; wherefore their help and counsel should be highly valued, and they deserve recompense and preference in every way.

Fourth: The troops sent should be infantry with arquebuses, corselets, and pikes; and, besides, a few musketeers.

Fifth: Crews for four galleys should be sent, with skilled boatswains and foremen for them.

Sixth: There should be sent, as soon as his Majesty comes to a decision, three or four artillery founders.

Seventh: His Majesty should then order the viceroy of Yndia to send here, or give to whomsoever may go there for them, five hundred slaves, because they are so plentiful and cheap there.

Eighth: There should be sent from España one or two machinists for engines of war, and fire-throwing machines, and a few artisans to make pitch (with some already prepared), as there are materials here for it.

Ninth: There should be some master shipwrights for building galleys and fragatas with high sides, which are the best kind of craft for this purpose. In the island of Cuba lives Francisco de Gutierrez, a neat workman, who built Pero Melendez's boats, that proved the terror of the French.

Tenth: A captain should be sent ahead with orders from his Majesty, and with a mandate from the general of the Society of Jesus for his religious in Japon, that they may receive him and further his mission. He should bring sufficient money to pay the troops that are to be brought from that country and take them to an appointed place. They should be paid a ducat or twelve reals a month, or even less.

Arms and supplies needed

First: Besides the regular arms to be brought by the soldiers from España, there should be, for emergency, a number of coats of mail, and arquebuses; and, above all, five hundred muskets and three or four thousand pikes, a thousand corselets, and a thousand Burgundian morions from Nueva España.

Second: Good flints and locks for the arquebuses can be had here cheaply; but the barrels must be brought from España, and should be all of one bore, so that the same bullets may be furnished for them.

Third: From China we can procure very cheaply copper, saltpeter, and bullets; and in this island are ample mines of copper and sulphur, [44] and all the requisites can be bought cheaply at various places. It is said that the necessary tin and saltpeter can be obtained cheaply and in abundance.

Fourth: There must be brought from Yndia two thousand quintals of cordage, which will cost two thousand pesos or as many ducats. This will make a saving of considerable money, and at the same time the cordage will not arrive frayed and worn out by the hard journey from Vera Cruz to Mexico and thence to Acapulco, over mountains, valleys, and rivers. The anchors and necessary grappling tackle should be brought from the same country, together with the slaves already mentioned.

Fifth: From Nueva España should be brought cloth (gray and other colors, and mixed) for the protection of the troops in seasons of rain and storm, for the country is rather cold and very wet. Item: there should be blankets and garments for the sick, and other necessaries.

Sixth: Have his Majesty send two hundred thousand pesos to cover and provide for these and many other things, and pay the Japanese, and other incidental expenses.

Seventh: Have the commander of the expedition bring a number of presents to win over some of the mandarins and other persons of importance; and for this have brought from España velvets, scarlet cloths, mirrors, articles of glass, coral, plumes, oil paintings, feather-work, globes, and other curiosities, and some red and white wine for the same purpose.

What can be and is provided for here in the islands

That his Majesty may understand that his subjects truly wish to serve him in this country in so important an undertaking, and that he may grasp more clearly what is being done and provided for here, it is described in the following.

First: At the meeting of the junta here, consisting of the president, auditors and fiscal, with the bishop and other persons before mentioned, when this project was discussed, all decided that so serious a matter, and one of such possibilities, should not be put off with no more action than sending immediately to discuss it with his Majesty; the necessary preparations were commenced here at once, and it was universally resolved with considerable enthusiasm and serious purpose, that, on account of the lack of money in the royal treasury, and the country being so impoverished by the previous fires and the loss of the ship, they would draw from the money of intestates held for heirs [caxa de difuntos], of which there was about ten or twelve thousand pesos, and thus begin the work. They contracted with the Chinese to bring copper, saltpeter, and other materials. The casting of artillery is commencing now, and the securing of powder and ammunition; for if his Majesty should not choose to take up this enterprise, nothing will be lost by this, and it will suffice the Chinese that the duties were put at three per cent on whatever materials they bring for implements and munitions of war, and supplies needed here.

Second: A ship will be sent to Malaca to bring the tin and saltpeter needed in addition to that procured in China and powder, and a number of slaves to aid in the foundry work and other labors.

Third: The five thousand Visayan Indians of these islands will be brought together, and some good troops with the necessary arms.

