Volume II, 1521-1569 (continued 3)

The "San Juan" was despatched to New Spain to carry despatches and to beg aid. At the same time, July 10, came two boats from the Moluccas with letters to Legazpi from the Portuguese commanders inviting the Spaniards to their islands. From these Portuguese it was learned that they proposed a speedy descent upon the settlement. The Spaniards were but ill prepared for such a thing. "All this risk and danger has been caused by the delay in receiving aid from that Nueva España. May God pardon whomsoever has been the cause of so great delay and so many hardships!" [77] (Tomo iii, no. xxxix, pp. 91-225). Cebú, circa 1566. A petition to the king bearing signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guido de Labezari, Andres Caúchela, Luis de la Haya, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Joan de la Isla, and Fernando Rriquel, sets forth the following requests: 1. That ecclesiastics be sent to Cebú, "for the preaching of the holy gospel and the conversion of the natives," as only three of those first sent remain, namely, Fray Diego, Fray Martin de Herrada, and Fray Pedro He Gamboa. 2. More men, and arms and ammunition for five or six hundred men, so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms. 3. That due rewards be granted Legazpi for his faithful service. 4. The confirmation and perpetuation of the appointments made by the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco, in the expedition of Legazpi. 5. That the king grant to all those of the expedition and their descendants forever exemption from pecho [78] and custom duty, as well as exemption from tax on ail merchandise that they might trade in these islands for the period of one hundred years. 6. That transferable repartimientos [79] be granted to the conquerors and new discoverers. 7. That the wives and children of the conquerors, whether in Spain or New Spain, be sustained from the royal estate until the repartimientos be made; and that in case of the death of any of those of the expedition this sustenance be continued. 8. That land be apportioned to them. 9. That the conquerors alone, outside of the king, be allowed to trade in the Philippines. 10. That the Moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the natives, and preach to them the religion of Mahomet," may be enslaved and lose their property. 11. That the offices of the royal officials appointed by Velasco be granted for life, and to one heir after them, and that they be allowed to share in the repartimientos. 12. An increase of salary because of the high cost of living in these islands. The petitioners beg further: 1. That slave traffic be allowed, "that the Spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and natives of these regions, both in mines and other works that offer themselves." 2. The remittance of the king's fifth of all gold and silver found for fifty years. 3. That the natives be distributed in encomiendas. Legazpi in a separate petition makes the following requests: That the Philippines be conquered, colonized, and placed under the dominion of the crown, in order that the gospel may be preached to more advantage and the tributes collected from the natives, who are "changeable, fickle, and of but little veracity." That religious of good life be sent who may serve as examples, and that they may "try to learn the language of this land, for thereby they will obtain good results." That certain Moros, who, under pretext of being traders, preach the Mahometan faith and hinder Spanish trade with the natives, be expelled from the islands, and that they be not allowed to marry or settle therein. That his office of governor and general be confirmed for life and extended to one heir, as promised by Velasco. That the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco be granted him from the royal estate, inasmuch as he has made the expedition without any personal aid from the king. That he and two heirs be allowed to hold all the forts established by him, with the salary agreed upon with Velasco, and that such holding and salary commence with the fort of Cebú. That the title of high constable, for himself and heirs, of all lands discovered and colonized by him, be confirmed. That he may have two of the Ladrone Islands, with the title of adelantado, provided he conquer and colonize them at his own cost; these islands will be of great service as a way-station between New Spain and the Philippines. That Felipe de Salcedo, his grandson, be granted the habit of the order of Santiago for his great services in the voyage to the Philippines, and his discovery of the return route to New Spain, for all of which he had received no financial aid from the crown. That the king favor Mateo del Saz, the master-of-camp, for his excellent services. (Tomo iii, no. xlv, pp. 319-329.)

Legazpi's son, Melchor, presented five petitions to the king, all growing out of the agreements made with the former by Luis de Velasco, and his subsequent services in the islands. The first petitioned in behalf of Legazpi: 1. That two of the Ladrones with title of adelantado, and a salary of two thousand ducats be granted him and his heirs, this concession to bear civil and criminal powers of jurisdiction, and the title of governor and captain-general of the Ladrones. 3 and 4. Exclusive right to choose men for the conquest, both in New Spain and the Philippines, or any other place, and the appointment of duties and officials; also the right to fit out ships in any port of the Indies, and authorization of agents. 5. That he be permitted to assign land to the colonists. 6 and 7. That he and his heirs be high constables of all these islands and that they hold all forts built therein. 8 and 9. To him, his sons, heirs, and successors forever, one-twelfth of all incomes from mines, gold and silver, precious stones, and fruits, in the Ladrones; and two fisheries, one of pearls and the other of fish, in the same islands. 10. That for ten years after any colony has been formed no import tax be paid on goods. 11. That only one-tenth of all gold, silver, gems, and pearls discovered for ten years after the first settlement be paid the king. 12. That Legazpi may appoint in his absence from the Philippines or Ladrones a lieutenant, who shall act in his name. 13. That for six years he may commission two vessels for navigation of the Indies, and that he may despatch them together or separately. 14. That fines be granted for the founding of churches and monasteries throughout the islands. 15. That the petition in regard to Felipe de Salcedo be granted. 16. That a dozen religious from each order go to the islands, and that their superior do not object to their going. 17. That no foreigners, especially Portuguese, be allowed in the islands, "because therefrom might follow great losses and troubles, as happened when Lope Martin was sent as pilot with Captain Pericón." 18. That no vessels be permitted to go to these islands from the Indies, or from any other land, "without the express consent and commission of the royal Audiencia or the viceroy" of the district from which the ship sails, and the king must be fully informed thereof. The cause of this clause was that ships were fitting out in Peru and other places for these islands. 19. That Moros be prohibited from trading in the islands. 20. "Because the conquest of the Ladrones is of slight moment, by reason of their inhabitants being poor and naked," and their best use is as a way-station from New Spain; and New Guinea on the other hand offers much profit in both temporal and religious matters, that their conquest be permitted to Legazpi. 21. That, in case of Legazpi's death before the conquest is effected, the petitioner, or Legazpi's heir and successor, or the person appointed by him, may complete it. This petition was vistoed in Madrid, March 2, 1569, although it had been presented a considerable time before that date. After waiting for two years in vain for an answer to this petition Melchor de Legazpi presented another petition asking: that efficient aid be sent his father; that he be confirmed in his title of governor and captain-general "with the salary that your highness is pleased to assign him, and with the other rewards contained in his [Legazpi's] petition, … and that he be not abandoned to die in despair at seeing himself forsaken and forgotten by his king;" that he be granted the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco "in order that we might better prepare for the marriage of … my sister, who is of marriageable age." The petition states that even had Legazpi's expedition proved a failure, the king should not permit want to come upon his children, since his substance had been expended in the royal service. In the third petition, Melchor de Legazpi requests that the office of accountant of the City of Mexico rendered vacant by the death of its incumbent, be bestowed upon him, in remembrance of his father's services. He says the family is "poverty-stricken and in debt," because of his father having spent all his possessions in the king's service. The fourth petition presents information concerning Legazpi's services. The fifth petition requests that certain persons be received by the court as witnesses, and give information regarding Legazpi. From the testimony of these persons it was shown that Legazpi was one of the oldest and most honored citizens of the City of Mexico; that he was a wealthy landholder of that city; and had lost his wealth through devotion to the king's service, without receiving any reward therefor. (Tomo iii, no. xlvi, pp. 330-370.)

Warrant of the Augustinian Authorities in Mexico Establishing the First Branch of Their Brotherhood in the Philippines—1564

Fray Pedro de Herrera, vicar-general of the Order of Hermits of our holy Father Augustine in the regions of the Indies, with Fray Diego de Vertavillo, provincial of the same order in this Nueva España, and Frays Antonio de Aguilar, Nicolás de Perea, Francisco de Villafuerte, and Juan de Medina, definitors [80]—to our very dear Brethren in Christ, Andrés de Urdaneta, prior, Diego de Herrera, Andrés de Aguirre, Lorenzo de San Esteban, Martin de Rada, priests, and Fray Diego de Torres, to you, all and singular, everlasting greeting in the Lord.

Very beloved sons: You are aware how Felipe, by the grace of God king of the Spains and the Indies, and our lord, has been greatly pleased with the news that some brethren of our order are to go with the expedition now being equipped by his very illustrious viceroy and captain-general, Don Luis de Velasco, in this Nueva España, which is to rail through the Western Sea of this kingdom toward the continent and certain of the islands that lie between the equator and the Arctic and Antarctic poles, and below the region of the torrid zone itself—to the end that according to right reason and the benign counsels of Christian piety, both at home and abroad as will best seem consonant with the purpose of his royal majesty, you may control the fleet and troops of the Spanish army. Especially too that the most brilliant light of faith may beam upon the populous races that dwell in that region of the world. Through the benignity of God most holy and supreme, and your preaching, there is hope that those benighted barbarians may cast aside the errors and more than Cimmerian darkness of idolatry for the splendor of the gospel; and that they who, so long unacquainted with gospel truth, have been groping in the gloom of Satanic bondage may now at last through the grace of Christ, the common savior of all men, gaze at the full light of truth in their knowledge of his name.

