INDEX. (continued 2)

[301] Eras. Op. iii. p. 94. Epist. cii. Dated 1504, but should be probably 1505.

[302] See Erasmus Edmundo: Epist xcvi. ‘ex arce Courtemburnensi.’

[303] The Panegyric upon Philip, King of Spain, on his return to the Netherlands. See Epist. ccccxlv. App. Erasmus Gulielmo Goudano.

[304] More literally ‘The Pocket Dagger of the Christian Soldier.’ But Erasmus himself regarded it as a ‘Handybook.’ See Enchiridion, ch. viii. English ed. 1522. ‘We must haste to that which remaineth lest it should not be an “Enchiridion,” that is to say “a lytell treatyse hansome to be caryed in a man’s hande,” but rather a great volume.’

[305] See especially chap. ii. Allegoria de Manna, Eras. Op. v. fol. 6-10, &c.

[306] It is evident that Erasmus had not yet appreciated as fully as he did afterwards the historical method which Colet had applied to St. Paul’s Epistles to get at their real meaning and ‘spirit.’

[307] Alfonso Fernandez, Archdeacon of Alcor, to Erasmus: Palencia, Nov. 27, 1527. Life and Writings of Juan de Valdès, by Benjamin Wiffen: London, Quaritch, 1865, p. 41.

[308] The above is an abridged translation from the Enchiridion, ed. Argent. June, 1516, pp. 7, 8, which, being published before the Lutheran controversy commenced, is probably a reprint of the earlier editions. The editions of 1515 are the earliest that I have seen.

[309] This letter was republished in the edition of some letters of Erasmus printed at Basle, 1521, p. 221, and see also Eras. Op. iii. Epist. ciii.

[310] Letter to Fox, Bishop of Winchester. London, Cal. Jan. 1506. Eras. Op. i. p. 214.

[311] Erasmus’s letter to Botzhem, Catalogus, &c. Basle, 1523, leaf b, 3.

[312] Eras. Op. iii. p. 475, D.

[313] The epigrams have no dates, and it is impossible, therefore, to say positively which of them were written during this period. The following translation of one of them from Cayley’s Life of Sir Thomas More, vol. i. p. 270 (with this reservation as to its date), may be taken as a sample:—

[For the Latin, see Epigrammata Thomæ Mori, Basilæ, 1520, pp. 72, 73.]

[314] E. g.:—

‘T. Mori in Avarum.’

‘Dives Avarus Pauper est.’

‘Sola Mors Tyrannicida est.’

‘Quid inter Tyrannum et Principem.’

‘Sollicitam esse Tyranni Vitam.’

‘Bonum Principem esse Patrem non Dominum.’

‘De bono Rege et Populo.’

‘De Principe bono et malo.’

‘Regem non satellitium sed virtus reddit tutum.’

‘Populus consentiens regnum dat et aufert.’

‘Quis optimus reipub. status.’

[315] Alluding to this time, Erasmus spoke of More as ‘Tum studiorum sodali.’—Letter to Botzhem, 1523, leaf b, 3.

[316] See letter of Erasmus to Richard Whitford, Eras. Op. i. p. 265, dated May, ex rure (1506).

[317] Lucian’s dialogue called Somnium he sent to Dr. Christopher Urswick, a well-known statesman (Eras. Op. i. p. 243); Toxaris, sive de Amicitiâ, to Fox, Bishop of Winchester (Ibid. p. 214); Timon to Dr. Ruthall, afterwards Bishop of Durham (Ibid. p. 255); De Tyrannicidâ, to Dr. Whitford, chaplain to Fox (Ibid. p. 267).

[318] See an amusing account of this visit to Lambeth Palace in the letter to Botzhem (Catalogus, leaf a, 5); also Knight’s Life of Erasmus, p. 83.

[319] See Knight’s Life of Erasmus, pp. 96-101. Adagia. Op. ii. 554. Epist. dccclxxiv. and dccccliii.

[320] Eras. Op. iii. Epist. civ.

[321] Epist. cv.

