Volume I, 1493-1529 (continued 5)

The aforesaid discovery must be made in such manner that you do not discover or do anything to his prejudice, within the demarcation and limits of the most serene king of Portogal, my very dear and well beloved uncle and brother, but only within the limits of our demarcation.

And acknowledging your wish to serve us which has moved you to undertake the said discovery; the service which we shall receive therefrom; and the benefit of our royal crown—as a remuneration for the labor and danger which you will have to undergo, it is our will and pleasure, and our desire in all the islands and mainlands that you may discover, to grant you—as we do in this present—that of all the profit and gain from all the lands and islands you may so discover, both rents and rights, and whatever else accrues to us in any way, you shall have and take the twentieth part (after first deducting all expenses which may be involved); also you shall have title as our adelantados [215] and governors of said lands and islands, you, your children, and lawful heirs forever. This shall be on condition that the supremacy of the same shall pertain to us and to the kings after us, and if your children and heirs are natives of our kingdoms and married therein; and if the said government and title of adelantado shall descend to your son or heir after your death. We shall have your letters and privileges to this effect sent to you in proper form.

We also grant you grace and give you license and power, so that each year hereafter you may take and send, and you shall send, either in our vessels or in any others that you may prefer, to said islands and lands that you shall discover, as above, the value of one thousand ducats first cost. This is to be employed at your risk, and in the place and manner you may deem best. And you can sell this there and use it as you shall decide and desire. You shall bring the returns thereof to these kingdoms, paying us as our rights the twentieth part thereof, without being obliged to pay any other taxes whatsoever, those usually imposed or those which may be newly levied. It is to be understood, however, that this is to be after the return from the first voyage, not during the same.

Moreover, it is our will and pleasure that if the islands, which you shall discover in this manner, exceed six in number, having first chosen six [for us], you may assign to yourselves two of those that remain. Of these you shall have and take the fifteenth part of all the profit and gain of rent and rights pertaining to us, left clear, over and above the expenses involved.

Yten: We wish and it is our will and pleasure that, considering the expenses and labors involved by you on said voyage, to grant you grace—as we do by this present—that at the return of this first fleet and for this once you shall have and take the fifth part of whatever pertains to us in the things that you bring from those regions, which remains clear, over and above the expenses involved in the said fleet. In order that you may accomplish the aforesaid better, and that the necessary caution may be observed, I shall order five ships to be armed for you, two of one hundred and thirty tons, two of ninety and one of sixty tons, all to be sufficiently manned, provisioned, and armed. It should be known that said ships shall be provisioned for two years and shall have two hundred and thirty-four persons to manage them, counting masters, mariners, deck hands and all others necessary, according to the memorandum of the same. This we shall order to be put into effect immediately by our officials of the India House of Trade who reside in the city of Sevilla.

Because it is our will and pleasure that the aforesaid should be kept and complied with in every respect, we desire that, if, in the prosecution of the aforesaid, either of you should die, the contents of this present instrument shall be observed and fulfilled by the remaining one, and as faithfully as it must be kept, should both live. Furthermore, in order that there may be justice and a good account of the aforesaid, and the suitable caution as regards our estates, we are to appoint, and we shall appoint a treasurer, accountant, and clerks for said ships, who shall keep and record the account and calculation of every thing, and before [whom shall pass] [216] and be delivered everything acquired by the said fleet.

This I promise you and I pledge on my royal faith and word that I will order it kept and observed in every particular, according to the contents herewith. I order this present instrument given, signed with my name. Given at Valladolid, March twenty-two, one thousand five hundred and eighteen. I, the King. By command of the King: Francisco de los Covos.

Then when you shall come to the city of Sevilla, you shall show our officials of the India House of Trade, residing there, the despatch which you bring concerning your said office, informing them fully and specifically of the method which you think you ought to employ in guarding the interests of our estates; also of the said voyage, and the contents of this instruction.

Yten: You will cause our accountant of said fleet to take note of everything spent and which will be spent in said fleet; everything in the cargo taken in the ships from the said city of Sevilla; and the wages and provisions, the merchandise carried, both that belonging to us, and that belonging to others who may supply anything for the furnishing and maintenance of the said fleet. You must see to it that a book is kept in which you will make entry of all that is loaded in the holds. These things must be marked with your mark, each different class of merchandise being by itself; and you must designate particularly what belongs to each person, because, as will be seen later, the profits must be allotted at so much to the pound, in order that there may be no fraud.

Yten: You will ask the said officials of Sevilla to give you, before the departure of said fleet, an inventory of all the merchandise and other articles placed on board, both on our account and for any other persons. Our accountant must put all this in the charge of our treasurer of said fleet, entry being made in the books of both, in order that, when, with the blessing of Our Lord, said fleet shall return, they may give an account and calculation of everything which can be easily verified and explained. And I order these latter to give you such account, so that whenever the said articles shall be bartered in the said lands and islands, during the bartering, the things bartered shall be unloaded in presence of the said treasurer, and he shall note everything bartered for them, and he shall do this, setting down everything fully and specifically.

Furthermore, as you will see, I have ordered certain merchants to place on board the said fleet the merchandise and articles to be sent for ransoms. These are they whom the father bishop of Búrgos, very reverend in Christ and a member of our council, may appoint to furnish the same to the amount of four thousand ducats, which after subtracting the twentieth part of the profits which God shall give to said fleet, must be used for the redemption of captives. The remainder is to be divided between us and said merchants, each of whom draws profit according to the number of pounds he has placed on board. Also in all the expenses of the said fleet, the wages and costs, both in the merchandise and other things, you must see to it that our accountant takes note of what is placed on board, in our name and in the names of others, so that the amount of the shares will be known and what is due us. You shall deliver everything to our said treasurer in the presence of our accountant, who shall enter it on his books, their names and yours being signed at each entry, so that in everything there may be due caution and the requisite clearness.

You shall also see to it carefully that the bartering and trading of said fleet is done to the greatest possible advantage to our estates, and that everything is delivered to said treasurer, said accountant of said fleet taking note, in your presence, in order to bring it to us. The aforesaid portion which belongs to us you shall deliver to our officials at Sevilla; that which is due to said merchants and other persons you shall give and deliver to them after the return of the said fleet to these kingdoms, according to the order given you as hereinbefore stated. In everything, you must take care that the said treasurer records in his book and in that of said accountant, stating what is delivered to him, and the results of the bartering, it being entered in his book and in that of the said accountant—every one being present at the entries in said books, in order that each division of said entries may correspond with that of the other book, no more in one book than in the other. This will be signed by you and by said treasurer and accountant, as before stated, in the manner and according to the order prescribed in this our instructions. We command this so that everything may be stated clearly and that requisite caution be exercised in regard to our estate.

Moreover, you must watch and see to it that all the rents belonging to us [in (?)—blank space in Alguns documentos] whatever manner, in said lands and islands that are discovered by said fleet, [whether (?)—blank space in Alguns documentos] in trade or in any other way; also the rents of the salt marshes which in the said islands and lands have belonged up to the present and will hereafter belong to us.

Yten: You shall see to it that our treasurer of the said fleet collect the fifth and other rights whatsoever belonging to us, of all and whatsoever bartering that be made or shall be made in the future in said islands and lands; also the slaves, guanins, [217] pearls, and precious stones, drugs, or spices and other things whatsoever that must be delivered and which belong to us, fulfilling that which is commanded to and agreed upon with the said captains, merchants, and other persons. You will see that said accountant entrusts this to said treasurer, as aforesaid, in your presence, observing therein the order as before stated.

Moreover you must see to it that the said treasurer shall receive all the fines that have been imposed and shall be imposed by our said captains and by any justice and person whatever, and that said accountant shall enter them in a separate book, in your presence.

Moreover, you must exercise much care and vigilance to see that our service is complied with and to effect what is proper for the colonization and pacification of the lands that are found. You will advise us fully and specifically of the manner in which our instructions and mandates are complied with in said islands and lands; of our justice; of the treatment of the natives of said lands, with whom you must be careful to use good faith and fulfil all that is promised—they must be treated most affectionately, both in order that they may be influenced to become good Christians, which is our principal desire, and that they may with good will serve us and be under our government, subjection, and friendship; how said captains and officers observe our instructions, and other matters of our service; and of everything else of which you think I should be informed, as I state and declare herein.

When, with the blessing of Our Lord, the fleet shall set sail, you together with our other said captains, inspector general, and officers shall write me of the departure and of the caution you are employing. [Blank space in Alguns documentos]. In the future whenever you write me of the events of the said voyage and of those matters concerning which you must inform me, you will all together write me in one letter, but if you think that I should be advised privately of anything which relates to our service, you may do so.

Moreover, you must treat our said captains and officials well since they are those to whom we have entrusted duties, and they shall do the same to you. For I am sure that they will serve us on this voyage and in the future as good and loyal subjects as they have shown themselves to be heretofore; and it is my will to show them favor and grace. All that you see which may be suitable for our service you must guide and direct, aiding in all possible way to serve us to the best of your ability.