Wherefore, as it has seemed our filial and reasonable duty not to prove wanting in view of the favor and trust granted us by his royal majesty, whereby measures will be taken to add to the divine glory, our homage to the king, and the safety of many mortals,—therefore after long meditation on this matter and mature counsel, sure as we are of your piety, deep learning, charity, and merits, we have chosen you for this apostolic charge, the task (with the help of the Lord, to whom we commend you) of leading peoples to embrace the faith. In order that greater and richer merit may ensue from your obedience in undergoing these very great hardships, which you are ready to meet through your love of Christ—although we have ever found you willing and ready to comply with our mandates—yet now in virtue of die Holy Ghost we command you, the above-named brethren, to set out in this first voyage with the fleet which the illustrious and well-born knight Miguel López de Legazpi, governor and commander of the fleet, whom ours [81] style captain-general, is to conduct to the aforesaid lands. We exhort and pray you earnestly, as far as we may in the Lord, to be in all things as the good actor of God, as becometh the holy ones and ministers of God, in all virtues—especially humility, patience, and discipline.

Chiefly, however, we desire to have shine forth in your deeds that singular and renowned token of Christians which our Savior Christ, when on the point of offering up his most innocent life and his most holy blood—that thereby, in rescuing us from the deadliest of fates, he might ensure the freedom of mortals—commended repeatedly to his followers as a countersign, in these words: "By this shall all men know that you are my disciples, if you have love one for another." This is that priceless boon of charity which Paul styles "the bond of perfection," which we trust may not only shine forth from your midst—Whereby you should cling to Christ as a companion, and seek the possession of his spirit—but that the same affection of peace and love flow thence from you to all other men as from a clear fountain, to the end that those who have made profession of this soldiership in Christ may cling to one another in the mutual bond of charity, to the maintenance amidst the clash of arms of that "grace which," the Apostle affirms, "is above all sense." For peace, be it known, dwells even in the midst of affrays, and is to be commended by you all, to the best of your power, to the inhabitants of those regions—to whom you should, as the heralds and vanguard of true evangelical piety, appear as in search not of what is your own, but of what is Jesus Christ's. Moreover, we earnestly exhort your charity in the Lord, as far as lies in our power, to announce the all-holy gospel of Christ to all races, baptizing them that believe in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; training them in the holy Catholic faith, on the same lines on which the faithful are trained by our cherished mother the Church of Rome; shunning utterly therein all novelty of doctrine, which we desire shall in all things conform to the holy and ecumenical councils and doctors acknowledged by the same Church; teaching them especially that obedience which all Christians owe to die supreme Pontiff and the Church of Rome—which in truth is always the leader, head, and mistress of all other churches of the world—then to their lawful rulers and masters; teaching them at the same time to live under the yoke and discipline of Faith, Hope, and Charity, and to forget, moreover, their old-time superstitions and errors of the Devil. And that you may the more easily fulfil the duty of your apostleship, to which you have been called by the Lord, we declare and appoint all among you who are priests among the preachers and confessors of our order, granting to you whatever privileges have hitherto been granted or shall be granted by the supreme Pontiffs themselves, or their legates, to our order especially, as well as to other orders, hospitals, houses, congregations, or other persons whatsoever—the privileges whereof may be considered as common to us by reason of many apostolic grants, among others, especially, the grants made to us by Julius the Second, Leo the Tenth, Clemens the Seventh, and Paulus the Third. Moreover, we grant you especially all the authority hitherto given by Sixtus the Fourth, Nicholas the Fifth, Gregorius the Ninth, Leo the Tenth, Adrian the Sixth, Clemens the Seventh, Paulus the Third, and Paulus the Fourth, or which hereafter may be given by all other Pontiffs, to all brethren going to the countries of unbelievers, to preach the holy gospel of Christ—especially to Farther Tartary, China, and other regions of the earth wherein we know not whether up to these times has been preached the piety of the holy Catholic faith—among which indults of the Pontiffs, Adrian the Sixth granted and conveyed all his power of whatsoever kind that might seem of need in the conversion and maintenance of neo-Christians. By reason of our office we grant and convey to you this power as far as lies in us.

We grant you, moreover, the power to establish houses and monasteries of our order in whatever places it may seem expedient to you for the glory of God and the health of our neighbor, and all the privileges, especially those of Sixtus the Fourth, Julius the Second, and Leo the Tenth for the reception of novices to the habit of our order. Shunning, moreover, all novelty, you shall zealously bring them up in the same mode of life that you yourselves have learned from your mother, our order, under the rule of our holy Father Augustine, and the constitutions of the order.

Also, we grant you power to administer all the sacraments to commanders, soldiers, sutlers, traders, and others who go on this expedition, as well as to all other faithful in Christ, whom you may encounter wheresoever you go, in virtue of the grants made therefor to us by Adrian the Sixth, Paulus the Third, and all other supreme Pontiffs.

Also to the very venerable father Fray Andrés de Urdaneta whom you all—each for himself, publicly and privately, at the same time when through our commission you were assembled in chapter—have chosen canonically as your prior and prelate for this expedition, we grant the fulness of all our authority in corporals as well as spirituals, as far as we have, it and are enabled, without reserving anything whatsoever to ourselves. And this authority we wish to terminate in the aforesaid father, whenever according to our instructions you shall choose another, and pass thence in its fulness to the newly-elect, and so on in succession for all time, until this grant of ours shall be recalled by ourselves or our chiefs.

In testimony and faith whereof, we have signed our names, with the titles of our office, to this our grant, whereto we have ordered the seals of our order to be appended.

Given in our convent of Culhuacan [Mexico], the fifth ides of February, in the year of our Redemption one thousand five, hundred and sixty-four.

Fray Pedro de Herrera, Vicar general. Fray Diego de Vertavillo, Provincial. Fray Antonio de Aguilar, Definitor. Fray Nicolas de Perea, Definitor. Fray Francisco de Villafuerte, Definitor. Fray Juan de Medina, Definitor.

Act of Taking Possession of Cibabao

On the flagship, on the fifteenth day of February, 1565, the royal fleet being anchored near a large island, which the natives indicated by signs to be called Cibabao, [82] the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando de Riquel, chief notary of the said fleet and government of the said islands, and declared: that whereas his lordship is sending his ensign-general, Andres de Ybarra, to make friends with an Indian, a native of this island, called Calayan, who declared himself a chief; and whereas it is fitting that possession be taken of the island in the name of his majesty; therefore he authorized fully the said Andres de Ybarra to take possession, in the name of his majesty, of the part and place where he went thus with the said Indian, and all the other districts subject and contiguous thereto. In affirmation of the above, he consented to the present ordinance before me, the said notary, and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, with their incidences and dependencies, annexes and rights, and he embossed the same in the form prescribed by law, and signed it with his name, the witnesses being the high constable Grabiel de Rribera, Amador de Arriaran [83] and Juan Pacheco, gentlemen of the governor, Miguel Lopez.

Given before me,

Fernando Riquel, chief notary.

And after the aforesaid, on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said ensign-general Andres de Ybarra, appeared before me, the said notary and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, being on the river Calayan to which the said chief thus named took him, having landed in a small inlet, at the edge of the water, and containing a small bay, and said that in the name of his majesty, by virtue of the power conferred on him by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general of the discovery of the islands of the West, he occupied and took possession and apprehended the tenure and true and actual possession or quasi-possession of this said land, and of all territory subject to it and contiguous to it. And in token of true possession, he passed from one end of that land to the other, cut branches of trees, plucked grass, threw stones, and performed such other acts and ceremonies as are usual in such cases—all of which took place quietly and peaceably, with common consent of those who were present, without the opposition of any one. And after the aforesaid act took place, the said Andres de Ybarra besought me, the said notary, to certify thereto, those present as witnesses being, father Fray Diego de Herrera, father Fray Pedro de Gamboa, the high constable Grabiel de Rribera and Francisco Scudero de la Portilla, [84] Pedro de Herrera, and many other soldiers. I, the said Fernando Rriquel, notary aforesaid, bear witness to the aforesaid, for it was done in my presence, and I was present at everything jointly with the said witnesses. In witness whereof I, Fernando Riquel, chief notary, affix here my signature and accustomed flourish, which in such documents is in token of truth. Collated with the original. [85]

Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Proclamation Regarding Treasure

Order to Make Declaration of the Gold Taken from the Burial-Places of the Indians

In the island of Cubu of the Western Islands, belonging to his majesty, on the sixteenth of May, one thousand five hundred and sixty-five, the most illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of the discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando Riquel, government notary of the said islands, and declared: that, inasmuch as he had been informed that many Spanish soldiers and sailors have opened many graves and burial-places of the native Indians in this island, wherein a quantity of gold and other jewels has been found; and inasmuch as those opening these graves and finding the said gold have not made a report thereof to his excellency nor to his majesty's officials, in order that his majesty may receive and take his royal fifths and rights; therefore he ordered, and did order, that proclamation should be made, in due form of law, that all who have opened any graves whence they have abstracted gold, jewels, and other valuables, and those who have in their possession gold and jewels of these islands, however they may have been obtained, shall appear and make full declaration regarding such things before his majesty's officials, in order that what is, in this regard, fitting to his majesty's service and the good security of his royal estate, may be provided—under penalty that whoever shall act contrary to this order shall, besides losing all the gold and other valuables thus obtained and abstracted, be proceeded against in due form of law.