[322] See his Colloquy, Diversoria.

[323] Eras. Op. iv. p. 755. Erasmus to Botzhem, leaf a, 4.

[324] Luther visited Rome in 1510, or a year or two later. Luther’s Briefe, De Wette, 1. xxi.

[325] ‘Nullum enim annum vixi insuavius!’—Erasmus to Botzhem, leaf a, 4.

[326] Eras. Ep. cccclxxxvi. App.

[327] Epist. cccclxxxvii. App.

[328] Eras. to Botzhem, leaf b, 8.

[329] Mountjoy to Erasmus, Epist. x., dated May 27, 1497, but should be 1509.

[330] It is difficult to fix the date of the arrival of Erasmus in England. He was at Venice in the autumn of 1508. (See the Aldine edition of his Adagia, dated Sept. 1508.) After this he wintered at Padua (see Vita Erasmi, prefixed to Eras. Op. i.); and after this went to Rome (ibid.). This brings the chronology to the spring of 1509. In April, 1509, Henry VIII. ascended the English throne. On May 27, 1509, Lord Mountjoy wrote to Erasmus, who seems to have been then at Rome, pressing him to come back to England (Eras. Epist. x., the date of which is fixed by its contents).

The letter prefixed to the Praise of Folly is dated ex rure, ‘quinto Idas Junias,’ and states that the book is the result of his meditations during his long journeys on horseback on his way from Italy to England. This letter must have been dated June 9, 1510, at earliest, or 1511, at latest. 1510 is the probable date (see infra, note at p. 204). The later editions of the Praise of Folly put the year 1508 to this letter; but the edition of August, 1511 (Argent.) gives no year, nor does the Basle edition of 1519, to which the notes of Lystrius were appended. So that the printed date is of no authority, and it is entirely inconsistent with the history of the book as given by Erasmus. The first edition, printed by Gourmont, at Paris, I have not seen, but, according to Brunet, it has no date. In the absence of direct proof, it is probable on the whole that Erasmus returned to England between the autumn of 1509 and June, 1510.

[331] See the letter to More prefixed to the Praise of Folly.

[332] Roper, p. 9.

[333] See More’s letter to Dorpius, in which he mentions this visit.

[334] Roper, p. 6.

[335] Hall, ed. 1548, fol. lix.

[336] Epigrammata Mori: Basil, 1520, p. 17.

[337] Johnson’s Life of Linacre, pp. 179 et seq.

[338] Vide infra, p. 380.

[339] Stapleton, 1588 ed. pp. 26, 27.

[340] Roper, p. 9.

[341] More’s son John—nineteen in 1528, according to Holbein’s sketch—was probably born in 1509. More’s three daughters, Margaret, Elizabeth, and Cicely, were all older.

[342] See the letter of Erasmus to Botzhem, ed. Basle, 1523, leaf b, 3, and Jortin, App. 428. Also Erasmi ad Dorpium Apologia, Louvain, 1515, leaf F, iv.

[343] Argent. 1511, leaf D, iii., where occurs the marginal reading, ‘Indulgentias taxat.’

[344] Argent. 1511, E, 8, and Eras. Op. iv. p. 457.

[345] Argent. 1511, leaf E, viii., and Eras. Op. iv. p. 462.

[346] Argent, 1511, leaf F, and Eras. Op. iv. p. 465.

[347] Argent. 1511, leaf F, and Eras. Op. iv. p. 465.

[348] Basle, 1519, p. 178 et seq., and Eras. Op. ix. pp. 466 et seq.

[349] Basle, 1519, p. 181.

[350] Basle, 1519, p. 183, and Eras. Op. iv. p. 468.

[351] Basle, 1519, p. 183, and Argent. 1511, leaf F; which contains, however, only part of this paragraph.

[352] Basle, 1519, p. 185. Argent. 1511, leaf F, ii., and Eras. Op. iv. p. 469.

[353] Basle, 1519, pp. 185 and 186.

[354] Ibid. p. 180.