Yten: When in due time you have arrived in the regions where said fleet shall discover, you must investigate and ascertain what land it is. If it should be a land where you must barter, you must first effect the bartering of the merchandise of the said fleet before attending to any other private interest, following the decision and opinion of our said officials of the said fleet. After bartering the belongings of the fleet, the officers and people may barter the other merchandise of which, according to this mandate, they shall pay us the fifth part.

Yten: As one of the principal things required in such voyages is concord among the persons in charge, you must see to it carefully that there may be unity and harmony among you, and our said captains, and other officials. If there should be any misunderstanding among them, they must desist from all differences, and you and your companions shall settle all such and prevent them from taking place. Do the same yourselves and all being in harmony the interests of our service will be better guarded, which if the contrary is observed, would not be the case. This I order and charge you because therein you will serve me well.

Moreover, although the offices of our captains and inspector, treasurer, and accountant of said fleet are independent of each other, in that which relates to the trust of each, inasmuch as it is convenient for the good of our service and the increase of our royal income, for the colonization and pacification of our lands, each one must keep account of what pertains to the office of the other. Inasmuch as the office you hold as inspector general of the said fleet is an office of great trust, and it is necessary that there be exercised therein much diligence, care, and vigilance, I order you to charge and entrust yourself with this trust because it is the one office of said fleet on which all the others depend. Even should there be any negligence in the other offices and should there be no such good foresight and caution as is proper, if you fulfil your duty, it would be less inconvenient. You must labor and endeavor with all your strength to observe the care and thoroughness in everything relating to your said office and necessary for our service with that care and diligence which I expect from you, so that there may be a good record and the proper caution.

Although it has not been before stated, you are to have a separate book in which you shall enter all the aforesaid. Nevertheless you must be present at all entries and sign the books of our treasurer and accountant of the said fleet, because (though God forbid), should any accident befall any of the ships in which the said officials sail, it were well that in everything there should be due caution and a record of it; and that, besides being always present you have a separate book. Therefore I order and charge you that this book be similar to and contain the same account of the affairs of the said fleet as the one kept by the said accountant. You will keep a separate book, in which you will set down the accounts of the treasurer as herein stated. You will cause said treasurer and accountant to sign also in your book; but you shall not, on this account, neglect to be present in all matters, and observe diligence in the books of the others, as before mentioned.

Furthermore, that we may be informed of all, when at good time you will arrive at those lands and islands for which the said fleet is bound, you shall make a book and full relation of everything you see and find there. When you are about to return you shall have five copies made of this, placing one copy in each ship, so that in case of accident to any one of the said ships there may be a full account of everything. You must also place in each ship a list of everything which the said fleet brings in each one of the ships, each list being identical and in accordance with your books. You must take care that the goods brought by said fleet be divided among all the ships, placing in each one the amount deemed proper for our captains and officials.

I charge and order you to do all this and more which you may consider advantageous to our service and to the good interest of our estates and of said fleet, with that diligence and fidelity which I expect from you.

Barcelona, the sixth day of the month of April, one thousand, five hundred and nineteen. I, the King. By command of the King: Francisco de los Covos.

[Endorsed: "Instructions to Cartagena."]

Carta do Rei de Castella a Fernando de Magalhães e a Ruy Falero

+

El Rey

fernando de magallãins & Ruy falero caualleros de la orden de san tiago nros capitañs generales dell annada q mandamos haser para yr a descobrir & a los otros capitañs particulares de la dha armada & pilotos & maestres & contramaestres & marineros de las naos de la dha armada, porquanto yo tengo por çierto segund la mucha informaçiõ que he avido de personas que por esperiençia lo An visto q en las islas de maluco ay la espeçieria q prinçipalmente ys a buscar con esa dha armada & my voluntad es que derechamente sigais el viage a las dhas islas por la forma e maña que lo he dicho e mandado a vos el dcho fernando de magallãins, porende yo vos mando A todos & a cada uno de vos q en la navegaçion del dho viage sigais el pareçer & determinaçiõ del dho fernando de magallãins para que ants e primero que a otra parte alguna vais a las dhas islas de maluco sin que en ello Aya ninguna falta, porq asy cumple A nro seruiçio & despues De fecho esto se podra buscar lo demas que convenga conforme A lo q ileuais mãdado & los unos nj los otros non fagads njn fagan ende Al por alguna maña, so pena, de pdimy de biens e las psonas a la nra merced fecha en Barçelona a diez & nueve dias del mes de abril ano de mjll quinientos & diez e nueve años. Yo El Rey. Por mandado dEl Rey Fran_co_ de los covos.

pa q los del armada sigan el pareçer y determynaçiõ de magallanes pa q ants y prño q a otra p_te_ vayã a la espeçierja.

Letter from the King of Castile to Fernando de Magalhães and Ruy Falero

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The King.

Fernando de Magallãins and Ruy Falero, knights of the order of San Tiago, our captain-generals of the fleet which we are about to despatch on an expedition of discovery, and the other individual captains of the said fleet; the pilots, sailing masters, boatswains, and sailors in the ships of the said fleet: inasmuch as I am quite well assured by those who have actually been there, that the Maluco Islands are rich in spices—the chief article sought by the said fleet,—order you, the said Fernando de Magallãins, to pursue a direct course to the above-mentioned islands, exactly as I have told and commanded you. And I order you all individually and collectively, that, in the said voyage you heed strictly the counsels and decisions of the said Fernando de Magallãins; and that, first and foremost, before sailing elsewhere, you proceed without fail to the said Maluco Islands, for in this wise do you perform our service. Afterwards you may seek other suitable things, in accordance with your orders. And none of you shall act contrary to this our will, in any manner, under penalty of loss of property and life. Barcelona, April nineteen one thousand five hundred and nineteen: I, the King. By command of the King: Francisco de los Covos.

[Endorsed: "In order that those sailing in the fleet may heed the counsels and decisions of magallanes, and that first and foremost, before proceeding elsewhere, they may sail to the spice islands."]

Extracto de Una Carta de Las Indias

Despues de esto escrito a V.S. llego ynigo lopez a los xviij de malaca el q_l_ truxo por nuevas q los castellanos estavan en maluco, q ptierõ tres naos de castilla y en ellas fernando magallaes por principal y fuerõ a [symbol] vista del cabo de san Agustin y de allj corrierõ obra de dozientas o trezientas leguas al luengo de la costa del brasil y fuerõ a dar en un rrio q atravessava toda la trra del brasil y era de agua dulce, anduvierõ por el seys o siete dias hasta q se vierõ de la otra parte del sul y por allj comencaron de yr a buscar a maluco anduvierõ cinco messes por vn golfo sin nunca [symbol] tierra nj hallar yslas y sienpre con vientos en popa, eneste paraje fuyo vna nao al magallanes y se torno non se sabe pte della, y eneste tpõ vuo vna grande confusion entre los castellanos de dezir q_l_ magallanes los levana a entregar alos Portugueses y determjnarõ dese levantar con las naos. supolo magallaes y hizose doliente y enbyo allamar vno a vno delos culpados y davãle vn mallo rrodeyro en la cabeça, mato los de qujen se temja y dio las capitanjas y cargos a otros aqujen el qujso, yendo porsu derrora adelante con poco mantenjmjento y agua, vuo vysta de vna ysia laqual era burneo qujsierõ salir en ella contra voluntad delos dela trra vuo entre vnos y otros gran pelea en la qual murio el magallanes y otros muchos hoh bres de fayçion q qdo el armada muy desaparejada de gente y estuvierõ en condiçion de se entregar ala gente dela trra levantose vn piloto portugues q yva con magallaes y tomo el leme en la mano y partio camjno de maluco alqual llego y hallo vn hombre de don tristan de meneses q dios aya, vujeronle ala mano y supieron todo lo q qujsieron del fizieron sus contratos bien largamete y a voluntad delos dela trra despendieron desus bonetes bermejos y paños q lebavan por los quales les fiziero carga destas dos naos, las quales partierõ de maluco cargadas de clavo y mal aparejadas de aparejos y costados dexaron en trra dos o tres honbres con barcos y talãqras y vnos tiros fechos por señal, estas naos trayan hecho fundamento de se venjr por las islas de maldiva porq por el camino q fuerõ tenjante por peligroso po el tpo los hizo arribar a burneo de donde se partio vna nao la mejor adereçada pa essos rreynos la qual dios alla nos lieve, la otra con sesenta personas se tornava pa maluco por no estar pa acometer el camjno y fazer mucha agua, y fazia fundamento de hazer estançias en maluco con su artilleria y esperar allj rrespuesta dela nao q partio pa castilla le q_l_ plazera a nro s_or_ q no yra alla su el lo vujere por su serviçio. todas estas nuevas supierõ por dos grumetes delas mismas naos q se qdarõ en burneo por a[symbol] mjedo de yr las naos tan mal aderecadas, y de allj los levo don juã* a timor adonde estava pedro merino—cargando de soldados (?) y de allj se partio con estos dos grumetes y los truxo a malaca a donde hallo a yñigo lopez q estana pa partir y se metio con el y llegarõ a cochin a salvamento con los castellanos grumetes de gujen se supo todo esto.

[Addressed: "S. Cel. & Cath.ca M.ti"]

[Endorsed: "A su mag xxjx de agosto de cochin a 23 de Dics de 1522.