Furthermore, he ordered that, from this time henceforth, no grave or burial-place be opened without the permission of his, excellency, in order that there might be present at this opening one of the king's officials, or myself, the above-mentioned notary, so that no fraud or deceit may occur, and so that an account and memorandum may be taken of everything—under penalty of five hundred pesos de minas and of returning all that was taken from such grave or burial-place, together with the fifth over and above this for his majesty's exchequer and treasury. This was his declaration and order, and he signed the same with his name,

Miguel Lopez

Proclamation: This said day, month, and year abovesaid, the contents of this edict were proclaimed in the form prescribed by law, by the voice of Pito Atambor, [86] in the presence of myself, the said notary, near the lodging of the said governor and general, and near the lodging of the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sas, many soldiers being present at each place. In affirmation of the above, Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Collated with the original,

Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Letters from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Other Officials to Felipe II of Spain—1565

To the Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

I gave an account to your majesty of my departure from Puerto de la Nabidad, which is located in Nueva España, with your royal fleet for the discovery of the Western Islands. Continuing my voyage until February thirteen of this present year, I arrived at one of the Filipinas Islands. Afterward I cruised among other islands of this archipelago, until I reached this island of Cubu, whence I despatched a vessel to Nueva España to discover the return route, and to give an account to your majesty of the incidents of our voyage until the departure of this vessel. The relation of the voyage is despatched together with this letter, as well as certain other information in regard to the change of feeling among the natives respecting the friendship and goodwill that they have been wont to exercise toward the vassals of your majesty, and the cause therefor; the possessions that have been taken in your majesty's name; and the routes of the pilots of this fleet. I beseech your majesty that you will have these examined, and provide whatever seems most fitting. I shall remain in my settlement in this island of Cubu until I receive the orders your majesty shall see fit to impose upon me, although I have but few people. I am writing also to the royal Audiencia of Nueva España to beg succor of both people and ammunition, in order that I may sustain myself until your majesty has seen all these records, the memorandum of the articles asked by the officials of your royal hacienda [treasury] residing here, and the general and individual communications of those who remain here, and until your majesty shall have provided and ordered what is most fitting, and have signified your royal pleasure. Since this undertaking is so vast, and of so great import in regard to the spiritual and temporal, and has ended so happily, and is so seasonable, I humbly beg your majesty to order that particular account be taken of it, and that you order the succor and provision petitioned and requested from these islands; and that you will give the matter into the charge of one who will provide and effect it with all care and diligence; for I trust, with the help of God, our Lord, that very great blessings in the service of God, our Lord, and of your majesty, will result, with the increase of your royal income and the universal good of your kingdoms and seigniories. I beseech your majesty that, yielding with your accustomed magnificence in showing favor to your servants who serve you in matters of great import, you will be pleased to order that the communications accompanying this letter be examined, and that you will grant me the favor that seems most fitting to your majesty, whose sacred royal Catholic majesty may our Lord have in his keeping, and give you increase of kingdoms and seigniories for many and felicitous years. From Cubu, May 37, 1565.

Your sacred royal majesty's faithful servant, who kisses your majesty's royal feet,

Miguel Lopez de Legazpi

[Endorsed: "To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty the king Don [Felipe] our lord.—To his majesty, May 27, 1565. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Cubu, May 27, 1565.—Seen and to be filed with the others."]

To the Sacred Catholic Majesty:

Because General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi is giving your majesty a full account of events throughout these districts, therefore we shall say only that we remain in your majesty's royal service in these Filipinas—in that part where the men of Magallanes were killed, called the island of Cubu—under the protection of God, our Lord, and awaiting that of your majesty; and we remain here with very great necessity.

We beseech your majesty to provide us aid with the despatch and diligence fitting, in order that your majesty's purpose to introduce the Christian religion into these districts, and to reduce these people, neglected for so many years, and who are in dire need of receiving the fruits of our holy Catholic faith, may be attained. We are of stout heart because of the many favors that our Lord has been pleased to bestow upon us hitherto; and for the future we trust that he will keep us in his holy service, and protect us in that of your majesty. The ship acting as flagship on the voyage hither from Nueva Spaña is about to return to discover the return route to your majesty's kingdoms. The venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta sails in it. To him we refer in everything that has happened here, and we charge him with the relation of events in these districts, as one who has so well understood everything that has happened hereabout. Father Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Herrada and Fray Pedro de Gamboa, religious from whom we receive every good instruction and counsel, remain here.

We supplicate your majesty, with all humility, to exercise the accustomed favor to your majesty's faithful servants and vassals, in consideration of the faith, fidelity, and alacrity with which we have ever served your majesty. What is offered for your consideration by us and by this entire camp, as your servants, we make known to your majesty, which things your majesty will be pleased to provide.

In your majesty's name we have possessed and still possess, as protector and general, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, one for whom we give many thanks to our Lord, who has been pleased to provide us a so excellent protector, and one who with a so great desire watches over the service of your majesty—whose sacred Catholic royal person may our Lord have in his keeping, and augment with great kingdoms and seigniories; such is the wish of us the faithful servants of your majesty. The island of Cubu, May 29, 1565. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty's faithful servants, who kiss your majesty's royal feet with all humility: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Mateo del Saz, Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Rada, Martin de Goiti, Fray Pedro de Gamboa, Guido de Lavezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mirandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Luis de la Haya, Juan de la Isla, Gabriel de Rribera.

[Addressed: "To the Sacred Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from his camp in the islands of the West."]

[Endorsed: "To his majesty. xxixth of May, 1565. From Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and other persons, from Cubu, on xxixth of May, 1565. Seen, and to be added to the rest. 65."]

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

First and foremost in this present letter, we inform your majesty, with the loyalty and fidelity which we always display, of our great need of help, which your majesty must condescend to have sent us speedily, considering that we have so great need of it in order to attain what is so much desired by us in the service of God, our Lord, and in that of your majesty.

The great service which the venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta has rendered to God, our Lord, and to your majesty is worthy of great praise and many thanks; for he instructed us in all things, both spiritual and temporal, during the whole voyage, and because no other except him sailed in the fleet who did instruct us. Therefore, all of us, your majesty's faithful servants—both the officials of the camp and all your vassals generally—humbly beseech and beg your majesty to consider his great services and merits; and as soon as he has given your majesty an account of all that has happened in these regions hitherto, to order and command him to return, in order to prosecute this undertaking, which is of so great import to the service of God, our Lord, and to that of your majesty—inasmuch as it is fitting for the future, as he is one who has so well understood everything that is occurring in all places, and as therein he may attain the result desired by your majesty in everything. This we hope to achieve, with all confidence and alacrity, through divine favor and the protection of your majesty. Therefore we beseech your majesty to grant us this favor, and succor us with father Fray Hurdaneta's presence, because he is very necessary to us, and will gather much fruit in both spiritual and temporal affairs; and for all the aforesaid matters, and for our consolation and aid, we are sure of this gratification, which your majesty will be pleased to grant us fully, as is your majesty's wonted custom to so faithful servants and vassals. May our Lord watch over the sacred Catholic royal person of your majesty; and may he augment you with great kingdoms and seigniories, as is desired by us, your majesty's faithful servants and subjects. From the island of Cubu, the first of June, the year MDLXV. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty's faithful servants and subjects, who with all humility kiss your majesty's royal feet: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [87] Mateo Delsaz, Martin de Goiti, Guido de Lauezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mjrandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Luis de la Hava, Fernando Riquel, government notary; Amador de Arriaron, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan de la Ysla, Jerónimo de Moncon, Hernando Lopez, Don Pedro de Herrera, Francisco de Leon, Marcos de Herrera, Pedro de Herrera, Juan Pacheco Maldonado, Diego Lopez Pilo, Christobal de Angulo, Luis Antonio Bañuelos, Garcia de Padilla, Martin de Larrea, Lloreynte Machado, Lope Rodriguez, Garcia Ramyrez, Francisco Escudero de la Porlilla, Rodrigo de Ribera, Pablos Ernandes, Francisco Lopez, corporal, Bartolomé Rodriguez, Diego Fernandez de Montemayor, Antonio Flores, Julio Garcia, Anton Aluarez Degrado, Francisco de Herrera, Ernando de Monrrey.

[Addressed: "To the Sacred-Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from the general and his camp in the Western Islands."]

[Endorsed: "+ To his majesty. Seen. From the island of Cubu from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and others. June first, 1565."]

A Letter from the Royal Officials of the Filipinas Accompanied by a Memorandum of the Necessary Things to Be Sent to the Colony

Most powerful sirs:

As your highness [88] must have already learned through the despatch carried as from us by the bachelor Myñes [Martinez], we set sail for these Western Islands on the twentieth of November, MDLXIIII. In compliance with your highness's command, we shall relate what occurs in those islands with all faithfulness and diligence.