Fourth: In whatever port of the islands the fleet is to enter, there will be ample accommodations, and full supplies for their reception; and, if they come to Cagayan, there are several advantages. First: they will come directly from España, without danger from islands, shoals, or the like. Second: the river has a good bar and four braças of water and more, at low tide. Third: it is on the China side, a two days' sail distant. Fourth: it is nearest Xapon, Hermosa Island, and Lequios. Fifth: between there and China there are so many islands that the trip can be made in boats, and a close and quick communication can be kept up, and it is easy to repair any accident. Sixth: there are thereabout several islands, called the Babuyanes, where there are swine, goats, and fowl in abundance, and considerable rice. Seventh: there is in the land great store of swine and fowl, and excellent hunting of buffalo and deer, which are so common that two thousand large casks [pipas] of meat can be brought down in a few days. Eighth: warehouses can and will be built there sufficient to hold a hundred thousand fanégas of rice, which is the staple food of this country. Ninth: there is great abundance of fish, as healthful as meat. Tenth: the wine needed will be brought there in great plenty, being palm wine, and very good. And from China can be brought what is called manderin, which is very good and cheap, and is much drunk in the islands. Eleventh: there will be a supply of jars of biscuit and flour. Twelfth: kidney beans, even better than Spanish lentils, are common in the islands. Thirteenth: there will be made here a supply of sandals of anabo, which is an herb like hemp, of which rigging is made for ships. There is also a great deal of cotton. Fourteenth: linen cloth for shirts, doublets, breeches, hose, and other things wrought of linen, is very common and cheap here, both of domestic and Chinese make. Fifteenth: in Cagayan there is abundance of wood for all kinds of vessels that may be built; this is true as well of all the other islands; and nearly all, or at any rate the greater part of the Indians, are carpenters and smiths. Sixteenth: iron for nails, which is brought from China, is plenty, and so cheap that five arrobas (a Chinese quintal) are worth eight or ten reals. Seventeenth: cast-iron cannon-balls for large and medium-sized guns are furnished by the Chinese, who sell them at two or three reals apiece, while the manufacture alone costs eight or ten reals here. Eighteenth: the Indians of these islands are already very skilful in making ships and fragatas with the assistance and labor of a few Spanish carpenters, who furnish them with plans and a model; they make them so quickly and cheaply that a vessel of five or six hundred toneladas can be built for three or four thousand pesos, as some have already been. Nineteenth: above all, if his Majesty wishes to take up this enterprise seriously, the encomenderos of these islands will provide him with fragatas, men, and money, as they have always done for the expeditions when occasion offered; and this they have done and will do, so gladly and loyally, that his Majesty is bound to make this expedition, since the readiness and desire for it are as great as the result in spiritual and temporal good which is hoped for, both for his Majesty and for the rest.

The route to be taken by the fleet

It should be known that there are four routes which may be followed. First: from Sevilla to Nueva España, passing via Mexico to the port of Acapulco. Second: coming from Sevilla to Nombre de Dios and Panama. Third: coming by way of the Cape of Good Hope, to Malaca, and thence by Macan to Cagayan. Fourth: by the Strait of Magellan. This last, by the strait, is the best and shortest of all, no unusual danger or obstacle being found on this passage. Have this matter considered and conferred upon, with our sentiment in regard to it, and what is thought over there, and settle on the safest and best The reasons why we who are here think that this is the best route will be explained by the person who accompanies this.

It were best that the Portuguese help in the affair

First: It is important that his Majesty give the Portuguese a part in this conquest, because they could greatly aid by the experience that they have of the seas, lands, and people of these regions. Their army should not come together with the Castilians, nor should the assault be made from one side alone; but they should go by Canton, and the Castilians should go by way of Chinchio, as nearly as possible at the same time.

Second: His Majesty should appoint as commander of the Portuguese fleet a person of such rank as to be above the viceroy of Yndia, or at least, in no wise dependent upon him; for it is the universal complaint of the Portuguese that the viceroys always hinder these great projects, or turn them to their own profit by bringing into them their kinsmen and dependents, or by other private interests such as are usual among various persons, and are never lacking.

Third: This person should have his Majesty's definite and explicit command, empowering him to take from Yndia, and from any fortress or city in Yndia, so much as may be needed, not only of troops but also of money, munitions, ships, and all other necessaries.

Fourth: This person should have an understanding with the commander of the Castilian expedition both as to the time of the attack, and whether they should meet later during the conquest, and for whatever other question might arise between them during the progress of the affair, which should need settlement. This should be very clear, leaving no room for dissensions.

Fifth: If the Japanese who are to be taken on the expedition do not wish to join the Castilians, and prefer to go in with the Portuguese, since they already know them, and likewise because they get along better, and the Portuguese treat them more as equals than is permitted here [they may do so]. But if they wish to go with the Castilians, let them come to Cagayan, and this will be arranged with them and with the fathers of the Society of Jesus, who are to act as guides. [45]

Sixth: His Majesty should procure and bring about that the general of the Society of Jesus should command and ordain to the fathers in Japon, not to hinder the bringing of this reenforcement of Japanese, and whatever may be needed therefor; and to this end he should send a father sufficiently commissioned, who should be an Italian.

Seventh: At the proper time and juncture, which will be before the news of the expedition has come to the knowledge of the Chinese, the fathers of the Society who are within the borders of China, in the city of Joaquin, should be withdrawn, that they may give information to the armies about what they know of the country, its strength, and its military forces and supplies; and whatever other dangers or reasons for caution they have in mind. They will also serve as interpreters, and persuade the Chinese to allow the Spaniards to enter in peace, and to hear and receive the preachers, and accept the religion sent them by God. They will tell the Chinese of the protection which his Majesty desires to offer them, so that they may receive the Spaniards without fear; and how great a favor he is doing them in freeing them from the tyrannies of their mandarins, and relieving them from the yoke of slavery that they at present bear, leaving them in freedom of body and soul, and exacting nothing but an acknowledgment for this gracious act. To this end the fathers should write many chapas, and scatter them over the whole of China, and be of use in any other way that their years of life in the country may make possible. These should be the instructions of the general of the Society of Jesus to his commissioner.