[355] This paragraph is not inserted in the edition Argent. 1511, but appears in the Basle edition, 1519, p. 192, and Eras. Op. iv. pp. 473, 474.

[356] Argent. 1511, leaf F, viii. and Eras. Op. iv. p. 479.

[357] Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, chap. ii. s. 1.

[358] Erasmus Buslidiano: Bononiæ, 15 Cal. Dec. 1506, Eras. Op. i. p. 311.

[359] Argent. 1511, leaf G, iii. Eras. Op. iv. p. 484.

[360] Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, chap. ii. s. 1 (abridged quotation).

[361] Moriæ Encomium: Argent. M.DXI. leaf G, iii. This edition contains all the above passages on Popes, and was published during the lifetime of Julius II., as he did not die till the spring of 1513.

[362] Erasmus writes: ‘It was sent over into France by the arrangement of those at whose instigation it was written, and there printed from a copy not only full of mistakes, but even incomplete. Upon this within a few months it was reprinted more than seven times in different places.’—Erasmi ad Dorpium Apologia, Louvain, 1515.

See also Erasmus to Botzhem, where Erasmus says ‘Aderam Lutetiæ quum per Ricardum Crocum pessimis formulis depravatissime excuderetur.’ (First edition of this letter: Basle, 1523; leaf b, 4.) In the copy fixed to Eras. Op. i. ‘nescio quos’ is substituted for ‘Ricardum Crocum,’ who was not the printer, but the friend of More who got it published. (See Erasmus to Colet, Epist. cxlix. Sept. 13, 1511 (wrongly dated 1513), where Erasmus says of Crocus, ‘qui nunc Parisiis dat operam bonis literis.’ Erasmus was at Paris in April 1511. (See Epistolæ clxix., cx., and clxxv. taken in connection with each other.)) In a catalogue of the works of Erasmus (a copy of which is in the British Museum Library), entitled Lucubrationum Erasmi Roterodami Index, and printed by Froben, at Basle, in 1519, it is stated that the Moriæ Encomium was ‘sæpius excusum, primum Lutetiæ per Gormontium, deinde Argentorati per Schurerium,’ &c. The latter edition is the earliest which I have been able to procure, and it is dated ‘mense Augusti M.DXI.’ But the date of the first edition printed at Paris by Gourmont I have not been able to fix certainly. According to Brunet, it had no date attached.

After staying at More’s house, and there writing the book itself, he may have added the prefatory letter ‘Quinto Idus Junias,’ 1510, ‘ex rure,’ whilst spending a few months with Lord Mountjoy, as we learn he did from a letter to Servatius from ‘London from the Bishop’s house’ (Brewer, No. 1418, Epist. cccclxxxv., under date 1510), it is most probable that in 1511 Erasmus paid a visit to Paris, being at Dover 10 April, 1511; at Paris 27 April (see Epistolæ clxix., cx., and clxxv.); and thus was there when the first edition was printed. His letters from Cambridge do not seem to begin till Aug. 1511. See Brewer, Nos. 1842, Epist. cxvi.; and 1849, Epist. cxviii. No. 1652 belongs, I think, to 1513. Possibly No. 1842, Epist. cxvi., belongs to a later date; and, if so, No. 1849, Epist. cxviii., may be the first of his Cambridge letters, and with this its contents would well agree.

[363] Brewer, No. 1418. Eras. Epist. App. cccclxxxv., and see cccclxxxiv., dated 1 April, London.

[364] Brewer, No. 1478. Eras. Epist. cix. 6, Id. Feb., and it seems, in March 1511, Warham gave him a pension out of the rectory of Aldington. Knight, p. 155.

[365] Brewer, No. 4427.

[366] ‘A right fruitfull Admonition concerning the Order of a good Christian Man’s Life, very profitable for all manner of Estates, &c., made by the famous Doctour Colete sometime Deane of Paules. Imprinted at London for Gabriell Cawood, 1577.’—Brit. Museum Library.

[367] In Sept. 1505. Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 265, and n. a.