Since your highness will find an account of the voyage made by us, in the relation given by the pilots who come with the fleet, we shall say no more about it, except by way of reference. We shall only relate the events which concern the service of God, our Lord, the service of his majesty, and the increase which his royal exchequer can derive from these regions.

We reached these Felipinas on the thirteenth of February, MD[L]XV. From the day of our arrival here until now we have found not a friend or a people who submits to his majesty. The reason for this was disclosed to us after we had sailed about in this archipelago for two months, namely, that the Portuguese who are in the Malucos came to an island called Bohol, where we remained thirty-seven days, and there committed the following mischief: after they had made peace with the natives and given them to understand that they came to trade with them, they called together one day as many natives as they could; and while the latter, thinking themselves safe, were trading with them, the Portuguese gave a war-signal and killed five hundred people, capturing six hundred more whom they took to Maluco as slaves. This has caused us great anxiety, because the natives, having received such cruel treatment, were so frightened that whenever they saw a sail they ran to the mountains; and, if any of them remained, it was to tell us that they desired none of our friendship. Thus from the day we arrived until now, we have suffered much hardship. We stopped at an island where Magallanes's men were killed, and there the people received us somewhat peacefully; but the following day, after they had placed in safety their wives and children, they said that they did not wish to give us in exchange for our goods anything of what we had asked, namely, their provisions. As we have just said, they declared that not only they would not give us anything, but that they were willing to fight us. Thus we were forced to accept the challenge. We landed our men and disposed the artillery of the ships, which were close to the houses of the town, so that the firing of the artillery from the said ships and the arquebuses on land drove the enemy away; but we were unable to capture any of them, because they had their fleet ready for the sea.

They abandoned their houses, and we found in them nothing except an image of the child Jesus, and two culverins, one of iron and one of bronze, which can be of no service to us; it is believed that they were brought here at the time of Magallanes. We rejoiced, as all Christians ought in like case; for we saw that the Lord had been pleased to place us under his protection and grant us prosperity and favor. We beseech him to guide us in his service and to preserve us in that of his majesty.

As far as we have seen, in all the places to which we have thus far come, we think that his majesty could turn them into great kingdoms and seigniories, if your highness send us the supply of men, arms, ammunition, and artillery; for in our present condition we need everything, and find ourselves in the midst of many and warlike peoples—who, on account of the Portuguese, have declared war against us throughout the whole of the archipelago.

The memorial of things which this camp needs accompanies this letter. [89] Your highness will order that they be supplied with great speed and diligence, for without them we shall incur great peril, and the camp will have no means of support; but with them we shall attain what his majesty desires.

As your highness probably knows, we brought no brands for the royal fifths of his majesty, so that some articles of gold which were found in the graves of these heathens have not been marked. In respect to this and all other articles which were found and delivered to us, we have done our duty. The general ordered that the persons who found anything should deposit all such articles until your highness shall command otherwise. We beg your highness to order that the right measures be taken in this case; also in regard to the fifths, and the procedure which must be adopted in these regions in all matters pertaining to the service of his majesty and other duties. A general edict was published that any person obtaining gold, pearls, jewels, and precious stones, should lose all, unless they are registered in the register of his majesty, for lack of the said brands with which to mark the fifths. We notify the officials residing in that city [Mexico], so that in case anything should appear that is not noted in the register, they shall take the necessary steps in regard to it.

The specimens of gold, cinnamon, and wax were found in a port called Butuan, where we, the treasurer, and the factor, went by order of the general to investigate a certain report which we had heard concerning things to be found in the island of Beguendanao [Mindanao]. We found the aforesaid port, and in it two Moro junks which were trading there. According to orders received, we made peace with the lord of the said port, and gave him the message and the present which the general sent him. We gave him to understand that with his pleasure we were going to trade in his land, and that we would favor and protect him in everything in the name of his majesty. He answered us through the Moros, who served as interpreters, that he was pleased with our offers. We learned that the Moros felt very uneasy about the embassy, and we think that they influenced the said ruler and the natives by their vile designs. We were obliged to trade with them because they gave no opportunity to the natives to trade with us. The said Moros demanded in exchange for their goods nothing but testones, and it was agreed that for each weight of gold six of silver should be given. At this rate we bartered for the specimens of gold, wax, and cinnamon, which we send to his majesty and to your highness. The money belonged to some deceased persons, a memorandum of which we send to the officials of the royal exchequer.

We beseech his majesty, and your highness in his royal name, that, inasmuch as the said Moros and others take all the gold, pearls, jewels, precious stones and other things of which we have no information,—thus injuring the natives, both by giving us no opportunity to plant our holy faith among them, and by taking the said gold, they should, if they continue the said trade, lose their property and be made slaves, for they preach the doctrine of Mahomet. This matter, as well as the necessary supplies to be sent for our aid, your highness will order to be looked after with great diligence; because all that we ask for in the memorandum is of great necessity in our present critical condition. May your highness add and send whatever may seem best to you, so that we may be able to accomplish in these regions what his majesty desires. There is great need of the Christian religion among these natives, as well as of the men and other things asked in the memorandum. May our Lord keep the most powerful persons of your highnesses, and cause you to prosper with large kingdoms and seigniories.

From Cubu, May xxviii, in the year MDLXV.

Most powerful sirs, we are the faithful servants of your highnesses, who very humbly kiss your most powerful feet.

Guido de Labecares Andres Cauchela Andres de Mirandaola

Memorandum of the Supplies and Munitions Asked to Be Sent from Nueva Espana to His Majesty's Camp at the Port of Cubu

Memorandum of things—not only articles of barter, but arms and military supplies—which are necessary, to be provided immediately from Nueva España in the first vessels sailing from the said Nueva España to these Felipinas Islands; of which the following articles must be speedily furnished:

Articles

First: twelve pieces of heavy artillery, and among them culverins and reënforced cannon and swivel-guns for the fortress which is to be built, xii

Fifty more bronze bersos [small culverins], of the sort brought from España with double chambers, 1

Twenty falcons with double chambers, xx

A dozen new scaling ladders, xii

Balls for the artillery and the molds for making them,

Two hundred quintals [90] of powder cc

Fifty quintals of fuses, l

Two hundred quintals of lead, cc

Fifty quintals of saltpetre, l

Thirty quintals of rock sulphur, xxx

Three hundred arquebuses (not of the worthless supply there in Mexico); and with them some with flints, all with horn powder-flasks (large or small) together with their molds and gear, which are to be in good condition, ccc

One hundred corselets with their fittings, c

Two hundred morions and helmets, cc

Fifty coats-of-mail, of rather heavy mail, 1

One hundred tapir hides, c

One hundred white blankets for light and serviceable body armor, c

Three hundred pikes with their iron points, ccc

Fifty cavalry lances, 1

Fifty good broadswords, of which there is great need, 1

Twelve foreign cannoniers, for those whom we brought with us are of little account, xii

Three hundred well-disposed soldiers who are to remain here, (a third or half of them to be sailors), ccc

A dozen carpenters to build the vessels which must be built here, xii

Two smiths, with their forges and tools, ii

Four pairs of bellows with their tubes, iiii

Twelve negroes for these forges, and among them four sawyers, xii

An artificer or two to make arquebuses and locks for them, ii

Two other locksmiths, ii

Fifty quintals of tow, 1

A surgeon and a physician, with their drugs; and two other barbers, [91] because only one remains here, iiii

Three hundred good shields, ccc

Two hundred quintals of wrought iron plates, not as it comes from the mine, cc

Thirty quintals of the finest steel, xxx

One hundred tanned cow-hides, c

Three hundred pickaxes, ccc

Two hundred iron shovels, cc

A royal ropemaker, who is in Mexico,

One hundred Venetian sail-cloths, c

Ten quintals of sailmakers' twine, x

Two bales of paper, ii

Four balances divided into three parts, iiii

Six weights for large balances, vi

Fifty horn lanterns, 1

Two hundred fanégas of salt, cc

Two hundred casks of wine, cc

One hundred casks of vinegar, c

Two hundred casks of oil, cc

Five hundred arrobas [92] of sugar, d

One dozen barrels of raisins and almonds, since by not having brought them the men have suffered great-privations, xii

Ten large hogsheads of flour, x

Blankets for the men,

Shirts in quantity,

Doublets in quantity,

Breeches of woolen cloth and linen in quantity,

Hempen sandals in quantity,

Cowhide shoes in quantity,

Hats,

All in quantity for military supplies.

For barter, the following:

Two bolts of Valencian scarlet cloth, with odds and ends, ii

Item seven bolts of Toledo scarlet cloth, vii

Six cases of headdresses, vi

A great quantity of beads, blue, green, and yellow; ten breadths of each sort, xxx

Two pieces of crimson velvet, ii

Three dozen colored hats, xxxvi

One case of large gilded coins for the coast of China, i

Two bales and two boxes of linens, iiii

Two quintals of Muzavetas, ii

Four pounds of fine coral of all sorts, iiii

Three quintals of glass, (one blue), iii

One thousand bundles of glass beads—green and yellow, m

Five hundred dozen hawks' bells, d

Coins and small bars of fine silver for trade in China,

Six large caldrons of pitch, vi

Two large caldrons, such as are used for bucking linen; but they must be large and very strong, because they are to be used in making saltpetre, ii

One thousand sailneedles, m

Two hundred hogsheads hooped with hoops of iron, cc

Two saddles with long stirrups, with colored velvet trimmings, and all rivets, bits, and stirrup-irons to be gilded, ii

Two cavalry saddles with colored trimmings, all to be of good quality, ii

Six gilt swords with daggers of good quality which are for the S.S. on the coast of China and for those in the islands of Japan, vi

All of the aforesaid goods should be sent as soon as possible, on the first ships that sail, for all these things are very necessary, that we may maintain ourselves in these parts.