Eighth: Let it be known in España that as the voyages of the Portuguese to the east and the Castilians to the west should and must be made and end at the same time, the movement of the winds is favorable to them; for the Portuguese can come to Macan at the end of May, and during the whole of June, when the first junks usually come from Maca, and the Castilians will arrive at Cagayan at the same time.

Ninth: Those arriving first should send a dispatch-boat to the Point, to meet the other fleet. This can be done by two or three routes, for at that season very small and light boats can be navigated; and the distance is not great, about one hundred and fifty leagues on each side.

Of dangers, and risks of great misfortunes to be known and guarded against by his Majesty on this expedition

First: If the number of troops in both armies were small even though well armed and equipped, since the Chinese are so numerous, they will be deluded and offer resistance; and as the Spaniards are brave fighters, the havoc and slaughter will be infinite, to the great damage of the country. Therefore an effort should be made to have the troops so numerous, well equipped, trained, and strategically handled, that there will be no chance for resistance; and their mere presence and a demonstration will suffice to cause the Chinese to submit, with no great bloodshed. In this way there will be no danger that the Spaniards, finding themselves surrounded and pressed by such a multitude, incited and urged on by the mandarins, should cause appalling havoc and cut them down, thus harming agriculture and lessening the population of the country.

Second: Do not let them come so few in numbers, or ill armed and supplied, undisciplined or insubordinate, as to cause any danger of confusion, discouragement, or desertion, in parts so remote as these, as this would be the ruin of the expedition; or they would go about it in such a way as to preclude success, and leave the Chinese our declared enemies, meanwhile losing our reputation and the bright hopes we now have of getting the port of Macan and a passage to Japon. There would then be no hope of the christianization which depends on intercourse with them, and we should lose the riches which are secured from Canton, and spread throughout all Yndia and Portugal, together with the returns of the public granaries, and a great many other advantages.

Third: Let his Majesty take great care and consider well whom he sends with this expedition, both the captains, leaders, and commanders of it; for it is very probable—nay, almost certain—that if this be not done, things will fare just as they did in the island of Cuba, and in other countries that were once thickly peopled and are now deserted. If the Spaniards go into China in their usual fashion, they will desolate and ravage the most populous and richest country that ever was seen; and if the people of China be once driven away, it will be as poor as all the other depopulated Yndias—for its riches are only those that are produced by a numerous and industrious people, and without them it would not be rich.

Fourth: His Majesty should know that the government of that people is so wonderful, both for restraining and keeping in order so great a multitude; and because, although lacking the further light and aid of the faith, it is maintained with such peace and quiet, so much wealth, happiness, and plenty, that never since its foundation, so far as is known, has it suffered war, pestilence, or famine, in the main body of the realm, although there are wars on the Tartar frontiers. If that government were destroyed, they must suffer all these evils, wherefore they should be kept under that or a similar government. To appreciate the importance of this, one need only observe how, in the rest of the Yndias, the laws and institutions of the natives have been trampled down, and even our own have not been preserved. In this way the peoples have been ruined and the country depopulated, to say nothing of the injury to souls, bodies, and fortunes, and the propagation of the faith, respectively. This is a grievous ill, the worst that his Majesty or those perpetrating it could suffer; for he is left without dominions, or with deserted ones, and they without recompense or profit, save that which is no sooner won than exhausted.

Fifth: Let it be known and understood that what has heretofore been said and decreed respecting preprations for war is not meant to convey the impression that we should or could act as if we were dealing with Turks, Moors, and other races who are unfriendly, and the declared enemies of our belief and our king. For these people neither know nor understand it, and are not ill-inclined. The forces are to be sent merely to escort and protect the preachers of the faith and subjects of the king who sends them, and to see that they are allowed to enter the land, and may preach where they choose and consider it needful, and so that those who hold the government shall not hinder the others from hearing and receiving the doctrine. They will see to it also that conversion shall go on without intimidation, and without danger that through threats of punishment any of those already converted should relapse or apostatize.

Sixth: We realize here with what caution and moderation the entry must be made, as the king has provided fully, clearly, and in a Christianlike manner in his ordinances which relate to incursions and discoveries. But this is never complied with in the conquests, because they are always conducted by poor persons, not carefully chosen, and whose Christianity has not been put to the test. The cure for this and all the evils, dangers, and injuries that we have described, and many another most grievous one, is that the commander of the expedition be a man of approved Christian zeal and clemency; free from all covetousness, and eager for the honor of the service of God and his king; by nature humane and full of zeal for the common good, and for the salvation of souls. The same things should be looked for in so far as possible in the other leaders, counselors, and commanders; and they should be men who would be bowed with shame and dishonor at being guilty of deeds unworthy a Christian and a noble man.

Seventh: If this be not looked after thoroughly, and effective measures taken for its remedy—both with respect to the personnel, as has been said, and the heavy punishment that should be ordained and decreed, and in due time executed—his Majesty will have, after heavy losses and labors, nothing for his pains but the loss of his honor, wealth, people, vessels, and arms, which are taken from his realm, where they are so badly needed, and yet are sent away to ruin a land and desolate a people—the richest and most opulent in temporal goods that could be owned, and in spiritual possibilities, of all those that have been discovered. The result would be that, either by the judgment of God, to avert so many evils and the ruin of so many people and of so good a government, the army and the expedition would be destroyed; or else, if the land be won, the conquest would entail the destruction and ruin of all that might have been gained, and naught would be left but the seeds of perpetual sorrow.