Avises del viage [sic] de Magallanes y su muerte y noticias dela India portuguesa."]

Extract of a Letter from the Indies

After I had written the above to your lordship, Yñigo Lopez arrived on the eighteenth from Malaca with the news that the Castilians were in Maluco; that three vessels had left Castilla under command of Fernando Magallaes. They had been sighted off the cape of San Agustin, from which point they had run about two hundred or three hundred leagues along the coast of Brasil. There they anchored in a river [218] which flows across the whole of Brasil, and was of fresh water. They sailed for six or seven days on this river until they came to the other part of the south, whence they started in quest of Maluco, sailing for five months in a wide expanse of waters without ever seeing land or finding islands, and with a steady stern wind. In this region one of the ships fled from Magallanes and started to return, but nothing more has been heard of it At this time a great uneasiness became manifest among the Castilians, and it was rumored that Magallanes was going to deliver them over to the Portuguese; and they resolved to mutiny and seize the ships. Magallanes upon obtaining information of this was sorely grieved. He summoned the guilty ones before him one by one, but they flatly refused to come. [219] He killed those of whom he stood in fear, and gave their captaincies and duties to those whom he thought proper. He continued his forward course although he had but little food and water, and finally came in sight of an island which was the island of Burneo. They tried to land there against the will of the inhabitants. A great fight ensued, in which Magallanes and many of his fighting men were killed, and when the fleet, deprived of many men, was in such straits that it could easily have fallen into the hands of the inhabitants of that land, a Portuguese pilot, who had come with Magallanes, came to the rescue, took the tiller, and turned the course of the vessel toward Maluco. He reached that place and found there one of the followers of Don Tristan de Meneses (may he rest in peace). They took him prisoner and obtained from him all the information that they desired. Then they made their bargains in detail and at the wish of those on land disposed of their red caps and clothes which they had carried with them, in return for which those on shore loaded their vessels; these left Maluco laden with cloves, but in very poor condition as to their rigging and hulls. They left two or three men with small boats and defenses, and some shot to use for signals. It was their intention to go with their ships through the islands of Maldiva because they considered the course that they were taking dangerous. The weather, however, compelled them to land at Burneo from which place one of the vessels which was in the better condition started for those kingdoms, and may God grant her safe arrival. The other vessel returned with sixty hands to Maluco for it was leaking badly and not in a condition to undertake the voyage. They resolved to make a stay at Maluco with the artillery and wait there for news of the vessel which had left for Castilla which may it please Our Lord not to bring to that place unless it be for his service. All this news was had from two deck-hands of the same vessels, who had remained at Burneo for fear of embarking in them while in so poor condition. From this place Don Juan brought them to Timor where Pedro Merino was in command of the soldiers, [220] and from there he departed with these two deck-hands and brought them to Malaca where he found Yñigo Lopez, who was about to leave. Joining with him they both arrived in safety at Cochin with the Castilian deck-hands from whom they obtained all the above information.

[Addressed: "Sacred Caesarean and Catholic Majesty."]

[Endorsed: "To his majesty, xxjx of August from Cochin, December 23, 1522.

Advices of the voyage of Magallanes and of his death, and news from Portuguese India."]

De Molvccis Insulis

Most Reverend and Illustrious Lord: my only Lord, to you I most humbly commend myself. Not long ago one of those five ships returned which the emperor, while he was at Saragossa some years ago, had sent into a strange and hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for the islands in which spices grow. For although the Portuguese bring us a great quantity of them from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now call Malacca, nevertheless their own Indian possessions produce none but pepper. For it is well known that the other spices, as cinnamon, cloves, and the nutmeg, which we call muscat, and its covering [mace], which we call muscat-flower, are brought to their Indian possessions from distant islands hitherto only known by name, in ships held together not by iron fastenings, but merely by palm-leaves, and having round sails also woven out of palm-fibres. Ships of this sort they call "junks," and they are impelled by the wind only when it blows directly fore or aft.

Nor is it wonderful, that these islands have not been known to any mortal, almost up to our time. For whatever statements of ancient authors we have hitherto read with respect to the native soil of these spices, are partly entirely fabulous, and partly so far from truth, that the very regions, in which they asserted that these spices were produced, are scarcely less distant from the countries in which it is now ascertained that they grow, than we are ourselves.

For, not to mention others, Herodotus, in other respects a very good authority, states that cinnamon was found in birds' nests, into which the birds had brought it from very distant regions, among which birds he mentions especially the Phoenix—and I know not who has ever seen the nest of a Phoenix. But Pliny, who might have been thought to have had better means of knowing the facts, since long before his time many discoveries had been made by the fleets of Alexander the Great, and by other expeditions, states that cinnamon was produced in Ethiopia, on the borders of the land of the Troglodytes. Whereas we know now that cinnamon is produced at a very great distance from any part of Ethiopia, and especially from the country of the Troglodytes, i.e. dwellers in subterraneous caves.

Now it was necessary for our sailors, who have recently returned, who knew more about Ethiopia than about other countries, to sail round the whole world and that in a very wide circuit, before they discovered these islands and returned to Europe; and, since this voyage was a very remarkable one, and neither in our own time, nor in any former age, has such a voyage been accomplished, or even attempted, I have determined to send your Lordship a full and accurate account of the expedition.

I have taken much care in obtaining an account of the facts from the commanding officer of the squadron, [221] and from the individual sailors who have returned with him. They also made a statement to the emperor, and to several other persons, with such good faith and sincerity, that they appeared in their narrative, not merely to have abstained from fabulous statements, but also to contradict and refute the fabulous statements made by ancient authors.

For who ever believed that the Monosceli, or Sciapodes [one-legged men], the Scyrites, the Spithamæi [persons a span—seven and one-half inches—high], the Pigmies [height thirteen and one-half inches], and such-like were rather monsters than men? Yet, although the Castilians in their voyages westwards, and the Portuguese sailing eastwards, have sought out, discovered, and surveyed so many places even beyond the Tropic of Capricorn, and now these countrymen of ours have sailed completely round the world, none of them have found any trustworthy evidence in favor of the existence of such monsters; and therefore all such accounts ought to be regarded as fabulous, and as old wives' tales, handed down from one writer to another without any basis of truth. But, as I have to make a voyage round the world, I will not extend my prefatory remarks, but will come at once to the point.

Some thirty years ago, when the Castilians in the West, and the Portuguese in the East, had begun to search after new and unknown lands, in order to avoid any interference of one with the other, the kings of these countries divided the whole world between them, by the authority probably of Pope Alexander VI, on this plan, that a line should be drawn from the north to the south pole through a point three hundred and sixty leagues west of the Hesperides which they now call Cape Verde Islands, which would divide the earth's surface into two equal portions. All unknown lands hereafter discovered to the east of this line were assigned to the Portuguese; all on the west to the Castilians. Hence it came to pass that the Castilians always sailed southwest, and there discovered a very extensive continent, besides numerous large islands, abounding in gold, pearls, and other valuable commodities; and have quite recently discovered a large inland city named Tenoxtica [Mexico] situated in a lake like Venice. Peter Martyr, [222] an author who is more careful as to the accuracy of his statements than of the elegance of his style, has given a full but truthful description of this city. But the Portuguese sailing southward past the Hesperides [Cape Verde Islands] and the Fish-eating Ethiopians [West Coast of Africa], crossed the Equator and the Tropic of Capricorn, and sailing eastward discovered several, very large islands heretofore unknown, and also the sources of the Nile and the Troglodytes. Thence, by way of the Arabian and Persian Gulfs, they arrived at the shores of India within the Ganges, where now there is the very great trading station and the kingdom of Calicut. Hence they sailed to Taprobane which is now called Zamatara [Sumatra]. For where Ptolemy, Pliny, and other geographers placed Taprobane, there is now no island which can possibly be identified with it. Thence they came to the Golden Chersonesus, where now stands the well-peopled city of Malacca, the principal place of business of the East. After this they penetrated into a great gulf, as far as the nation of the Sinæ, who are now called Schinæ [Chinese], where they found a fair-complexioned and tolerably-civilized people, like our folks in Germany. They believe that the Seres and Asiatic Scythians extend as far as these parts.