[368] ‘Insumpto patrimonio universo vivus etiam ac superstes solidam hæreditatem cessi,’ &c. Letter of Colet to Lilly, dated 1513, prefixed to the several editions of De Octo Orationis Partibus, &c.

[369] The number of the ‘miraculous draught of fishes.’

[370] Statutes of St. Paul’s School. Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 364. See also the letter from Colet to Lilly, prefixed to the Rudiments of Grammar, 1510. Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 124, n. r.

[371] Eras. Op. iii. p. 457, c.

[372] Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 109.

[373] Brewer’s Calendar of State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. i. No. 1076, under date June 6, 1510.

[374] Compare licenses mentioned in Brewer’s Calendar of State Papers of Henry VIII. (vol. i. Nos. 1076, 3900, and 4659), with documents given in Knight’s Life of Colet, Miscellanies, No. v. and No. iii.

[375] ‘De pueris statim ac liberaliter instituendis.’—Eras. Op. i. p. 505.

[376] Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 175, and copied from him by Jortin, vol. i. pp. 169, 170.

[377] Take the following examples: ‘Revere thy elders. Obey thy superiors. Be a fellow to thine equals. Be benign and loving to thy inferiors. Be always well occupied. Lose no time. Wash clean. Be no sluggard. Learn diligently. Teach what thou hast learned lovingly.’—Colet’s Precepts of Living for the Use of his School. Knight’s Life of Colet. Miscellanies, No. xi.

[378] Eras. Op. iii. p. 458, D.

[379] This epigram and the above-mentioned prefaces are inserted by Knight in his Life of Colet (Miscellanies, No. xiii.), and were taken by him from what he calls Grammatices Rudimenta, London, M.DXXXIIII. in ‘Bibl. publ. Cantabr. inter MS. Reg.’ But see note 1 on the next page. They were in the preface to Colet’s Accidence.

[380] See also the characteristic letter from Colet to Lilly, prefixed to the Syntax. The editions of 1513, 1517, and 1524 are entitled, Absolutissimus de Octo Orationis Partium Constructione Libellus. The Accidence was entitled, Coleti Editio unà cum quibusdam, &c.

[381] Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 126.

[382] Eras. Epist. cxlix. Erasmus to Colet, Sept. 13, 1513 (Brewer, i. 4447), but should be 1511. See 4528 (Eras. Epist. cl.), which mentions the De Copiâ being in hand, which was printed in May 1512. (?)

[383] De Ratione Studii Commentariolus: Argent. 1512, mense Julio, and printed again with additions, Argent. 1514, mense Augusto. The above translation is greatly abridged.

[384] Eras. Epist. App. iv.

[385] In 4 Henry VIII. (1513) Lord Chancellor Warham received 100 marks salary, and 100 marks for commons of himself and clerk—200 marks, or 133l. Brewer, i. Introduction, cviii. note (3).

[386] Prefatory Letter of Beatus Rhenanus, prefixed to the edition of More’s Epigrammata, printed at Basle, 1518 and 1520.

[387] Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 370. Miscellanies, No. vi.

[388] ‘Recte instituendæ pubis artifex.’ Preface of Erasmus to De Octo Orationis Partium Constructione, etc. Basle, 1517.

[389] Colet to Erasmus, Sept. 1511, not 1513 (Brewer, No. 4448), for the same reason as Nos. 4447 and 4528.

[390] Eras. Epist. cl. Brewer, p. 458. Dated October 29, 1513, but, as it mentions the De Copiâ being in hand, it must have been written in 1511.

[391] John Ritwyse, or Rightwyse.

[392] ‘Moreover, that Thomas Geffrey caused this John Butler divers Sundays to go to London to hear Dr. Colet.’—Foxe, ed. 1597, p. 756.

[393] Ibid. p. 1162.

[394] William Sweeting and John Brewster, on October 18, 1511.—Foxe, ed. 1597, p. 756.

[395] Eras. Epist. cxxvii. Brewer, i. No. 1948.

[396] Brewer, i. p. 2004.