List of articles needed by the said fleet for the oared vessels which are to be built here for his majesty. The list follows:

First: four hawsers, of one hundred and twenty brazas [93] each; each five quintals, xx quintals

Two large cables, of eighty brazas each; each one to weigh six quintals, xii quintals

Six hawsers, of one hundred and thirty brazas each; each to weigh three quintals, xviii quintals

Two large cables additional, of one hundred and twenty brazas each; each to weigh ten quintals, xx quintals

Item common sails for rigging, thirty quintals, xxx quintals

We need one hundred quintals of cordage of all sorts, c quintals

Two grapnels, each to weight four quintals, viii quintals

Four anchors, to weigh five quintals apiece, xx quintals

Six grapnels, to weigh three quintals apiece; five or six more, each to weigh from five to six arrobas, xxxiii arrobas [sic]

Four grapnels, three arrobas each, xii arrobas

Twelve French saws, xii

Four frame-saws, iiii

Six hand-saws, vi

Two grindstones, ii

Five hundred pieces of cloths from Teguintepeq for sails, d

One hundred quintals of tar, c

Fifty quintals of pitch, l

For sallotes ropes which are necessary, four pieces of one hundred and fifty brazas each, to weigh three quintals apiece, xii quintals

Four hawsers of one hundred brazas each, to weigh four quintals apiece, xvi

Two workmen, oar makers, to make oars from the wood hereabout, ii

Two hundred pulleys; with both eyes and sheaves, cc

One hundred quintals of grease, c

Two hundred sheep-skins with the wool on, cc

All this cordage to be agave and hemp.

Also two anvils of two arrobas each, ii

Also two small ones from six to seven pounds, ii

One anvil, i

Two screws for filing, ii

A half-dozen boys for ironworking, vi

Three or four bellows-pipes for forges, iiii

One hundred heavy coats of mail, c

The powder and fuse which have been asked for,

Likewise three or four pairs more of bellows are asked for, iiii

Twelve more negroes, xii

Two hundred more iron axes shod in Mexico, cc

Two hundred mattocks, cc

One hundred more pieces of Tequantepeque [Tehuantepec] and Venetian canvas, c

One pair of large fishing-nets which may come in the hogsheads mentioned above, ii

Ear-rings, glassware, and fine coral,

The coins and bars of silver, just as they have been asked for,

The caldrons of pitch, because those that were made in Mexico were worthless,

One dozen caldrons with three compartments, xii

Four syringes, and the cupping glasses and the lancets which are likewise ordered,

Sail-needles with large eyes,

Workmen who understand how to build vessels,

Six cables for the flagship, of fourteen or sixteen quintals each

The steel that is asked for. [Certain shapes and sizes of steel spikes are specified, with drawings to illustrate; five, thirty, forty, and fifty respectively, of the various kinds are asked for.]

[Endorsed: "List of articles which are required for his majesty's camp situated in the port of Cubu of the West."]

Relation of the Voyage to the Philippine Islands, By Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1565

Illustrious Sire:

I wrote to your excellency from Puerto de la Navidad giving as full an account as possible up to that port. Now I shall do the same, for I consider it a debt justly due, and I shall always consider it so whenever the opportunity presents itself. I am enjoying good health, thanks be to our Lord; and the same can be said of the whole camp, a thing which ought not to be looked upon as of little importance. May our Lord grant to your excellency the good health that I wish.

On Tuesday, November 21, three hours before dawn, I set sail with the fleet that was at Puerto de la Navidad. For five days the fleet sailed southwest, but on the sixth we directed our course westward until we reached the ninth degree. We sailed on in this latitude in search of the island of Los Reyes, in order that we might go from that point to the Felippinas. A week after we had taken this course, we awoke one morning and missed the patache "San Lucas," with Captain Don Alonso de Arellano in command. There had been no stormy weather to make it lose sight of us; nor could it have been Don Alonso's fault, for he was a gallant man, as he showed. It is believed that it was due to the malice or intent of the pilot. And as he had already been informed about the expedition that we were making, and the course we were to sail, and as he was fully instructed as to what he must do in case he should lose sight of us (as actually happened), and whither he must proceed to await us, we expected all the time that we would find the vessel in some of these islands. But up to this time we have heard nothing of it, which gives me not a little uneasiness. After the fleet had sailed for fifty days in the same course between nine and ten degrees, a degree more or less, we reached land, which proved to be an island inhabited by poor and naked fishermen. This island was about four leagues in circumference, and had a population of about two hundred men. That same day we sailed between two other small islands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by many reefs, which proved very troublesome to us for five or six days. At the end of that time we decided that the fleet should continue its course along the thirteenth degree of latitude, so that we might strike a better land of the Filipinas, which the pilots were finding already, and should not strike Vindanao. We followed our course in this latitude, and on Monday, January 21, we came in sight of land, which afterward proved to be one of the Ladrones Islands, called Gua. We directed our bows to that island, but we were no more than two leagues from it when fifty or sixty praus under sail surrounded the fleet. These praus were furnished with lateen sails of palm mats and were as light as the wind; this is a kind of boat that sails with remarkable speed, either with the wind or at random. In each canoe were from six to eight Indians, altogether naked, covering not even the privy parts, which men are wont to cover. They laughed aloud, and each of them made signs inviting us to his own town (for they were from different villages) and promising to give us food there. At break of day we coasted the island and the next morning we cast anchor in a very good port. The day had scarcely begun when a great number of those praus appeared about us. There were so many of them, who came to trade with us, that some of our men who counted them affirm that there were more than four or five hundred of them around the ships. All that they had to sell us were articles of food, namely, potatoes, rice, yams, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane, excellent bananas, and several other kinds of fruit. They also brought ginger, which grows in this island in so great quantity that it is a thing to wonder over; and they do not till or cultivate it, but it comes up and grows of itself in the open fields, just as any other herb. The natives shouted at us, each one inviting us to buy of him. The men of the fleet began to give them the face-cards from old playing cards, and to put bits of woolen cloth and other objects around their necks and on their heads. The Indians seeing this asked for these articles, and adorned themselves therewith as they had seen our men do. In these transactions many ridiculous things happened, and many jests were played. Afterward our men began to give them nails, which the Indians liked so well that they desired nothing else after that. They would smell them before taking them. For each nail they gave measures of rice containing about half a fanéga, more or less. After the rice was drawn up into the boat by means of a rope, because the Indians would not trade outside of their canoes, and the packages were opened, it was found that only the top layer was rice and the rest straw and stones. The Indian who had practiced this jest would clap his hands in glee, and laugh long and loud, and go from that vessel to another, to play the same trick. Then again they would take the nails, and take flight without giving anything in return. These and many other deceptions were practiced by them. They are so great thieves that they even tried to pull out the nails from our ships. They are better proportioned than the Spaniards. Often they attain the great strength fitting to their statures. One of them went behind one of our soldiers and snatched away the arquebuse from his shoulder. When good opportunity offered, they discharged their weapons on those who were taking in water. Notwithstanding that some of the natives on land were shot down, the others did not discontinue trading with our ships; but rather those on the ships, after they had sold their goods, went ashore in their canoes, and there with their hardened clubs, stones, and slings (which comprise their weapons, and which they manage very skilfully) they took the place of those who were fighting, and those who were fighting embarked in the canoes, and came also to the ships to trade. All this seems to be the proceeding of savages, as these people really are, for they have only the form of men. They have no laws, or chiefs whom they obey; and therefore every one goes wherever he wishes. They eat no meat. A soldier who went ashore received a wound in the hand. The wound was apparently small; and indeed it was through negligence of the wounded man himself that he died within two weeks. One day, after a slight engagement between my men and the natives, we got ready at sunset to sail, without noticing the absence of a young roustabout who, either through carelessness, or because he had not heard the call to assemble, must have advanced too far on the mountain. As our small boats reached the ships, the Indians, who had not lost sight of us during the hour while we remained there, came out upon the shore. As the boy came down from the mountain to the shore, the Indians, when they saw him, fell upon him and in a moment with great cruelty tore him to pieces, giving him at least thirty lance thrusts through the body. When the men of our ships saw the Indians discharging blows, and discovered that they did not have the boy with them, they returned to shore with great fury; but at their arrival the natives had already fled up a hill. They found the boy as I have said above; and I charged the master-of-camp to punish the natives for this act. At midnight he went ashore, and marched inland, but meeting no Indians, he arranged his men in an ambuscade on shore, in which he killed a few of them and wounded many others. Our men burned many houses all along the coast. The town inland on this island is large and thickly populated, and abounds in all things which are raised in the island. There our men found about two pounds of very good sulphur, and took one of the natives alive, who was brought to the ship, and whom I am sending to that Nueba España. This island is called Ladrones, which according to the disposition of the inhabitants, is the most appropriate name that could have been given it. Eleven days after reaching this island, we set sail following our course in the aforesaid latitude. After sailing eleven days more with good weather, we finally came in sight of Filippinas, where we finished our voyage. According to the experiments and opinions of the pilots, we covered more than two thousand leagues from Puerto de la Navidad to this island, although I have heard that they were deceived as to the distance. On the afternoon of the same day in which we came to this land, we cast anchor in a beautiful bay, called Cibabao, and there we remained seven or eight days. Meanwhile we sent two boats, one south and the other north (for this island is located north and south) to see whether they could find some good port or river. One of them returned minus a gentleman of my company, called Francesco Gomez, and with the report that, for ten leagues north, they had found neither port nor river. The gentleman was killed by some Indians, after he disembarked to make blood-friendship with them, a ceremony that is considered inviolable. This is observed in this manner: one from each party must draw two or three drops of blood from his arm or breast and mix them, in the same cup, with water or wine. Then the mixture must be divided equally between two cups, and neither person may depart until both cups are alike drained. While this man was about to bleed himself, one of the natives pierced his breast from one side with a lance. The weapons generally used throughout the Filipinas are cutlasses and daggers; lances with iron points, one and one-half palms in length; lenguados, [94] enclosed in cloth sheaths, and a few bows and arrows. Whenever the natives leave their houses, even if it is only to go to the house of a neighbor, they carry these weapons; for they are always on the alert, and are mistrustful of one another.