And although there was a somewhat doubtful rumour afloat, that the Portuguese had advanced so far to the east, that they had come to the end of their own limits, and had passed over into the territory appointed for the Castilians, and that Malacca and the Great Gulf were within our limits, all this was more said than believed, until, four years ago, Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished Portuguese, who had for many years sailed about the Eastern Seas as admiral of the Portuguese fleet, having quarreled with his king, who he considered had acted ungratefully towards him, and Christopher Haro, brother of my father-in-law, of Lisbon, who had, through his agents for many years carried on trade with those eastern countries, and more recently with the Chinese, so that he was well acquainted with these matters (he also, having been ill-used by the King of Portugal, had returned to his native country, Castille), pointed out to the emperor, that it was not yet clearly ascertained, whether Malacca was within the boundaries of the Portuguese or of the Castillians, because hitherto its longitude had not been definitely known; but that it was an undoubted fact that the Great Gulf and the Chinese nations were within the Castilian limits They asserted also that it was absolutely certain, that the islands called the Moluccas, in which all sorts of spices grow, and from which they were brought to Malacca, were contained in the western, or Castilian division, and that it would be possible to sail to them, and to bring the spices at less trouble and expense from their native soil to Castille. The plan of the voyage was to sail west, and then coasting the Southern Hemisphere round the south of America to the east. Yet it appeared to be a difficult undertaking, and one of which the practicability was doubtful. Not that it was impossible, prima facie, to sail from the west round the Southern Hemisphere to the east; but that it was uncertain, whether ingenious Nature, all whose works are wisely conceived, had so arranged the sea and the land that it might be possible to arrive by this course at the Eastern Seas. For it had not been ascertained whether that extensive region, which is called Terra Firma, separated the Western Ocean [the Atlantic] from the Eastern [the Pacific]; but it was plain that that continent extended in a southerly direction, and afterwards inclined to the west. Moreover two regions had been discovered in the north, one called Baccalearum from a new kind of fish, [223] the other called Florida; and if these were connected with Terra Firma, it would not be possible to pass from the Western Ocean to the Eastern; since although much trouble had been taken to discover any strait which might exist connecting the two oceans, none had yet been found. At the same time it was considered that to attempt to sail through the Portuguese concessions and the Eastern Seas would be a hazardous enterprise, and dangerous in the highest degree.

The emperor and his council considered that the plan proposed by Magellan and Haro, though holding out considerable advantages, was one of very considerable difficulty as to execution. After some delay, Magellan offered to go out himself, but Haro undertook to fit out a squadron at the expense of himself and his friends, provided that they were allowed to sail under the authority and patronage of his majesty. As each resolutely upheld his own scheme, the emperor himself fitted out a squadron of five ships, and appointed Magellan to the command. It was ordered that they should sail southwards by the coast of Terra Firma, until they found either the end of that country or some strait, by which they might arrive at the spice-bearing Moluccas.

Accordingly on the tenth of August, 1519, Ferdinand Magellan with his five ships sailed from Seville. In a few days they arrived at the Fortunate Islands, now called the Canaries. Thence they sailed to the islands of the Hesperides [Cape Verde]; and thence sailed in a southwesterly direction towards that continent which I have already mentioned [Terra Firma or South America], and after a favorable voyage of a few days discovered a promontory, which they called St. Mary's. Here admiral John Ruy Dias Solis, while exploring the shores of this continent by command of King Ferdinand the Catholic, was, with some of his companions, eaten by the Anthropophagi, whom the Indians call Cannibals. Hence they coasted along this continent, which extends far on southwards, and which I now think should be called the Southern Polar land, then gradually slopes off in a westerly direction, and so sailed several degrees south of the Tropic of Capricorn. But it was not so easy for them to do it, as for me to relate it. For not till the end of March in the following year, [1520] did they arrive at a bay, which they called St. Julian's Bay. Here the Antarctic polestar was forty-nine and one-third degrees above the horizon, this result being deduced from the sun's declination and altitude, and this star is principally used by our navigators for observations. They stated that the longitude was fifty-six degrees west of the Canaries. [224] For since the ancient geographers, and especially Ptolemy reckoned the distance easterly from the Fortunate Islands [Canaries] as far as Cattigara to be one hundred and eighty degrees, and our sailors have sailed as far as possible in a westerly direction, they reckoned the distance from the Canaries westward to Cattigara to be also one hundred and eighty degrees. Yet even though our sailors in so long a voyage and in one so distant from the land lay down and mark certain signs and limits of the longitude; they appear to me rather to have made some error in their method of reckoning of the longitude than to have attained any trustworthy result.

Meanwhile, however this may be, until more certain results are arrived at, I do not think that their statements should be absolutely rejected, but merely accepted provisionally. This bay appeared to be of great extent, and had rather the appearance of a strait. Therefore admiral Magellan directed two ships to survey the bay; and himself remained with the rest at anchor. After two days, they returned, and reported that the bay was shallow, and did not extend far inland. Our men on their return saw some Indians gathering shell-fish on the sea-shore, for the natives of all unknown countries are commonly called Indians. These Indians were very tall, ten spans high [seven feet six inches], clad in skins of wild beasts, darker-complexioned than would have been expected in that part of the world; and when some of our men went on shore and showed them bells and pictures, they began to dance round our men with a hoarse noise and unintelligible chant, and to excite our admiration they took arrows a cubit and a half long, and put them down their own throats to the bottom of their stomachs without seeming any the worse for it. Then they drew them up again, and seemed much pleased at having shown their bravery. At length three men came up as a deputation, and by means of signs requested our men to come with them further inland, as though they would receive them hospitably. Magellan sent with them seven men well equipped, to find out as much as possible about the country and its inhabitants. These seven went with the Indians some seven miles up the country, and came to a desolate and pathless wood. Here was a very low-built cottage roofed with skins of beasts. In it were two rooms, in one of which dwelt the women and children, and in the other the men. The women and children were thirteen in number, and the men five. These received their guests with a barbarous entertainment, but which they considered to be quite a royal one. For they slaughtered an animal much resembling a wild ass, and set before our men half-roasted steaks of it, but no other food or drink. Our men had to cover themselves at night with skins, on account of the severity of the wind and snow.

Before they went to sleep they arranged for a watch to be kept; the Indians did the same and lay near our men by the fire, snoring horribly. When day dawned, our men requested them to return with them, accompanied by their families to our ships. When the Indians persisted in refusing to do so, and our men had also persisted somewhat imperiously in their demands, the men went into the women's chamber. The Spaniards supposed that they had gone to consult their wives about this expedition. But they came out again as if to battle, wrapped up from bead to foot in hideous skins, with their faces painted in various colours, and with bows and arrows, all ready for fighting, and appearing taller than ever. The Spaniards, thinking a skirmish was likely to take place, fired a gun. Although nobody was hit, yet these enormous giants, who just before seemed as though they were ready to fight and conquer Jove himself, were so alarmed at the sound, that they began to sue for peace. It was arranged that three men, leaving the rest behind, should return with our men to the ships, and so they started. But as our men not only could not run as fast as the giants, but could not even run as fast as the giants could walk, two of the three, seeing a wild ass grazing on a mountain at some distance, as they were going along, ran off after it and so escaped. The third was brought to the ships, but in a few days he died, having starved himself after the Indian fashion through homesickness. And although the admiral returned to that cottage, in order to make another of the giants prisoner, and bring him to the emperor, as a novelty, no one was found there, as all of them had removed elsewhere, and the cottage had disappeared. Hence it is plain that this nation is a nomad race, and although our men remained some time in that bay, as we shall presently mention, they never again saw an Indian on that coast; nor did they think that there was anything in that country that would make it worth while to explore the inland districts any further. And though Magellan was convinced that a longer stay there would be of no use, yet since for some days the sea was very rough and the weather tempestuous, and the land extended still further southward, so that the farther they advanced, the colder they would find the country, their departure was unavoidably put off from day to day, till the month of May arrived, at which time the winter sets in with great severity in those parts, so much so, that, though it was our summer-time, they had to make preparations for wintering there. Magellan, perceiving that the voyage would be a long one, in order that the provisions might last longer, ordered the rations to be diminished. The Spaniards endured this with patience for some days, but alarmed at the length of the winter and the barrenness of the land, at last petitioned their admiral Magellan, saying that it was evident that this continent extended an indefinite distance south-wards, and that there was no hope of discovering the end of it, or of discovering a strait; that a hard winter was setting in, and that several men had already died through scanty food and the hardships of the voyage; that they would not long be able to endure that restriction of provisions which he had enacted; that the emperor never intended that they should obstinately persevere in attempting to do what the natural circumstances of the case rendered it impossible to accomplish; that the toils they had already endured would be acknowledged and approved, since they had already advanced further than the boldest and most adventurous navigators had dared to do; that, if a south wind should spring up in a few days, they might easily sail to the north, and arrive at a milder climate. In reply, Magellan, who had already made up his mind either to carry out his design, or to die in the attempt, said that the emperor had ordered him to sail according to a certain plan, from which he could not and would not depart on any consideration whatever, and that therefore he should continue this voyage till he found either the end of this continent, or a strait. That though he could not do this at present, as the winter prevented him, yet it would be easy enough in the summer of this region; that if they would only sail along the coast to the south, the summer would be all one perpetual day; that they had means of providing against want of food and the inclemency of the weather, inasmuch as there was a great quantity of wood, that the sea produced shell-fish, and numerous sorts of excellent fish; that there were springs of good water, and they could also help their stores by hunting and by shooting wild fowl; that bread and wine had not yet run short, and would not run short in future, provided that they used them for necessity and for the preservation of health, and not for pleasure and luxury: that nothing had yet been done worthy of much admiration, nor such as could give them a reasonable ground for returning; that the Portuguese not only yearly, but almost daily, in their voyages to the east, made no difficulty about sailing twelve degrees south of the tropic of Capricorn: what had they then to boast of, when they had only advanced some four degrees south of it; that he, for his part, had made up his mind to suffer anything that might happen, rather than to return to Spain with disgrace; that he believed that his companions, or at any rate, those in whom the generous spirit of Spaniards was not totally extinct, were of the same way of thinking: that he had only to exhort them fearlessly to face the remainder of winter; that the greater their hardships and dangers were, the richer their reward would be for having opened up for the emperor a new world rich in spices and gold.