Of the gains from this conquest, if it be rightly done

The first of the many and enormous benefits of this conquest, if it be rightly ordered and carried out, is that the knowledge of God and of Jesus Christ His Son, our Lord—which has commenced in these lands so remote and distant from the church and the support of the Catholic kings; and which is at present so narrowly constrained and little disseminated in these islands, and is in danger each day of coming to an end, if thus neglected—will not only be spread over great realms, but by this means will be so well founded, and so widely extended, that it shall never be ruined or extinguished; but it shall remain and persevere in this new world with the glory and fame, before God and man, of that king, who, by his zeal, diligence, and liberality, has accomplished what no other monarch of the world has done.

The second: No one, if he has not seen it, can imagine or comprehend the infinite multitude of souls that will thus come to the knowledge and adoration of their Creator. Today they are in the utmost darkness and neglect of Him, and in the greatest subjection and servitude to the devil that exists upon the earth—through their great idolatry, wickedness, and bestiality, which arises entirely from the great abundance and the bounty of the land.

The third: Much less can one realize without seeing it, how—apart from the corruption of sin, depravity, wickedness, and inveterate customs—how kind, honorable, content, gentle, pleasant, tractable, and easily governed these people are by nature; and how all China, with but one stock, is so great and populous, and so much intercourse is carried on in the greatest peace, regularity, quietness, justice, and order, that has ever been known or discovered in the new world or the old—and this with no aid from the divine light, or any fear of punishment or reward, but by the mere strength, or rather gentleness, of a good native government.

The fourth: In this way our customs will, or at least may, be introduced, together with the articles of our faith, with the utmost ease, both because of their gentleness, and because of their great intelligence, and mental capacities, wherein they have a clear and marked advantage over us.

The fifth: It will be necessary to establish immediately a large number of schools, where our writing, language, and literature may be easily and quickly learned, having them abandon their own, which are extremely difficult, so much so that even they cannot understand them while still children. These are a diabolic invention to keep them busy all their lives with their whole minds, so that they can neither go on to other sciences, nor can others teach them, without first ridding them of this hindrance. Once rid of it, not only the children, but even the grown persons of all ages will learn our letters, language, and literature—as well on account of the ease of our writing, and the relief from the burden of the other, as because of their natural aptitude, the gentleness of their dispositions, and their natural adaptability to guidance, when there is a hand to guide.

The sixth: From the beginning a large number of churches and monasteries will be founded, not only for the purpose above mentioned, but especially to instruct in our faith, doctrine, and mode of life.

The seventh: There will be no difficulty in pacifying and converting the peasants, countrymen, and villagers, who are so numerous that nearly all the land is covered with villages; for they are quite simple and unsophisticated, and suffer great oppression and tyranny. With the women, who are very numerous, there will be even less difficulty in introducing the faith, because of their virtue and great reserve, which is remarked by all who know of them—to such a degree that they lack only Christianity to be much beyond us in all matters of morality.

The eighth: It will result in time in preventing the entry of the cursed doctrine of Mahoma, which has already infected almost all the other realms, and its establishment there, which would be an easy thing, as the Chinese are so sensual and full of vices; and if it once enter that country, the conversion of souls will be extremely difficult, and the conquest of the land almost impossible, for this wicked belief renders men obstinate in its retention, and ferocious in its defense.

The ninth: And it makes us sad here to think that if this opportunity be let slip, all hope will be lost of the greatest conversion of souls and acquirement of riches that ever lay within the power of man, just as we have lost so many great realms in Yndia, which have so strengthened and fortified themselves that little or nothing remains of them. [46] And these benefits, in particular, will be lost.

Of other especial advantages

First: Not only is that country sufficient for its own maintenance, but his Majesty can also, with what he will obtain from it, check and menace all our old enemies. For he can easily exact every year, without injury to any one, five galleons—built and rigged, equipped with artillery and munitions, and even loaded with materials and military supplies. Further, if the Chinese are well treated and paid, from them will go the men necessary to work the ships; they are no less industrious and capable than our seamen, as we consider them very expert in the Portuguese ships.

Second: Those vessels, or as many others, can be loaded every year with gold, raw silk, and all sorts of silken fabrics—taffetas, satins, damasks, etc.; with musk, chests inlaid with ivory, boxes, wrought and gilded curtains, and whatever kinds of furniture, appliances, ornaments, and jewels are used by man; and many a web of linen cloth, of every sort and kind. Thus there would be no necessity for bringing to España, as is now done, these goods from foreign lands; and our money and wealth would be retained in España, as it now is not.

Third: Many persons who have seen them know that the towers of the treasure-house are of gold and silver, and of great size. They tell us what abundance of silver goes into general use because no other money is current, and how so much comes in continually from other countries and never goes out; and that is besides the many and exceedingly rich mines of the country. They say, too, that the king will not allow the mines to be worked, in order that trade and the culture of the soil may not cease. For that reason silver is continually carried into the country, and that contained in it is not carried away—on which account, they say, that metal remains there as a treasure.

Fourth: The amount of the rents and taxes, and profits which his Majesty can enjoy, from the first, from general sources, is very great—and that without injury to the civil and local government of the country. He will gain this through the mere respect for his universal sovereignty; and the protection and introduction of the faith, accomplished at his own cost, care, and diligence; and through the obligation to maintain and defend not only the faith, but good and firm government, in order to preserve it.