While we were in this bay, Indians and chiefs came in several boats, displaying prominently a white flag at the bow of one of them. Another flag was raised on the stern of the flagship as a sign that they could approach. These people wear clothes, but they go barefooted. Their dress is made of cotton or of a kind of grass resembling raw silk. We spoke to them and asked them for food. They are a crafty and treacherous race, and understand everything. The best present which they gave me was a sucking pig, and a cheese of which, unless a miracle accompanied it, it was impossible for all in the fleet to partake. On the occasion of the death of the gentleman whom they killed, the natives scattered themselves through the island. They are naturally of a cowardly disposition, and distrustful, and if one has treated them ill, they will never come back. They possess, in common with all these islands, swine, goats, hens of Castile, rice, millet, and in addition a great variety of excellent fruit. The people wear gold earrings, bracelets, and necklets. Wherever we went we found a great display of these articles. Although people say that there are many mines and much pure gold, yet the natives do not extract it until the very day they need it; and, even then, they take only the amount necessary for their use, thus making the earth their purse.

Leaving this bay, we sailed south until we reached the end of the island, where the land turns west. Just south of this island are other islands between which and this island there is a straight channel running west. The fleet passed through this channel, and on the second day from our departure from Cibabao, after having sailed nearly thirty leagues, we reached a port of Tandaya Island.

In this port a small river empties itself into the sea through an estuary. Some of our boats sailed up this river and anchored at the town of Cangiungo. The natives received them neither with peace nor war; but they gave our men food and drink. When they were about to eat, an Indian came to them, who spoke a few words in the Castilian tongue, saying "Comamos" ["let us eat"], "bebamos" ["let us drink"], and answering "si" ["yes"], when questioned by Anton Batista "Billalobos [Villalobos]" and "Captain Calabaça." It seems that he had traded with the people of the fleet of Billalobos, according to what was gather from him. And because he said this, this native vexed the ruler of the village, and never came back. The next day I wished to go to the same village, and found the natives hostile. They made signs that we should not disembark, pulled grass, struck trees with their cutlasses, and threateningly mocked us. Seeing that in this case cajolery could not suffice, we withdrew in order not to disturb them; but as we departed, they began to shower sticks and stones after us, and I was obliged to order the soldiers to fire their arquebuses at them; and they never appeared again. This town has a population of twenty or thirty Indians.

On arriving at that port, I despatched Captain de Goite with a boat and a frigate, well supplied with men and provisions, to discover some port along the coast. On the way he was to examine thoroughly the town of Tandaya, which was not very far from where we were, and other towns of the island of Abbuyo. Deceived by the appearance of the coast, he sailed on past the coast for fifteen leagues, without seeing anything. Finally he reached a large bay on which was situated a large town containing many families; the people had many swine and hens, with abundance of rice and potatoes. He returned to the fleet with this news, which gave us not a little content, for all were longing for land-products. The fleet left this port, and in the afternoon of the next day we reached the above-mentioned bay, where we anchored in front of the large town of Cavalian. One thing in especial is to be noted—namely, that wherever we went, the people entertained us with fine words, and even promised to furnish us provisions; but afterward they would desert their houses. Up to the present, this fear has not been in any way lessened. When we asked the people of this village for friendship and food, they offered us all the friendship we desired, but no food whatever. Their attitude seemed to me to be quite the contrary of what had been told me by those who had gone there; for they had said that, in this village of Cavalian, which is located on the island of Buyo, Spaniards were received and were well treated. Now they did not wish to see us, and on the night of our arrival, we were made thoroughly aware of this; for they embarked with their wives, children, and property, and went away. The next day, a chief called Canatuan, the son of Malate [95] who is the principal chief of the town, came to us; but I detained him in the ship, until provisions should be sent us from land (paying for them to their satisfaction), because of his not returning to the village and because his father was very old and blind. But this proved no remedy, to make them give us anything but words. It was determined that the people should go ashore. And so they went, and we made a fine festival, killing for meat on that same day about forty-five swine, with which we enjoyed a merry carnival—as payment for which articles of barter were given to the chief whom I had with me. The latter sent us ashore with an Indian, to give these articles to the owners of the swine.

This chief, Canutuan, by signs and as best he could, informed me of the names of the islands, of their rulers and people of importance, and their number. He also promised to take us to the island of Mancagua, [96] which was eight leagues from this island. We set sail with the Indian, and when we reached Macagua I sent him and three others, who went with him to their village in a canoe, after giving them some clothes. He was quite well satisfied, according to his own words, and became our friend.

This Macagua, although small, was once a thickly-populated island. The Castilians who anchored there were wont to be kindly received. Now the island is greatly changed from former days, being quite depopulated—for it contains less than twenty Indians; and these few who are left, are so hostile to Castilians, that they did not even wish to see or hear us. From this island we went to another, called Canuguinen. [97] Here we met with the same treatment. As the natives saw our ships along the coast, they hastened to betake themselves to the mountains. Their fear of the Castilians was so great, that they would not wait for us to give any explanation.

From this island the fleet directed its course towards Butuan, a province of the island of Vindanao; but the tides and contrary winds drove us upon the coast of an island called Bohol. Here we cast anchor, and within a small bay of this island we made some necessary repairs to the flagship. One morning the almiranta [98] sighted a junk at some distance away. Thinking it to be one of the smaller praus, the master-of-camp despatched against it a small boat with six soldiers, after which he came to the flagship to inform me of what he had done. Seeing that he had not sent men enough, I despatched another small boat with all the men it could hold; and the master-of-camp himself with instructions how he was to proceed, reached the boat and junk, which were exchanging shots. The junk seeing that the boat contained 10 few men, defied them. When the second boat arrived it found some of the men wounded, and that the junk had many and well-made arrows and lances, with a culverin and some muskets. The junk defied the second boat also. Shouting out in Castilian, "a bordo! a bordo!" ["board! board!"] They grappled it, and on boarding it, one of our soldiers was killed by a lance-thrust in the throat. Those aboard the junk numbered forty-five soldiers. Fourteen or fifteen of them jumped into a canoe which they carried on their poop deck, and fled. Eight or ten of the others were captured alive, and the remainder were killed. I have been assured that they fought well and bravely in their defense, as was quite apparent; for besides the man they killed, they also wounded more than twenty others of our soldiers. In the junk were found many white and colored blankets, some damasks, almaizales [99] of silk and cotton, and some figured silk; also iron, tin, sulphur, porcelain, some gold, and many other things. The junk was taken to the flagship. Its crew were Burnei Moros. Their property was returned to them, and what appeared, in our reckoning, its equivalent in articles of barter was given to them, because their capture was not induced by greed. My chief intent is not to go privateering, but to make treaties and to procure friends, of which I am in great need. The Burneans were much pleased and satisfied with this liberality displayed toward them, thus showing how fickle they were.

On the same day that the boats went to the junk, I despatched the patache "San Joan" with orders to go to Butuan and sail along its coast, and to find out in what part of this island the cinnamon is gathered, for it grows there. They were also to look for a suitable port and shore where a settlement could be made. While the patache went on this mission, I kept the boat of the Burneans and the pilot. This latter was a man of experience, and versed in different dialects; and he informed me of much regarding this region that I wished to know. Among other things he told me that, if the Indians of this land avoided this fleet so much, I should not be surprised, because they, had great fear of the name of Castilla. He said that while we were among these islands no Indian would speak to us; and that the cause for this was that about two years ago, somewhat more or less, some Portuguese from Maluco visited these islands with eight large praus and many natives of Maluco. Wherever they went they asked for peace and friendship, saying that they were Castilians, and vassals of the king of Castilla; then when the natives felt quite secure in their friendship, they assaulted and robbed them, killing and capturing all that they could. For this reason the island of Macagua was depopulated, and scarcely any inhabitants remained there. And in this island of Bohol, among the killed and captured were more than a thousand persons. Therefore the natives refused to see us and hid themselves—as in fact was the case. Although, on my part, I did my best to gain their confidence, giving them to understand that the Portuguese belong to a different nation and are subjects of a different king than we, they did not trust me; nor was this sufficient, for they say that we have the same appearance, that we wear the same kind of clothing, and carry the same weapons.