Magellan thought that by this address he had soothed and encouraged the minds of his men, but within a few days he was troubled by a wicked and disgraceful mutiny. For the sailors began to talk to one another of the long-standing ill-feeling existing between the Portuguese and the Castilians, and of Magellan's being a Portuguese; that there was nothing that he could do more to the credit of his own country than to lose this fleet with so many men on board: that it was not to be believed that he wished to find the Moluccas, even if he could, but that he would think it enough if he could delude the emperor for some years by holding out vain hopes, and that in the meanwhile something new would turn up, whereby the Castilians might be completely put out of the way of looking for spices: nor indeed was the direction of the voyage really towards the fertile Molucca islands, but towards snow and ice and everlasting bad weather. Magellan was exceedingly irritated by these conversations, and punished some of the men, but with somewhat more severity than was becoming to a foreigner, especially to one holding command in a distant part of the world. So they mutinied and took possession of one of the ships, and began to make preparations to return to Spain, but Magellan, with the rest of his men who had remained faithful to him, boarded that ship, and executed the ringleader and other leading mutineers, even some who could not legally be so treated: for they were royal officials, who were only liable to capital punishment by the emperor and his council. However under the circumstances no one ventured to resist. Yet there were some, who whispered to one another, that Magellan would go on exercising the same severity amongst the Castilians, as long as one was left, until having got rid of everyone of them, he could sail home to his own country again with the few Portuguese he had with him. The Castilians therefore remained still more hostile to the admiral. As soon as Magellan observed that the weather was less stormy and that winter began to break up, he sailed out of St. Julian's Bay on the twenty-fourth of August, 1520, as before. For some days he coasted along to the southward and at last sighted a cape, which they called Cape Santa Cruz. Here a storm from the east caught them, and one of the five ships was driven on shore and wrecked, but the crew and all goods on board were saved, except an African slave, who was drowned. After this the coast seemed to stretch a little south eastwards, and as they continued to explore it, on the twenty-sixth of November [1520] an opening was observed having the appearance of a strait; Magellan at once sailed in with his whole fleet, and seeing several bays in various directions, directed three of the ships to cruise about to ascertain whether there was any way through, undertaking to wait for them five days at the entrance of the strait, so that they might report what success they had. One of these ships was commanded by Alvaro de Mezquita, son of Magellan's brother, and this by the windings of the channel came out again into the ocean whence it had set out. When the Spaniards [225] saw that they were at a considerable distance from the other ships, they plotted among themselves to return home, and having put Alvaro their captain in irons, they sailed northwards, and at last reached the coast of Africa, and there took in provisions, and eight months after leaving the other ships they arrived in Spain, where they brought Alvaro to trial on the charge that it had chiefly been through his advice and persuasion that his uncle Magellan had adopted such severe measures against the Castilians. Magellan waited some days over the appointed time for this ship, and meanwhile one ship had returned, and reported that they had found nothing but a shallow bay, and the shores stony and with high cliffs; but the other reported that the greatest bay had the appearance of a strait, as they had sailed on for three days and had found no way out, but that the further they went the narrower the passage became, and it was so deep, that in many places they sounded without finding the bottom; they also noticed from the tide of the sea, that the flow was somewhat stronger than the ebb, and thence they conjectured that there was a passage that way into some other sea. On hearing this Magellan determined to sail along this channel. This strait, though not then known to be such, was of the breadth in some places of three, in others of two, in others of five or ten Italian miles, [226] and inclined slightly to the west. The latitude south was found to be fifty-two degrees, the longitude they estimated as the same as that of St. Julian's Bay. It being now hard upon the month of November, the length of the night was not much more than five hours; they saw no one on the shore. One night however a great number of fires was seen, especially on the left side, whence they conjectured that they had been seen by the inhabitants of those regions. But Magellan, seeing that the land was craggy, and bleak with perpetual winter, did not think it worth while to spend his time in exploring it, and so with his three ships continued, his voyage along the channel, until on the twenty-second day after he had set sail, he came out into another vast and open sea: the length of the strait they reckoned at about one hundred Spanish miles. The land which they had to the right was no doubt the continent we have before mentioned [South America]. On the left hand they thought that there was no continent, but only islands, as they occasionally heard on that side the reverberation and roar of the sea at a more distant part of the coast. Magellan saw that the main land extended due north, and therefore gave orders to turn away from that great continent, leaving it on the right hand, and to sail over that vast and extensive ocean, which had probably never been traversed by our ships or by those of any other nation, in a northwesterly direction, so that they might arrive at last at the Eastern Ocean, coming at it from the west, and again enter the torrid zone, for he was satisfied that the Moluccas were in the extreme east, and could not be far off the equator. They continued in this course, never deviating from it, except when compelled to do so now and then by the force of the wind; and when they had sailed on this course for forty days across the ocean with a strong wind, mostly favourable, and had seen nothing all around them but sea, and had now almost reached again the Tropic of Capricorn, they came in sight of two islands, [227] small and barren, and on directing their course to them found that they were uninhabited; but they stayed there two days for repose and refreshment, as plenty of fish was to be caught there. However they unanimously agreed to call these islands the Unfortunate Islands. Then they set sail again, and continued on the same course as before. After sailing for three months and twenty days with good fortune over this ocean, and having traversed a distance almost too long to estimate, having had a strong wind aft almost the whole of the time, and having again crossed the equator, they saw an island, which they afterwards learnt from the neighboring people was called Inuagana. [228] When they came nearer to it, they found the latitude to be eleven degrees north; the longitude they reckoned to be one hundred and fifty-eight degrees west of Cadiz. From this point they saw more and more islands, so that they found themselves in an extensive archipelago, but on arriving at Inuagana, they found it was uninhabited. Then they sailed towards another small island, where they saw two Indian canoes, for such is the Indian name of these strange boats; these canoes are scooped out of the single trunk of a tree, and hold one or at most two persons; and they are used to talk with each other by signs, like dumb people. They asked the Indians what the names of the islands were, and whence provisions could be procured, of which they were very deficient; they were given to understand that the first island they had seen was called Inuagana, that near which they then were, Acacan, [229] but that both were uninhabited; but that there was another island almost in sight, in the direction of which they pointed, called Selani, [230] and that abundance of provisions of all sorts was to be had there. Our men took in water at Acacan, and then sailed towards Selani, but a storm caught them so that they could not land there, but they were driven to another island called Massana, [231] where the king of three islands resides. From this island they sailed to Subuth [Zebu], a very large island, and well supplied, where having come to a friendly arrangement with the chief they immediately landed to celebrate divine worship according to Christian usage—for the festival of the resurrection of Him who has saved us was at hand. Accordingly with some of the sails of the ships and branches of trees they erected a chapel, and in it constructed an altar in the Christian fashion, and divine service was duly performed. The chief and a large crowd of Indians came up, and seemed much pleased with these religious rites They brought the admiral and some of the officers into the chief's cabin, and set before them what food they had. The bread was made of sago, which is obtained from the trunk of a tree not much unlike the palm. This is chopped up small, and fried in oil, and used as bread, a specimen of which I send to your lordship; their drink was a liquor which flows from the branches of palm-trees when cut, some birds also were served up at this meal; and also some of the fruit of the country. Magellan having noticed in the chief's house a sick person in a very wasted condition, asked who he was and from what disease he was suffering. He was told that it was the chief's grandson, and that he had been suffering for two years from a violent fever. Magellan exhorted him to be of good courage, that if he would devote himself to Christ, he would immediately recover his former health and strength. The Indian consented and adored the cross, and received baptism, and the next day declared that he was well again, rose from his bed, and walked about, and took his meals like the others. What visions he may have told to his friends I cannot say; but the chief and over twenty-two hundred Indians were baptized and professed the name and faith of Christ. Magellan seeing that this island was rich in gold and ginger, and that it was so conveniently situated with respect to the neighboring islands, that it would be easy, making this his headquarters, to explore their resources and natural productions, he therefore went to the chief of Subuth and suggested to him, that since he had turned away from the foolish and impious worship of false gods to the Christian religion, it would be proper that the chiefs of the neighboring islands should obey his rule; that he had determined to send envoys for this purpose, and if any of the chiefs should refuse to obey this summons, to compel them to do so by force of arms. The proposal pleased the savage, and the envoys were sent: the chiefs came in one by one and did homage to the chief of Subuth in the manner adopted in those countries. But the nearest island to Subuth is called Mauthan [Matan], and its king was superior in military force to the other chiefs; and he declined to do homage to one whom he had been accustomed to command for so long. Magellan, anxious to carry out his plan, ordered forty of his men, whom he could rely on for valor and military skill, to arm themselves, and passed over to the island Mauthan in boats, for it was very near. The chief of Subuth furnished him with some of his own people, to guide him as to the topography of the island and the character of the country, and, if it should be necessary, to help him in the battle. The king of Mauthan, seeing the arrival of our men, led into the field some three thousand of his people. Magellan drew up his own men and what artillery he had, though his force was somewhat small, on the shore, and although he saw that his own force was much inferior in numbers, and that his opponents were a warlike race, and were equipped with lances and other weapons, nevertheless thought it more advisable to face the enemy with them, than to retreat, or to avail himself of the aid of the Subuth islanders. Accordingly he exhorted his men to take courage, and not to be alarmed at the superior force of the enemy; since it had often been the case, as had recently happened in the island [peninsula] of Yucatan, that two hundred Spaniards had routed two or even three hundred thousand Indians. He said to the Subuth islanders, that he had not brought them with him to fight, but to see the valour and military prowess of his men. Then he attacked the Mauthan islanders, and both sides fought boldly; but as the enemy surpassed our men in number, and used longer lances, to the great damage of our men, at last Magellan himself was thrust through and slain. [232] Although the survivors did not consider themselves fairly beaten, yet, as they had lost their leader, they retreated; but, as they retreated in good order, the enemy did not venture to pursue them. The Spaniards then, having lost their admiral, Magellan, and seven of their comrades, returned to Subuth, where they chose as their new admiral John Serrano, a man of no contemptible ability. He renewed the alliance with the chief of Subuth, by making him additional presents, and undertook to conquer the king of Mauthan. Magellan had been the owner of a slave, a native of the Moluccas, whom he had formerly bought in Malacca; and by means of this slave, who was able to speak Spanish fluently, and of an interpreter of Subuth, who could speak the Moluccan language, our men carried on their negotiations. This slave had taken part in the fight with the Mauthan islanders, and had been slightly wounded, for which reason he lay by all day intending to nurse himself. Serrano, who could do no business without his help, rated him soundly, and told him that though his master Magellan was dead, he was still a slave, and that he would find that such was the case, and would get a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not exert himself and do what was required of him more zealously. This speech much incensed the slave against our people: but he concealed his anger and in a few days he went to the chief of Subuth, and told him that the avarice of the Spaniards was insatiable: that they had determined, as soon as they should have defeated the king of Mauthan, to turn round upon him, and take him away as a prisoner; and that the only course for him [the chief of Subuth] to adopt was to anticipate treachery by treachery. The savage believed this, and secretly came to an understanding with the king of Mauthan, and made arrangements with him for common action against our people. Admiral Serrano, and twenty-seven of the principal officers and men, were invited to a solemn banquet. These, quite unsuspectingly, for the natives had carefully dissembled their intentions, went on shore without any precautions, to take their dinner with the chief. While they were at table, some armed men, who had been concealed close by, ran in and slew them. A great outcry was made: it was reported in our ships that our men were killed, and that the whole island was hostile to us; our men saw, from on board the ships, that the handsome cross, which they had set up in a tree, was torn down by the natives and cut up into fragments. When the Spaniards, who had remained on board, heard of the slaughter of our men, they feared further treachery: so they weighed anchor and began to set sail without delay. Soon afterwards Serrano was brought to the coast a prisoner; he entreated them to deliver him from so miserable a captivity, saying that he had got leave to be ransomed, if his men would agree to it. Although our men thought it was disgraceful to leave their commander behind in this way, their fear of the treachery of the islanders was so great, that they put out to sea, leaving Serrano on the shore in vain lamenting and beseeching his comrades to rescue him. The Spaniards, having lost their commander and several of their comrades, sailed on sad and anxious, not merely on account of the loss they had suffered, but also because their numbers had been so diminished, that it was no longer possible to work the three remaining ships.