Fifth: The number of encomiendas that can be divided and distributed among our people will be great; and so rich are they that each person on whom one is conferred can maintain, worthily and liberally, the others who remain there. And his district would be so extensive that, if he chose to apportion it to each of his followers, he would have enough to provide for all, without any person being neglected.

Sixth: There will be many and very different offices and dignities of administration and justice which his Majesty must establish, to bestow upon his vassals.

Seventh: There will also be many captaincies and subordinate places, and military offices, and employments for the soldiers; and with these three kinds of opportunity a great part of the Spanish people could come to reside there, and be ennobled, and the country could be placed on a very substantial and safe footing.

Eighth: Since the people are so clever and intelligent, with agreeably fair complexions and well-formed bodies, and are so respectable and wealthy, and have nothing of the Indian in their nature, they have the advantage of us in everything except salvation by the faith, and courage. And since the women are exceedingly virtuous, modest, and reserved, and are very faithful wives, very humble and submissive to their husbands; and as they are even more graceful, beautiful, and discreet than are the women of Spain; and as they are wealthy and of good standing—it will be a very simple and ordinary proceeding, and very creditable and honorable, for them to marry (as some are already doing in Macan) the Spanish captains, merchants, and men of all classes. These will become noble with their wives, and will be settled and established in China. Thus the two peoples will mingle, and they will propagate and multiply the race; and all will be, in short, united and fraternal, and Christian. This is something which has never occurred or been accomplished in any part of the Yndias which has been discovered and settled, since those people were so barbarous and brutal, so ugly, vile, and poor, that [Europeans] have seldom formed unions in the bonds of marriage. In the few cases of such marriages, they have been considered ignominious, and the parties, with their children and descendants, have incurred a sort of infamy and disgrace. On this account, there has been among these nations neither friendship, unity, nor safety; on the side of the natives, neither confidence, nor increase of numbers, nor development, nor sincerity; and, for the Spaniards, neither fixed residence nor industry. Accordingly there has been neither settlement nor government; and everywhere there has been a barbarous mode of life, and ruin and depravity, in both spiritual and temporal matters. In the laws and government, and in regard to estates, villages, and individuals, everything has steadily gone from bad to worse, and is in a very feeble condition. Nothing of this sort will occur in China, nor will there be room for these disorders, on account of the opportunity which such marriages will furnish for friendship, and for familiar intercourse as between equals. We shall thus maintain ourselves, and become established in that land, on account of the said traits of the people—their virtue and beauty, dignity, wealth, and prudence—and many other advantages of that country.

Ninth: Not only for this reason, but because that country is very healthful and well supplied, and prolific in all generation and progagation, there will soon be born a great multitude of boys and youths among the Spaniards and Chinese. Then will be needed not only schools to teach reading and writing, as has been said, but the sciences; and universities—in which will be taught, besides Latin and other languages, philosophy, theology, and other forms of learning. For these studies, the Chinese possess excellent memories and understanding and very keen faculties. They have gentle dispositions, and well-shaped figures. They are very neat, and polite and serious in behavior, and lead temperate lives. They have the qualifications and the possessions for any office or dignity, and they occupy and represent these with much more authority and severity than do our people. On the other hand, they display much gentleness and suavity—all the more since there are no severe or outrageous punishments in those realms, which are so settled and peaceable, and ruled with such justice that it compels admiration.

Tenth: From what has been said, it follows that there will be among those natives—whether pure-blooded, or partly of Spanish blood, as has been said—after the two peoples have become united and connected, persons suited to become priests and religious; and to assume the government and official posts of the state, and military offices; and to undertake all the other services and enterprises of the country. With these, it will be evident how well established, peaceful, and united the country will be, since those persons will look after it as their own; and on account of the bond and union which will exist between its parts, and of the many ties of kindred—of wives, and children, and relatives—and of estates, which will constrain them to aid one another, and take care of the country.

Eleventh: In the other Yndias all this has been lacking, and continually have been supplied from España, or from the pure Spaniards, all the priests and religious; the governors, and judges both superior and inferior; with all the other positions and commands, both in peace and war—and even the mechanics, and the assistants and subordinates of the above-mentioned persons. Besides, the Spaniards have always managed the state for themselves, and separately from the natives of the land—disdaining to give them a share in any matter of honor or profit, but remaining always foreigners and aliens, and even objects of dread, to the natives. For when some of the Spaniards die, or return to Spain, others come anew, who are always strangers to the people of the country and regard the natives as barbarians. From this have resulted two serious evils, and the beginnings of many others. First: The Spaniards are always few in number, and have but little experience or knowledge of the country; they have little affection for it, and few ties or interests therein. It is always their intention to return to the mother-country, and to procure their own enrichment—whether it be by fair means or foul, or even by destroying and consuming, in their eagerness to attain that end—not troubling themselves whether the country be ruled rightly or wrongly, whether it be ruined or improved. The second evil is that, to the Spaniards, the commonalty of the Indians is something new and strange, and the latter are always regarded as menials and slaves, and objects for the insolence of those who come into possession of them. Accordingly, they are always scorned, despised, overworked, exhausted, and even dying—as is actually seen to be the case. With all this, it is impossible that their numbers should increase or their condition or their lands improve; rather, they are continually deteriorating and dying—as in many districts they are already ruined; and everywhere there is a tendency to this, in the opinion and judgment of all who see and understand their condition.