In this island of Bohol live two chiefs, one called Çicatuna and the other Çigala, who through the Bornean's going inland to call them, came to the fleet. From these chiefs I heard the same thing that I had been told by the Burnei pilot and his companions, in regard to the great robberies that the Portuguese committed hereabout, in order to set the natives against us—so that, on our coming, we should find no friends. This fell out as they wished, because, although Çicatuna and Çigala made friendship with me, we could put no confidence in them; nor would they sell us anything, but only made promises.

While in this island, I despatched a frigate to reconnoiter the coast of certain islands that could be seen from this island. The chief pilot and Joan de Aguire accompanied it, and it was supplied with sufficient food, men, and provisions. Coming to the entrance between two islands, they were caught by the tide and drifted to the other entrance of the channel; and, in order to return, they sailed around the island. On this island they saw a town where the Moro pilot declared that he was known, and that he was on friendly terms with its inhabitants; but under pretense of friendship, the natives, treacherously killed him with a lance-thrust. The space of one week had been given to them, but it took much longer; for the return could be accomplished only by sailing around the island which was one hundred and fifty leagues in circumference.

When the patache returned from Butuan, it reported that they had seen the king, and that two Moro junks of the large and rich island of Luzon were anchored in the river which flows near the town. The Moros sold our men a large quantity of wax. When the men of Luzon saw our tostones they were very much pleased with them, and they gave nearly twenty marks of gold, which they had there in that island, giving for six tostones of silver one of gold; and they said that they had more gold, if our men would give them more tostones, and that in exchange for the latter they would give them ten or twelve quintals of gold which they had there in that island. The soldiers of the patache were so desirous to plunder the junks, that they besought permission to do so from the captain; thus importuned, and because his own desire was not less keen, he was on the point of granting it. Fortunately the officials (the treasurer and factor) aboard the patache opposed this, saying that it was not fitting to his majesty's service, and that it would stir up the land and set it against us. As the men of Luzon had put some earth within the cakes of wax that they had sold, in order to cheat us with it; and inasmuch as they, moreover, insisted that the natives should not give anything in exchange for any other kind of trade-goods, but only for tostones, and had uttered many lies and slanders against us—the soldiers said that this was sufficient to justify the war; and that the war would not be the cause of stirring up the natives, because the latter were not at all well-disposed toward the Moros. Finally they did not touch the Moros, being persuaded to this by the captain and the officials. By my instructions, in case they should meet any strange or piratical junk that proved hostile, they returned to the station of the fleet, bringing a small quantity of gold, wax, cinnamon, and other things. Nevertheless the natives of the island would have sold them a quantity of gold had not the Moros prevented it.

While in the bay of the island of Bohol, I was very anxious about the frigate, since it was to be gone but one week; while twenty-one days had passed, and it was nowhere to be seen. Meanwhile a prau which I had despatched with two soldiers and the chiefs Çicatuna and Çigala to the island of Cubu to endeavor to ascertain some news concerning it, had returned, bringing no news whatever of its whereabouts. On Holy Saturday, three hours before daybreak, while we were thus plunged in great anxiety and grief, fearing that our companions might have been lost, captured, or killed, the shout "the frigate! the frigate!" was heard in our fleet. Turning my glance, I beheld it entering the bay. Only the Burnei pilot was missing; the others looked well and strong, although they had suffered from hunger. On arriving, they informed us that the island which they had coasted had a circuit of one hundred and fifty leagues, and that on their return they had passed between it and the opposite coast of Cubu. [100] They reported that this island of Cubu was densely, populated, containing many large villages, and among them were many people inhabiting the coast, and inland many cultivated districts. The above-mentioned soldiers who went to Cibu in the prau with Cicatuna and Cigala said that the same thing was to be observed on the other coast, and that the port of the town of Cibu admitted of anchorage, and was excellent. I decided to take the fleet to that island—a plan I carried out, with the intention of requesting peace and friendship from the natives, and of buying provisions from them at a reasonable cost. Should they refuse all this I decided to make war upon them—a step which I considered justifiable in the case of these people; for it was in that same port and town that Magallanes and his fleet were well received. King Sarriparra and nearly all the natives were baptized, and admitted to our holy faith and evangelical teaching, voluntarily offering themselves as his majesty's vassals. Magallanes and more than thirty of his companions were afterward killed while fighting in behalf of this island against the people of Matan, a thickly-populated island situated near this one. Afterward the two islands made peace privately between themselves, and the inhabitants of the town of Cibu killed many of the Spaniards of the same fleet, and drove the remaining few away from their land. Hence we see that all this is sufficient occasion for any course whatever. In accordance with this last opinion the fleet left the port of Bohol and we reached the port of Çibu on Friday, April 27, 1565. We had scarcely arrived when an Indian came to the flagship in a canoe, who said that Tupas, the ruler of the island, was in the town, and that he was going to come to the fleet to see me. A little later there came from the village, an Indian, an interpreter of the Malay language, who said, on behalf of Tupas, that the latter was getting ready to come to see me, that he would come on that very day, and that he would bring ten of the principal chiefs of that island. I waited for them that whole day; but as I saw that the people were much occupied in removing their possessions from their houses and carrying them to the mountain, and that during all this day and until noon of the next, Tupas, the son of Saripara, who killed the men of Magallanes, did not come, I sent a boat with father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta and the master-of-camp, in order that, in their presence, the government notary, with Hieronimo Pacheco, interpreter of the Malay tongue (which is spoken by many of the natives of this land), might request the natives, as vassals of the king of Castilla, to receive us peaceably. They were to assure the people that I did not come to do them any harm, but on the contrary to show them every favor, and to cultivate their friendship. Three times this announcement was made to them, with all the signs and kind words possible to win their friendship. But at length—seeing that all our good intentions were of no avail, and that all the natives had put on their wooden corselets and rope armor [101] and had armed themselves with their lances, shields, small cutlasses, and arrows; and that many plumes and varicolored headdresses were waving; and that help of men had come in praus from the outside, so that their number must be almost two thousand warriors; and considering that now was the time for us to make a settlement and effect a colony, and that the present port and location were exactly suited to our needs, and that it was useless for us to wait any longer; and seeing that there was no hope for peace, and that they did not wish it, although we had offered it—the master-of-camp said to the natives through an interpreter: "Since you do not desire our friendship, and will not receive us peacefully, but are anxious for war, wait until we have landed; and look to it that you act as men, and defend yourselves from us, and guard your houses." The Indians answered boldly: "Be it so! Come on! We await you here." And thereupon they broke out into loud cries, covering themselves with their shields and brandishing their lances. Then they returned to the place whence they had set out, hurling their lances by divisions of threes at the boat, and returning again to their station, going and coming as in a game of cañas. [102] Our men got ready and left the ships in boats; and as the boats left the ships for the shore, in accordance with the order given them, some shots were fired from the ships upon the multitude of praus anchored near a promontory, as well as at the landsmen upon shore, and upon the town. But, although they had showed so great a desire for war, when they heard the artillery and saw its effects, they abandoned their village without waiting for battle, and fled through the large, beautiful, and fertile open fields that are to be seen in this region. Accordingly we remained in the village, which had been left totally without provisions by the natives. We pursued the enemy, but they are the lightest and swiftest runners whom I have ever seen. When we entered the village, all the food had been already taken away. However, I believe that there will be no lack of food. In exchange for our hardships this is a good prospect, although there is no hope of food except through our swords. The land is thickly populated, and so fertile that four days after we took the village the Castilian seeds had already sprouted. We have seen some little gold here, on the garments worn by the natives. We are at the gate and in the vicinity of the most fortunate countries of the world, and the most remote; it is three hundred leagues or thereabouts farther than great China, Burnei, Java, Lauzon, Samatra, Maluco, Malaca, Patan, Sian, Lequios, Japan, and other rich and large provinces. I hope that, through God's protection, there will be in these lands no slight result for his service and the increase of the royal crown, if this land is settled by Spaniards, as I believe it will be. From this village of Cubu, I have despatched the ship with the father prior [Urdaneta] and my grandson, Phelipe de Zauzedo, with a long relation of the things which I boldly write here to your excellency. They will inform his majesty at length, as persons who have been eyewitnesses of all especially of what has taken place here, the state of the new settlement, and the arrangements made for everything. It remains to be said that, since this fleet was despatched by the most illustrious viceroy, my master, of blessed memory, and further, chiefly because of being an enterprise that every gentleman should all the more favor, inasmuch as it pertains naturally to your excellency, as the heir of the glory resulting from this expedition—your excellency should favor it in such a manner that we may feel here the touch of your most illustrious hand, and so that aid should be sent as promptly as the necessity of our condition demands. For we shall have war not only with the natives of this and other neighboring islands of the Philipinas (which is of the lesser import), but—a thing of greater consequence—we shall have to wage war with many different nations and islands, who will aid these people, and will side against us. On seeing us settled in this island the Portuguese will not be pleased, nor will the Moros and other powerful and well-armed people. It might happen that, if aid is delayed and is not sent by you to us with all promptitude, the delay will prove a sufficient obstacle, so that no result will follow from the work that we have accomplished. I beg his majesty to send us some aid with the promptness, which rightly should not be less man in that city of España, where his majesty resides. And because it is worth knowing, and so that your excellency may understand that God, our Lord, has waited in this same place, and that he will be served, and that pending the beginning of the extension of his holy faith and most glorious name, he has accomplished most miraculous things in this western region, your excellency should know that on the day when we entered this village one of the soldiers went into a large and well-built house of an Indian, where he found an image of the child Jesus (whose most holy name I pray may be universally worshiped). This was kept in its cradle, all gilded, just as it was brought from España; and only the little cross which is generally placed upon the globe in his hand was lacking. This image was well kept in that house, and many flowers were found before it, no one knows for what object or purpose. The soldier bowed before it with all reverence and wonder, and brought the image to the place where the other soldiers were. I pray the holy name of this image which we have found here, to help us and to grant us victory, in order that these lost people who are ignorant of the precious and rich treasure which was in their possession, may come to a knowledge of him.