On this question they consulted together, and unanimously came to the conclusion, that the best plan would be to burn one of the ships, and to sail home in the two remaining. They therefore sailed to a neighboring island, called Cohol [Bohol], and having put the rigging and stores of one of the ships on board the two others, set it on fire. Hence they proceeded to the island of Gibeth. [233] Although they found that this island was well supplied with gold and ginger and many other things, they did not think it desirable to stay there any length of time, as they could not establish friendly relations with the natives; and they were too few in number to venture to use force. From Gibeth they proceeded to the island of Porne [Borneo]. In this archipelago there are two large islands: one of which is called Siloli [Gilolo], whose king had six hundred children. Siloli is larger than Porne, for Siloli can hardly be circumnavigated in six months, but Porne in three months. Although Siloli is larger than Porne, yet the latter is more fertile, and distinguished as containing a large city of the same name as the island. And since Porne must be considered to be more important than the other islands, which they had hitherto visited, and it was from it that the other islanders had learnt the arts of civilized life, I have determined to describe briefly the manners and customs of these nations. All these islanders are Caphrae or Kafirs, i.e., heathens, they worship the sun and moon as gods; they assign the government of the day to the sun, and that of the night to the moon; the sun they consider to be male, and the moon female, and that they are the parents of the other stars, all of which they consider to be gods, though little ones. They salute, rather than adore, the rising sun, with certain hymns. Also they salute the bright moon at night, from whom they ask for children, for the increase of their flocks and herds, for an abundant supply of the fruits of the earth, and for other things of that sort. But they practice piety and justice: and especially love peace and quiet, and have great aversion to war. As long as their king maintains peace, they show him divine honours: but if he is anxious for war, they never rest till he is slain by the enemy in battle. When the king has determined on war, which very seldom happens, his men set him in the front rank, where he has to stand the whole brunt of the combat; and they do not exert themselves vigorously against the enemy, till they know that the king has fallen: then they begin to fight for liberty and for their new king: nor has any king of theirs entered on a war without being slain in battle. For this reason they seldom engage in war, and they think it unjust to extend their frontiers. Their chief care is to avoid giving offence to the neighboring nations or to strangers. But if at any time they are attacked, they retaliate; and yet, lest further ill should arise, they at once endeavor to come to terms. They think that party acts most creditably, which is the first to propose terms of peace; that it is disgraceful to be anticipated in so doing; and that it is scandalous and detestable to refuse peace to those who ask for it, even though the latter should have been the aggressors: all the neighboring people unite in destroying such refusers of peace as impious and abominable. Hence they mostly pass their lives in peace and leisure. Robberies and murders are quite unknown among them. No one may speak to the king but his wives and children, except at a distance by hollow canes, which they apply to his ear, and through which they whisper what they have to say. They think that at death men have no perception as they had none before they were born. Their houses are small, built of wood and earth, covered partly with rubble and partly with palm-leaves. It is ascertained that there are twenty thousand houses in the city of Porne. They marry as many wives as they can afford to keep; they eat birds and fish; make bread of rice; and drink a liquor drawn from the palm tree—of which we have spoken before. Some carry on trade with the neighbouring islands, to which they sail in junks, some are employed in hunting and shooting, some in fishing, some in agriculture: their clothes are made of cotton. Their animals are nearly the same as ours, excepting sheep, oxen, and asses: their horses are very slight and small. They have a great supply of camphor, ginger, and cinnamon. On leaving this island our men, having paid their respects to the king, and propitiated him by presents, sailed to the Moluccas, their way to which had been pointed out to them by the king. Then they came to the coast of the island of Solo, [234] where they heard that pearls were to be found as large as doves' eggs, or even hens' eggs, but that they were only to be had in very deep water. Our men did not bring home any single large pearl, as they were not there at the season of the year for pearl-fishing. They said however that they found an oyster there the flesh of which weighed forty-seven pounds. Hence I should be disposed to believe that pearls of the size mentioned would be found there; for it is certain that large pearls are found in oysters. And, not to forget it, I will add that our men reported that the islanders of Porne asserted that the king wore two pearls in his crown as large as goose eggs. After this they came to the island of Gilona, where they saw some men with such long ears, that they reached down to their shoulders; and when they expressed their astonishment, the natives told them, that in an island not far off, there were men, who had such long and wide ears, that one ear could, when they liked, cover the whole of their heads. But as our men were not in search of monsters but of spices, they did not trouble themselves about such rubbish, but sailed direct for the Moluccas, where they arrived in the eighth month after their admiral Magellan had been slain in the island of Mauthan. The islands are five in number, and are called, Tarante, Muthil, Thedori, Mare, and Matthien, [235] situated partly to the north, partly to the south, and partly on the equator; the productions are cloves, nutmegs, and cinnamon: they are all close together, but of small extent. A few years ago the kings [of] Marmin began to believe that the soul is immortal. They were induced to believe this solely from the following reason, that they observed that a certain very beautiful small bird never settled on the earth, or on anything that was on the earth; but that these birds sometimes fell dead from the sky to the earth. And when the Mohammedans, who visited them for trading purposes, declared that these birds came from Paradise, the place of abode of departed souls, these princes adopted the Mohammedan faith, which makes wonderful promises respecting this same paradise. They call this bird Mamuco Diata; and they venerate it so highly, that the kings think themselves safe in battle under their protection, even when, according to their custom, they are placed in the front line of the army in battle. The common people are Kafirs, and have much the same manners and customs as the islanders of Porne, already spoken of; they are much in need of supplies from abroad, inasmuch as their country only produces spices, which they willingly exchange for the poisonous articles arsenic and sublimated mercury, and for the linen which they generally wear; but what use they make of these poisons has not yet been ascertained. They live on sago-bread, fish, and sometimes parrots; they live in very low-built cabins: in short, all they esteem and value is peace, leisure, and spices. The former, the greatest of blessings, the wickedness of mankind seems to have banished from our part of the world to theirs: but our avarice and insatiable desire of the luxuries of the table has urged us to seek for spices even in those distant lands. To such a degree has the perversity of human nature persisted in driving away as far as possible that which is conducive to happiness, and in seeking for articles of luxury in the remotest parts of the world. Our men having carefully examined the position of the Moluccas, and of each separate island, and also into the characters of the chiefs, sailed to Thedori, because they understood that this island produced a greater abundance of cloves than the others, and also that the king excelled the other kings in prudence and humanity. Providing themselves with presents they went on shore, and paid their respect to the king, and handed him the presents as the gift of the emperor. He accepted the presents graciously, and looking up to heaven said, "It is now two years since I learnt from observation of the stars that you were sent by the great King of kings to seek for these lands. Wherefore your arrival is the more agreeable to me, inasmuch as it has already been foreseen from the signification of the stars. And since I know that nothing happens to man, which has not long since been ordained by the decree of Fate and of the stars, I will not be the man to resist the determinations of Fate and the stars, but will spontaneously abdicate my royal power, and consider myself for the future, as carrying on the government of this island as your king's viceroy. So bring your ships into the harbour, and order the rest of your companions to land in safety, so that now after so much tossing about on the sea, and so many dangers, you may securely enjoy the comforts of life on shore, and recruit your strength; and consider yourselves to be coming into your own king's dominions." Having thus spoken, the king laid aside his diadem, and embraced each of our men, and directed such refreshments as the country produced to be set on table. Our men, delighted at this, returned to their companions, and told them what had taken place. They were much delighted by the graciousness and benevolence of the king, and took up their quarters in the island. When they had been entertained for some days by the king's munificence, they sent envoys thence to the other kings, to investigate the resources of the islands, and to secure the good will of the chiefs. Tarante was the nearest; it is a very small island, its circumference being a little over six Italian miles. The next is Matthien, and that also is small. These three produce a great quantity of cloves, but every fourth year the crop is far larger than at other times. These trees only grow on precipitous rocks, and they grow so close together as to form groves. The tree resembles the laurel as regards its leaves, its closeness of growth, and its height; the clove, so called from its resemblance to a nail [Latin, clavus] grows at the very tip of each twig; first a bud appears, and then a blossom much like that of the orange; the point of the clove first shows itself at the end of the twig, until it attains its full growth; at first it is reddish, but the heat of the sun soon turns it black. The natives share groves of this tree among themselves, just as we do vineyards: they keep the cloves in pits, till the merchants fetch them away. The fourth island, Muthil, is no larger than the rest. This island produces cinnamon; the tree is full of shoots, and in other respects fruitless, it thrives best in a dry soil, and is very much like the pomegranate tree. When the bark cracks through the heat of the sun, it is pulled off the tree, and being dried in the sun a short time becomes cinnamon. Near Muthil is another island, called Bada [Badjan or Batchian], more extensive than the Moluccas; in it the nutmeg grows. The tree is tall and wide-spreading, a good deal like a walnut tree; the fruit too is produced just in the same way as a walnut, being protected by a double covering, first a soft envelope, and under this a thin reticulated membrane which encloses the nut. This membrane we call Muskatblüthe, the Spaniards call it mace, it is an excellent and wholesome spice. Within this is a hard shell, like that of a filbert, inside which is the nutmeg properly so called. Ginger also is produced in all the islands of this archipelago: some is sown, some grows spontaneously; but the sown ginger is the best. The plant is like the saffron-plant, and its root, which resembles the root of saffron, is what we call ginger. Our men were kindly received by the various chiefs, who all, after the example of the King of Thedori, spontaneously submitted themselves to the imperial government. But the Spaniards, having now only two ships, determined to bring with them specimens of all sorts of spices, etc., but to load the ships mainly with cloves, because there had been a very abundant crop of it this season, and the ships could contain a great quantity of this kind of spice. Having laden their ships with cloves, and received letters and presents from the chiefs to the emperor, they prepared to sail away. The letters were filled with assurances of fidelity and respect: the gifts were Indian swords, etc. The most remarkable curiosities were some of the birds, called Mamuco Diata, that is the Bird of God, with which they think themselves safe and invincible in battle. Five of these were sent, one of which I procured from the captain of the ship, and now send it to your lordship—not that you will think it a defence against treachery and violence, but because you will be pleased with its rarity and beauty. I also send some cinnamon, nutmegs, and cloves, that you may see that our spices are not only not inferior to those imported by the Venetians and Portuguese, but of superior quality, because they are fresher. Soon after our men had sailed from Thedori, the larger of the two ships [the Trinidad] sprang a leak, which let in so much water, that they were obliged to return to Thedori. The Spaniards seeing that this defect could not be put right except with much labor and loss of time, agreed that the other ship [the Victoria] should sail to the Cape of Cattigara, thence across the ocean as far as possible from the Indian coast, lest they should be seen by the Portuguese, until they came in sight of the southern point of Africa, beyond the tropic of Capricorn, which the Portuguese call the Cape of Good Hope, for thence the voyage to Spain would be easy. It was also arranged that, when the repairs of the other ship were completed, it should sail back through the archipelago and the Vast [Pacific] Ocean to the coast of the continent which we have already mentioned [South America], until they came to the Isthmus of Darien, where only a narrow neck of land divides the South Sea from the Western Sea, in which are the islands belonging to Spain. The smaller ship accordingly set sail again from Thedori, and though they went as far as twelve degrees south, they did not find Cattigara, [236] which Ptolemy considered to lie considerably south of the equator; however after a long voyage, they arrived in sight of the Cape of Good Hope, and thence sailed to the Cape Verde Islands. Here this ship also, after having been so long at sea, began to be leaky, and the men, who had lost several of their companions through hardships in the course of their adventures, were unable to keep the water pumped out. They therefore landed at one of the islands called Santiago, to buy slaves. As our men, sailor-like, had no money, they offered cloves in exchange for slaves. When the Portuguese officials heard of this, they committed thirteen of our men to prison. The rest, eighteen in number, being alarmed at the position in which they found themselves, left their companions behind, and sailed direct to Spain. Sixteen months after they had sailed from Thedori, on the sixth of September 1522 they arrived safe and sound at a port [San Lucar] near Seville. These sailors are certainly more worthy of perpetual fame, than the Argonauts who sailed with Jason to Colchis; and the ship itself deserves to be placed among the constellations more than the ship Argo. For the Argo only sailed from Greece through the Black Sea; but our ship setting put from Seville sailed first southwards, then through the whole of the West, into the Eastern Seas, then back again into the Western.