Twelfth: All this has arisen from two sources. The first is, as has been already said, that the people are so low, barbarous, poor, ill-favored, rude, ignorant, and unworthy of being mingled with Spanish nobility and valor. The second is, that the country is so poor, and what wealth it has is so unsubstantial; it has no roots, or anything in which it could take root and become established. For almost the only wealth of these people has been in the mines and metals, and in their personal belongings, which are not permanent or fixed. There are no hereditaments or cultivated farms, or crops, or regular supplies; no products of the industry of workmen, and no machinery; no general provision for ordinary use. But all is a desert, and destitute, and at a standstill, and unsettled—as they say, belonging to the east wind. And therefore the Spaniards also have been and are as unsettled as if they were stopping at an inn. Such are the lands that they have won.

Thirteenth: In China, conditions are altogether different, since its people are, as has been said, qualified for marriage, friendship, and union and equality; and they are fitted for offices and dignities and authority, both spiritual and temporal. And, further, the richness of the country is so great and of such sort—being realty, crops, and necessaries of life; provisions of rice, wheat, and barley; all manner of fruits, and many varieties of wine; domestic fowl, ducks, and many other kinds of poultry; many cattle, horses, cows, goats, sheep, and buffaloes; abundant hides, endless store of silk, and considerable cotton; musk, honey and wax; numerous varieties of valuable woods, many kinds of perfume, and other things produced by the soil; besides an abundance of mines and metals, as has already been stated. To all this is added the results of the industry of so many people, so apt, thrifty, industrious, and well governed. It is incredible how great is the number and abundance of the crafts, arts, inventions, industries, and manufactures of everything that could be asked for human use—of necessaries, ornaments, dainties, jewels—and all the shops and articles of merchandise, both for the use of the country and for the trade with foreigners. All this, together with what has already been said of the people, should, God willing, be cause enough to give us an entry into those realms, so that, in short, they may become pacified, intermixed and united, hispanized and christianized. So that one cannot mention all the great benefits arising from this, both spiritual and temporal—a new light of the faith, good modes of life, salvation for the Chinese and many souls, and glory to God; wealth, honor, and eternal fame for our king; great renown, prosperity, and multiplication for the Spanish nation, and through it, for all Christianity. Besides, there will be all these that follow.

Other benefits besides those already mentioned

In the first place, there could be established straightway archbishoprics and bishoprics (as many as in all the former Christian world, over there), with a patriarch.

Second: There might be founded new military orders with larger revenues than those of the old country; or the old ones of Santiago, Calatrava, Alcantara, and San Juan may be extended, and it will even be a great advantage if these and other new ones should be used during the conquest.

Third: A number of titled lords can be created, such as counts, dukes, and marquesses, just as, at present, encomenderos are appointed—for the encomiendas must be much larger there; and with such prospects the entry will be much more certain, and the land much more secure afterward, since there are so many lords.

Fourth: His Majesty may appoint four or six viceroys, as there are now fifteen in the fifteen provinces, who have as much power and state as kings have elsewhere.

Fifth: After all these things have been seen to, and the land is in a settled condition, his Majesty may levy from it a great income and much merchandise for his realms, as has already been said.

Sixth: Peace can be made and an understanding reached with the Tartar and other tribes that lie in the region from China to the land of the Turk; and we can better know his condition and strength, and find a way to harass him from here in the East.

Seventh: Couriers and relay postmen can be sent to Spain by land; for, although some have already come by land, they are all the time finding shorter and better routes.

Eighth: The former peace and amity with the Sofi and the Armenians, [47] and any other people that may be discovered or treated with, or become known, in all Asia, will be greatly strengthened.

Ninth: When his Majesty is lord of China, he immediately becomes lord of all the neighboring states of this coast, including Cochinchina, Canboxa, Sian, Patan, and even as far as Malaca; and it would be very easy to subject the islands of Samatra, Javas, Burney, Maluco, &c.

Tenth: Therewith can be secured the states of Yndia, and the returns from the merchandise coming from China—without whose commerce they could not be maintained; and which is now not secure, but very doubtful, unless it be conquered.

Eleventh: The reason for establishing these possessions in some kingdoms, and alliances and commerce in others, will be cogent—the opportunity for the conversion of souls; by this means the knowledge of the name of Christ may be brought into all these regions, and in all of them souls may continually be converted.

Twelfth: The Chinese will navigate the seas to the Yndias of Peru and Nueva España; and their relations with us will be more settled and confirmed.

Thirteenth: The population of that country is so great and so dense that many of the Chinese can be brought to these islands as colonists, and thus enrich themselves and this land.

Fourteenth: The immediate occupation of China will forestall the danger that the French and English, and other heretics and northern nations, will discover and navigate that strait which certainly lies opposite those regions—that of Labrador, [48] as those peoples say.

These are, in brief, the many evils which should be averted, and some (not to speak of many others) of the numerous benefits—which it would take long to enumerate in writing, and cannot even be imagined—which would result if his Majesty should choose to put his hand to so great an undertaking; and may God our Lord grant him the grace and favor to proceed with it.