Copia de Vna Carta Venida de Se|- Uilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia. La Qual Narra El Ventu|Roso Des- Cubrimiento Que los Mexicanos Han Hecho, Naue-|Gando con la Armada Quesu Magestad Mando Hazer en| Mexico. Con Otros Cosas Mar- Auillosas, y de Gran| Prone- Cho Para Toda la Chris- Tiandad: Con|Dignas De Ser Vistas y Leydas.

¶En Barcelona, Per Pau Cortey, 1566.

Desto de la China ay dos relaciones, y es, que a los dezisiete de Nouiembre del año de mil y quinietos y sessenta y quatro, por mandado de su Mage. se hizo vna armada en el puerto de la Natiuidad e la mar del Sur, cient leguas de Mexico, de dos naues, y dos pataysos, para descubrir las yslas dela especieria, que las llaman Philippinas, por nuestro Rey, costaron mas de seyscientos mil pesos de Atipusque hechas a la vela.

¶Partieron el dicho dia del puerto, y nauegaron seys dias juntas: y a los siete les dio vna barrusca, que se aparto dellas el Patays, que era de cincuenta toneladas, y lleuana venyte [sc. veynte] hombres: el qual nauego cincuenta dias, y al fin dellos, vio tierra, que eran muchas islas entre las quales vio vna mas grande, y alli surgio. ¶Acudieron ala costa gente dela isla la qual es mas blanca que los Indios nuestros: y las mugeres muy mas blancas que los hombres, como las mugeres de cosas de palma texidas, y labradas encima con sedas de colores. Porgala. trahen los dientes colorados, y horadados, y enlos agujeros vnos clauicos de oro. Y los hombres con calcas de lieço de algodõ con senogiles de seda, con muchas pieças de oro. ¶Entre ellos vino vno q parescia de mas calidad, vestido todo de seda, con vn alfange, la empuñadura, y guarniciones de oro, y piedras. ¶Los nuestros les pidieron mantenimientos, y dierõ se losa trueque de bugerias: pero ellos pidierõ hierro y dio seles: y quando vieron los clauos, no querian otro sina clauos, y estos pagauan con oro en poluo. Trayan algunos vnas dagas de azero muy galanas, y muestran ser gente politica y de mucha razõ. Vsan depeso y medida: dierõ alos nuestros gamos, puercos, gallinas, codornizes, arroz, mijo, y pan de palmas: de todo esto ay grande abudancia. Estuno alli el Patays casi treynta dias, esperando las otras naues, y como no vinieron, determino de boluer a Mexico: y al tiepo que salio dela isla, encontro vn junco, que es navio de casi cient toneladas, enla qual venian sessenta Indios, y como vieron el Patays, todos se echarona nado, y se fueron a la tierra, que estana cerca. Entraron dentro algunos soldados, por mandado del capitan, y hallaron que yua cargado de porcellanas, y mantas, y lienços pintados, y otras cosas dela tierra, y algunos cañutillos de oro molido, delos quales no tomaron mas que vno, y algunas porcellanas, y algunas mantas: y delo demas, de todo poco, para traher lo por muestra. Estuuo este Patays en yr y en boluer, dozientos, y treynta dias. Huuieron de menester subir mas de quarenta grados hazia el norte. Huuo desde el puerto do partieron, hasta esta isla, mil y sete cientas leguas. ¶Las otras tres naues dentro de cincuenta dias hallaron muchas islas, y aportarõ en algunas dellas, y passaron en cada vna dellas muchas cosas, que estan grande la relacion, que ocupa veynte pliegos de papel. En fin aportaron a vna isla grande que se llama Iubu, y alli hizieron amistad conel rey della, que se hizo desta manera. Saco se el rey sangre del pecho, y el capitan assi mesmo, y echada la sangre de entrabos en vna copa de vino la partierõ por medio, y el vno benio la vna mitad, y el otro la otra mitad: y aquello dizen q haze la amistad inuiolable. Cõ todo esto tuuierõ ciertas passiones, y robarõ vn lugarejo: y en vna casa pobre hallaron vn niño Iesus, destos que traen de Flandes, con su velo, y pomo enla mano, tan fresco como si se acabara de hazer entonces. En aquella isla qui sieron poblar, porq es muy abundãte de todos los mantenimientos, y començaron a hazer vn fuerte, y hizierõ fuera del vna yglesia, dopusieron el niño Iesus, y la llamarõ del nombre de Iesus: y la isla la llaman sant Miguel, porque se entro enella el dia de su Aparicion. Y de alli alos Malucas dõde esta la especieria, ay cient y cincueta leguas, y ala China dozientas, y a Malach quinientas leguas. Y hallaron alli canela finissima que la hauian los dela isla trahydo de los Malucas y gengibre, y cosas de seda galanas. Y de alli embiaron delas tres naues la capitana de Mexico, do llego despues que hauia llegado el Patays, y estauan adereçando otras dos naues para socorro. Hay muchas otras islas por alli muy grandes, y son del mismo modo desta. Entre las otras hay vna tierra tan rica de oro, que no lo estiman en nada: y hay tãta cãtidad de canela que la quemã en lugar de leñares de tan luzida gente, q la ygualan con España. Hay alli vn rey q tiene ala continua mil hõbres de guarda: y estima se tanto que ninguno de sus vassallos le vee la cara sino vna vez enel año: y si le han de hablar para tratar conel algo, le hablã por vna zebratana: y quãdo de año a año se dexa ver, le dã muy grandes riquezas. Son gente muy prima, hazen brocados, y sedas texidas de muchas maneras. Tienen en tan poco el oro, q dio este rey por vn pretal de cascaueles, tres barchillas de oro en poluo: porq alli todo quanto oro ay es en poluo. Cargaron estas tres naues quando tornaron tanta cantidad de oro en aquella isla, que mõto el quinto q dan al rey vn millon y dozientos mil ducados. ¶Andan por alla Moros contratando con naues, y trocãdo cosas de su tierra por oro, y mantas, y especieria, y por clauos y otras cosas. Encontro la armada con vna naue dellos, y tomola, aunque se defendio de tal manera, q mato vno dellos, y hirieron mas de veynte. Y trahian muchas cosas de oro y mantas, y otras especierias que hauian rescatado. Hay tantas islas que dize que son seteta cinco mil y ochocientas. En esta isla de Iubu do hazen poblacion, es do mataron a Magallanes. Y dizen, que los Portugueses con ciertas Carauelas aportaron por alli, haura dos años, llamãdose Españoles, y vassallos del rey de Castilla, y robaron muchas islas, y las saquearon, y lleuaron mucha gente captiua, porque como veyan q nuestra armada se haiza enla nueua España, tomassen los nuestros cõ los dela tierra mal credito. Y assi quando los nuestros llegaron, pensando que eran ellos, huyan alos mõtes con sus joyas, y haziendas. Y se ha visto el general en harto trabajo por apaziguarlos, y darles a entender que son ellos, y cierto deue ser hombre cuerdo, porque por la relaciõ se vee hauer tenido mucho sufrimiento, por no topar con ellos, y los ha lleuado con mucho amor, sin hazer agrauio a nadie. Ello escosa grãde, y de mucha importãcia: y los de Mexico estã muy vfanos con su descubrimiento, q tienen entedido q seran ellos el coraçon del mundo. Trahe eneste nauio de auiso q es venido agora aca, gegibre, canela, oro en poluo, vna arroua de conchas riquissimas de oro, y blancas, joyas de oro, cera, y otras cosas para dar muestra delo que en aquella tierra ay, y muchas bugerias, y otras cosas muy galanas. Y aunque no las traxeran, harto trahian en hauer descubierto y hallado la nauegacion por aquestas partes, que es cosa de mucha calidad. Con la flota sabremos mas delo que supiere auisare a V.M. &c.