I humbly commend myself to your Most Reverend Lordship.

Written at Valladolid twenty-fourth of October 1522.

Your Most Reverend and Most Illustrious Lordship's

Most humble and perpetual servant,

Maximilianus Transylvanus.

Cologne—[printed] at the house of Eucharius Cervicornus. A.D. 1523—in the month of January.

Bibliographical Data

The Line of Demarcation

Papal Bulls of 1493.—The originals of the bulls of May 3 and 4 exist in the archives of the Vatican; and authenticated copies are in the Archivo general de Indias at Seville, their pressmark being "Patronato, Simancas—Bulas; Est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1." The Archivo Nacional of Lisbon (which is housed in the Torre do Tombo) has one of the originals of the Bull of May 4—pressmark, "Gaveta 10, maco 11, n°. 16." The Inter cætera of May 3 was not known to be in existence until 1797, when it was discovered by Muñoz in the Simancas archives (from which many documents have since been transferred to the archives at Seville); in recent years it has been found in those of the Vatican also. There is in the British Museum a MS. copy (in Spanish translation) of the Bull of May 4—its pressmark being "Papeles varias de Indias, 13,977." The Bull of September 25 is known only through the Spanish translation made (August 30, 1554) by Grecian de Aldrete, secretary of Felipe II of Spain; this is at Seville, with pressmark as above. Harrisse could not find the Latin original of this document at Simancas Seville, or Rome. For the bulls of May 3 and 4 our translation is made from the Latin text given in Heywood's Documenta selecta et tabulario secreto Vaticano (Roma, 1893), pp.14-26; that contains also photographic facsimiles of the original bulls. Certain formal ecclesiastical phrases which Heywood only indicates by "etc." have been, for the sake of completeness, translated in full in the first bull. The bulls are also published in Raynaldi's Annales ecclesiastici (Lucæ, Typis Leonardi Venturini, MDCCLIV), xi, pp. 213-215; Hernaez's Coleción de bulas, breves, etc. (Bruselas, 1879), i, pp. 12-16; Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania, xxxiv, pp. 14-21; and in Fonti Italiani (Roma, 1892), part iii. The bull Inter cætera of May 3 may also be found in Navarrete's Col. de viages, ii, pp. 23-27 (ed. 1825; or pp. 29-33, ed. 1859); Eximiæ of same date, in Solorzano's De jure Indiarum (Madrid, 1629), i, pp. 612, 613. Inter cætera of May 4 is also given in Solorzano, p. 610; Alguns documentos, (Lisboa, MDCCCXCII), pp. 65-68; and Calvo's Recueil complet de traités de l'Amérique latine (Paris, 1862), i (premiere période), pp. 1-15, in both Latin and Spanish versions. For the Bull of September 25 we have used the Spanish text, which Navarrete gives ut supra, pp. 404-406 (449-451, 2d ed.)—Solorzano's Latin version, which has been followed by Hernaez and other editors, being probably only a retranslation from the Spanish. For good discussions of these bulls and of the Demarcation Line, with abundant citations of authorities, see Bourne's "Demarcation Line of Pope Alexander VI," in Amer. Hist. Assn. Rep., 1891, pp. 101-130 (republished in Yale Review, May, 1892), and in his Essays in Historical Criticism (N. Y., 1901), pp. 193-217; S.E. Dawson's "Lines of Demarcation of Pope Alexander VI, and the Treaty of Tordesillas," in Canad. Roy. Soc. Trans., 1899, sec. ii, pp. 467-546; and Harrisse's Diplomatic History of America (London, 1897).