Doctor Santiago de Vera The Bishop of the Filipinas The licentiate Melchor Davalos The licentiate Pedro de Rojas The licentiate Ayala The Archdeacon of Manila Antonio Sedeño, rector Alonso Sanchez Fray Diego Alvarez, provincial Hernan Suarez Fray Juan de Plasençia, custodian of the order of St. Francis Fray Vicente Valero, guardian Fray Alonso de Castro Raymundo Fray Pedro de Memdieta Fray Juan de Quiñones The canon Don Juan de Armendariz The canon Luis de Barruelo The mariscal Graviel de Ribera The accountant Andres Cauchela Juan Baptista Roman Don Francisco de Poca y Guevara Pedro de Chaves Diego de Castillo Juan de Argumedo Don Juan Ronquillo del Castillo Juan de Moron Ballesteros de Saavedra Don Antonio Jufre Carrillo Andres de Villanueva Luis de Bivanco Agustin de Arceo Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos Bernardo de Vergara Gaspar de Açebo Juan Pacheco Maldonado Gomez de Machuca Francisco Mercado de Andrada Francisco Rodriguez Gaspar Osorio de Moya Don Bartolome de Sotomayor Diego de Çamudio Bernardino de Avila Luis Velez Cherino Pedro Martin Francisco Garçia Melchor de Torres Christoval Muñoz Diego Fernandez Vitoria Alonso Beltran, Secretary

[On the back of the Sevilla copy are written, in the same hand as are the marginal notes, various memoranda, apparently as references for the use of the council. On the left-hand side appear the following:

"1: There was an assembly of all the estates, who resolved to send a person to his Majesty; and all appointed Father Alonso Sanchez; August [sic; but should be April] 19, in the year 86. 2: On the fifth of May, 86, the royal Audiencia of Manila appointed Father Alonso Sanchez as envoy. 3: On the twentieth of June, 86, the bishop and cathedral of the city of Manila appointed the same. 4: On the sixteenth of April, 86, the bishop and the superiors of the religious appointed the same. 5: On the 25th of June, 86, the judiciary, magistracy, and cabildo of Manila appointed the same. 6: On the twenty-eighth of May, the master-of-camp and the captains of the Filipinas Islands appointed the same."

Then follows a list of letters and other documents accompanying the "Memorial," several of which are presented in our text. On the right hand is written: "Filipinas Islands, city of Manila, assembly of April 19, 1586. Royal Audiencia, judiciary, and magistracy. Bishop and clergy. Orders, and religious and ecclesiastical estate. The master-of-camp, captains, and soldiers, and the secular estate. The person who should come: Father Sanchez." Other memoranda refer to various letters from Philippine officials, dated during the years 1583-86, which seem to have been consulted in reference to the "Memorial."]

[In the library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, is a collection of MSS., transcripts from documents in Spanish archives, which were made during the years 1859-65 by a Spanish official at Madrid, who had been in the Philippine Islands, named Ventura del Arco: it has been kindly loaned to us by Mr. Ayer for use in the present work. This series, in five volumes, large octavo size, contains some 3,000 pages of matter regarding these islands, from the original MSS. in the archives; some is copied in full, but often a synopsis only is given. To many of the documents are added tracings of the original autograph signatures. Although spelling, punctuation, and capitals are considerably modernized, the work of transcription appears to have been otherwise done carefully, intelligently, and con amore; and the collection contains much valuable material in Philippine history. It covers the period of 1586-1709, and begins with the proceedings of the junta of 1586, which are found in vol. i, pp. 1-101. The "Memorial" is given in a full resumé; and at the end is cited (pp. 48-49) the following paragraph, which is not contained in our Sevilla copy, or in that of the Madrid MS. which we have followed:]

In the city of Manila, on July 26 of the year 1586, the following persons met in the royal building: The honorable president and auditors of the royal Audiencia of these islands, and his Majesty's fiscal of the Audiencia; Don Fray Domingo de Salazar, bishop of the Filipinas; and the religious, the captains, the magistrates, and the municipal officers of this city—who hereunder signed their names. They met to discuss fully the matters contained in this document, about which Father Alonso Sanchez as procurator-general of this country, and acting in its name, is to confer with his Majesty, and solicit aid from him, that the prosperity and colonization of these islands may continue to increase, and that God and his Majesty may be served. The above articles having been read, as they are here recorded, de verbo ad verbum, all the above persons declared, unanimously and with one consent and opinion, that this memorial was properly drawn up; and that Father Alonso Sanchez should communicate all its contents to his Majesty, and other matters as seemed to him necessary. The above honorable persons made the required attestations to the document, and signed it with their names, as did other persons. I, the clerk of the court [of the Audiencia], attest this.

Alonso Beltran

[Then follow thirty signatures, all tracings of the original autographs.]

Letter to Felipe II, From Various Officials

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

To fulfil the obligations resting on us, we the master-of-camp and the captains who are serving your Majesty in these Filipinas Islands, give your Majesty, whenever we have an opportunity, a report of matters concerning this camp, and what things are desirable in it. That your Majesty may be better served, we are sending this report by the ships that are now sailing, notwithstanding that our captain-general, the president of the royal Audiencia here, is writing a more detailed relation (as being the person who has given the most attention to this), of all that he thinks necessary to improve matters in these islands, so that their increase may be constant.