Treaty of Tordesillas (June 7, 1494).—The original MS. of this document is in the Seville archives—pressmark, "Simancas—Bulas; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1." It is also found in the Torre do Tombo of Lisbon—its pressmark being "Gaveta 17, maço 2, n°. 24;" there is another copy—pressmark "Gaveta 18, maço 2, n°. 2"—apparently a duplicate of the former. The text of the treaty is published in G. F_a_ de Martens's Traités de l'Europe, Supplément (Gottingue, 1802), i, pp. 372-388; Navarrete's Col. de viages, ii, pp. 130-143 (147-162, 2nd ed.); Alguns documentos, pp. 69-80; Calvo's Recueil de traités, i, pp. 16-36; and Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania, xxxvi, pp. 54-74. Our translation is made from the version in Alguns documentos, as that most closely following the original; and in foot-notes are indicated some of the variations of Navarrete's text from that in Alguns documentos.

Compact between the monarchs of Spain and Portugal (April 15, 1495).—The original MS. of this document is in the Seville archives "Patronato Real." We translate from Navarrete, ut supra, ii, pp. 170-173 (192-195, 2d ed.). It is published also in Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania, xxxviii, pp. 336-341.

Papal Bull, Præcelsæ (Nov. 3, 1514).—The original of this bull exists in Torre do Tombo, Lisbon—pressmark, "Maço 20 de bullas, n°. 18;" it is written on parchment, and covers twenty folios. It is printed in full in Corpo diplomatico portuguez (Lisboa, 1862), i, pp. 275-298; and a brief synopsis is given (in Portuguese) in Alguns documentos, p. 366. We present a similar synopsis, with a short extract from the bull.

Letters of Cárlos I (1523).—The originals of these documents are in the Seville archives, in "Patronato Real." We translate from the text in Navarrete, ut supra, vol. iv (1837), as follows: instructions to the ambassadors, pp. 301-305; letter to Zúñiga, pp. 312-320.

Treaty of Vitoria (Feb. 19, 1524).—The original is in the Seville archives—pressmark, "Papeles del Maluco, de 1519 á 1547, leg°. 1°." The translation here published is made from Navarrete, ut supra, pp. 320-326.

Junta of Badajoz (April-May, 1524).—The originals of these documents are at Seville, in the "Patronato Real." The copies made therefrom by Juan Bautista Muñoz, in pursuance of orders given him by Cárlos IV to write a history of Spanish discovery and conquest, are in the library of the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid. Our translations and synopses are made from Navarrete's text, ut supra, as follows: extract from the records of possession and ownership, pp. 355-368; opinions of Spanish astronomers and pilots, pp. 333-355; letters to Spanish deputies, pp. 326-333.

Treaty of Zaragoza (April 22, 1529).—The original of this document is in Torre do Tombo, Lisbon—pressmark, "Gaveta 18, maco 8, n°. 29." Our translation is made from the text in Alguns documentos, pp. 495-512. This treaty has been published also in Navarrete, ut supra, pp. 389-406; and in Martens's Supp. Traités de l'Europe, i, pp. 398-421. It was appended to the treaty of 1750 between Spain and Portugal.

Papal Bull, Eximiæ (Nov. 16, 1501)

Our translation is made from Navarrete, ut supra, ii, pp. 408, 409 (454, 455, 2d ed.). The bull is published also in Hernaez's Col. de bulas, i, pp. 20-25; and in Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania xxxiv, pp. 22-29.

Life and Voyage of Fernao de Magalhaes

Our résumé of various contemporary documents is made from Navarrete, ut supra, iv (1837), pp. 110-406. The MS. of the letter of authorization to Falero and Magallánes is in Torre do Tombo, Lisbon—pressmark, "Gaveta 18, maço 8, n°. 39." It is published in Alguns documentos, pp. 418, 419, from which our translation is made. The originals of the letters of 1519 (from copies of which we translate except instructions to Cartagena, from Alguns documentos) are in Torre do Tombo—their respective pressmarks as follows: letter of Cárlos I to Manuel, "Gaveta 18, maço 5, n°. 26;" instructions to Cartagena, "Corpo chron., parte 3_a_, maço 7, n°. 18;" letter of Cárlos I to Magallánes and Falero, "Corpo chron., parte 1_a_, maço 24, n°. 64." These letters are published in Alguns documentos, pp. 422-430. The letter of 1522 is translated from a copy of the original MS. in the Simancas archives—pressmark, "Secretaria de Estada, leg. 367, fol. 94."

De Molvccis Insulis. The first edition of this book was printed in January, 1523, at Cologne, by Hirzhorn (Latinized as Cervicornus). In November, 1523, it was published at Rome by Minitius Calvus, also second edition February, 1524. There has been much controversy regarding the priority of the Cologne edition, some writers claiming that it was really issued in 1524; but the question is apparently settled by the fact that Johann Schöner cites the book in his letter (written in 1523) to Reimer von Stréitberg (Streytpergk); see Stevens's Johann Schoner (London, MDCCCLXXXVIII), pp. 99, 153. We reproduce here the translation made by the late Henry Stevens (ut supra, pp. 103-146); it is accompanied therein (pp. 57-90) by a phototypographic facsimile of the original print. Fuller details regarding this work will appear in the volume devoted to bibliography, which will be published at the end of this series.

Chronological Tables

1493-1803

List of Roman Pontiffs

Alexander VI (Rodrigo Borgia, or Lenzuoli).—Born Jan. 1, 1431; became pontiff, Aug. 11, 1492; died Aug. 18, 1503.

Pius III (Francesco Todischini Piccolomini).—Born May 9, 1439; became pontiff, Sept. 22, 1503; died Oct. 18, 1503.

Julius II (Guiliano della Rovere).—Born Dec. 15, 1443; became pontiff, Oct. 31 or Nov. 1, 1503; died Feb. 2, 1513.

Leo X (Giovanni de' Medici).—Born Dec. 11, 1475; became pontiff, March 11, 1513; died Dec. 1, 1521.

Hadrianus VI (Florian Boyers).—Born Mar. 2, 1459; became pontiff, Jan. 9, 1522; died Sept. 14, 1523.

Clemens VII (Giulio de' Medici).—Born 1475 (?); became pontiff, Nov. 19, 1523; died Sept. 26, 1534.

Paulus III (Alessandro Farnese).—Born Feb. 28, 1468; became pontiff, Oct. 13, 1534; died Nov. 10, 1549.

Julius III (Giovanni Maria de Ciocchi del Monte).—Born Sept. 10, 1487; became pontiff, Feb. 8, 1550; died Mar. 23, 1555.

Marcellus II (Marcello Cervini).—Born May 6, 1501; became pontiff, Apr. 9, 1555; died May 1, 1555.

Paulus IV (Giovanni Pietro Caraffa).—Born June 28, 1476; became pontiff, May 23, 1555; died Aug. 18, 1559.

Pius IV (Giovanni Angelo de' Medici).—Born Mar. 31, 1499; became pontiff, Dec. 26, 1559; died Dec. 9, 1565.

Pius V (Michele Ghisleri).—Born Jan. 17, 1504; became pontiff, Jan. 7, 1566; died May 1, 1572.

Gregorius XIII (Ugo Buoncompagno).—Born Feb. 7, 1502; became pontiff, May 13, 1572; died Apr. 10, 1585.

Sixtus V (Felice Peretto).—Born Dec. 13, 1521; became pontiff, Apr. 24, 1585; died Aug. 27, 1590.

Urbanus VII (Giovanni Battista Castagna).—Born Aug. 4, 1521; became pontiff, Sept. 15, 1590; died Sept. 27, 1590.

Gregorius XIV (Nicola Sfondrati).—Born Feb. 11, 1535; became pontiff, Dec. 5, 1590; died Oct. 15, 1591.

Innocentius IX (Giovanni Antonio Facchinetti).—Born July 20, 1519; became pontiff, Oct. 29, 1591; died Dec. 30, 1591.

Clemens VIII (Ippolito Aldobrandini).—Born Feb. 24, 1536; became pontiff, Jan. 30, 1592; died Mar. 3, 1605.