The care that your Majesty has always had and continues to have for the preservation of these islands, and the great expense that your Majesty has incurred therein, since they began to be pacified (a work which still continues) without your Majesty's royal exchequer having any profit, cause your Majesty's very Christian zeal to be well understood, and that what you principally aspire to is the great service which is rendered to our Lord, in spreading His holy evangel in lands so remote, and among people so far removed from the true knowledge, by which, through His goodness and mercy, so many thousands of souls have been converted, and are being converted every day, to His holy faith, to say nothing of many who in this time have been born in and enjoyed holy baptism. The latter are extremely numerous, which has resulted from the employment of soldiers stationed here, for with their protection the religious who aid in conversions and preaching can do so in security. Without such protection this would be impossible, unless by the special grace of God, because these natives are a people untamed, rebellious, and exceedingly cruel. If they are obedient, it is plainly evident that they are so on account of this check; and that if they were not thus restrained, not only would the work not go forward, but the gains would be turned to losses, through inability to retain them. What your Majesty has so happily commenced here would come to an end, although these districts and the neighborhood promise so excellent beginnings, of the very best, in those places so near this country—which are, as your Majesty well knows, China, Japan, Borney, Sian, and Patan, and many other very rich and prosperous provinces. Furthermore, a manifest and great service would be rendered to our Lord, when their peoples should come to know Him. Your Majesty's royal crown would be extended by wider boundaries, as your Majesty's greatness and Christian zeal worthily merit. Therefore what has been thus far gained is of very great consequence, and your Majesty should order that it be preserved with the care hitherto manifested, since it is of so great importance. This can in no wise be accomplished without the assistance of soldiery.

That this should be more efficiently done, it is quite necessary that your Majesty should order that the usual force here consist of three or four companies, which contain in all about four hundred soldiers. These with their captains and officers, should be paid by the month, as is the custom in the rest of your Majesty's camps and frontiers; for thus they will all serve with great assiduity, and support themselves honorably, having good weapons and munitions and everything else necessary for military operations. They shall understand that, when pay is given them, they must take care to render obedience to orders and commands, with great readiness—being subject to their commanders, which is the principal thing required; and the captains must punish those who may exceed their orders, as is done in all districts where garrisons are established, and as it was done here before your Majesty ordered the royal Audiencia to come to these islands. For, notwithstanding the fact that until then the soldiery here had never been paid, they have not on that account failed to be usually very willing and obedient to orders given them. They are well supplied with weapons and munitions of war, and are as experienced therein as those who, more than they, follow the art of war in all regions. This they have clearly demonstrated on certain occasions that have taken place in these islands, and by the reputation which they have everywhere gained for maintaining themselves among so many enemies, always attacking these with great personal bravery, without having had forts or defenses for their protection. Their alertness, good will, and discipline has all been due to the fact that the governors and captains-general who have come here on your Majesty's service, provide everything that, in the opinion of your master-of-camp and the captains, may appear to be requisite for your Majesty's service, without its being necessary for anyone to lend a hand in it. On account of this regularity in affairs, both captains and soldiers have performed their duties freely, lending their assistance with much care in whatever was necessary, and doing whatever they were ordered without any shirking—for, besides fearing the punishment which would be meted out to them for doing anything improper, they expected a reward for their services. They saw that those who merited it were constantly being rewarded with encomiendas and other means of support; consequently everyone exerted himself in the service with much more willingness and courage, without shirking any labor or peril, however great it was, and without stopping to make any demands that they should be given their usual pay—as now they claim in regard to your Majesty's royal decree respecting the towns that shall be vacated and placed under the royal crown. For this has so disheartened the soldiers of this royal Audiencia who have come so far in the hope of being rewarded for their services, that there is not a soldier who does not refuse to obey the orders he receives. Since the royal Audiencia has come here, there have been so great dissensions that very few or none take any pride in military service or carrying arms as before, except it be ourselves, the master-of-camp and the captains. To remedy such a state of affairs, it is not enough to make rules which point out their duty; but in rewarding each man who goes the rounds, does sentry duty, or the like, support is given to the royal Audiencia, whose orders lately fail of execution; for when we or they order anything to be done, the soldiers go away and do as they please. As a result the latter have grown so arrogant, that many times when they have been summoned by their sergeants to do certain things which are their usual duty, and indispensable for the defense of this city, they have refused to obey them. On the contrary, officers have been publicly insulted and stabbed; and this has occurred not once but many times. This boldness has increased to such an extent that it is displayed on the slightest occasion. On this account we cannot maintain sentinel duty, or the necessary precautions, because we, the master-of-camp and the captains, cannot punish them as formerly. The soldiers no longer have for us the fear and respect that they once had, which has caused in these islands the complete loss of that military discipline which was formerly so strict. This has been shown repeatedly, so that the natives indulge in all sorts of daring, holding us in very slight estimation, as they did last year in Panpanga, five leagues from this city. They placed at their head two chiefs, who in two days' time had a large following, well armed and supplied, who could disturb the whole land with the insolence and the effrontery that they displayed. Because they said that they were coming to destroy this city, it was necessary for myself and some captains, and all the good soldiers to be found here, to go out to prepare for them. This was done and the president sent your Majesty a detailed account thereof on the ship which sailed from here at that time.