[397] Ibid. i. Introduction.

[398] Brewer, i. p. 4312. Warham to Henry VIII.—a document referring to this convocation as held at St. Paul’s from Feb. 6, 1511 (i.e. 1512) to Dec. 17 following. This document is in many places wholly illegible, but these words are visible: ‘concessimus ... [pro defensione ecclesiæ] Anglicanæ et hujus inclyti regni vestri Angliæ; necnon ad sedandum et extirpandum hereses et schismata in universali ecclesia quæ his diebus plus solito pullulant.’

[399] That Colet preached in English, see the remark of Erasmus that he had studied English authors in order to polish his style and to prepare himself for preaching the gospel.—Eras. Op. iii. p. 456, B. It may also be inferred from the Lollards going to hear his sermons. In his rules for his school he directed that the chaplain should instruct the children in the Catechism and the Articles of the faith and the Ten Commandments in English.—Knight’s Life of Colet. Miscellanies, Num. v. p. 361.

[400] Tyndale, p. 168 (Parker Society).

[401] Eras. Op. iii. p. 460, D.

[402] Erasmus to Werner: Eras. Ep. Lond. ed. lib. xxxi. Ep. 23. The person alluded to in this letter was clearly not James Stanley, as has sometimes been assumed.

[403] Cooper’s Athenæ Cantab. p. 16. Also Philomorus, Lond. Pickering, 1842, pp. 55-57, and Fasti Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ, p. 70.

[404] Epigram ‘In Posthumum Episcopum.’

[405] Epigram ‘In Episcopum illiteratum, de quo ante Epigramma est sub nomine Posthumi.’ There is no reason, I think, to conclude that More’s satire was directed in these epigrams against the Bishop of Ely. There may have been plenty of Scotists whom the cap might fit as well, or better. In the same year that Stanley was made Bishop of Ely, Fitzjames was made Bishop of London. The late Dean Milman (Annals of St. Paul’s, p. 120) shows, however, that Fitzjames was not unlearned, as he had been Warden of Merton and Vice-chancellor of Oxford.

[406] Fasti Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ, p. 298; and Knight’s Life of Erasmus, p. 229.

[407] Brewer, i. 4312.

[408] A ‘tenth,’ of the clergy, produced in 1500 about 12,000l. See Italian Relation of England, C. S. p. 52. Four-tenths would be equal to about half a million sterling in present money.

‘If the King should go to war, he ... immediately compels the clergy to pay him one, two, or three fifteenths or tenths ... and more if the urgency of the war should require it.’—Ibid. p. 52.

[409] ‘Senex quidam theologus et imprimis severus.’—Erasmi Annotationes, edit. 1519, p. 489; and edit. 1522, p. 558. ‘Senex quidam severus et vel supercilio teste theologus, magno stomacho, respondit.’—Erasmi Moriæ Encomium, Basle, 1519, p. 225.

[410] See note of Erasmus in his ‘Annotationes,’ in loco Titus iii. 10; also the Praise of Folly, where the story is told in connection with further particulars. The exact coincidence between the two accounts of the old divine’s construction of Titus iii. 10 leads to the conclusion that the rest of the story, as given in the Praise of Folly, may also very probably be literally true. Knight, in his Life of Colet, concludes that as the story is told in the Praise of Folly, the incident must have occurred in a previous convocation, as this satire was written before 1512.—Knight, pp. 199, 200. But the story is not inserted in the editions of 1511 and of 1515, whilst it is inserted in the Basle edition of the Encomium Moriæ, November 12, 1519, published just after Colet’s death (p. 226). Nor is the first part of the story relating to Titus iii. 10 to be found in the first edition of the Annotationes (1516). The story is first told by Erasmus in the second edition (1519), published just before Colet’s death, and then without any mention of Colet’s name; the latter being possibly omitted lest, as Bishop Fitzjames was still living, its mention should be dangerous to Colet. It was not till the third edition was published (in 1522), when both Colet and Colet’s persecutor were dead, that Erasmus added the words, ‘Id, ne quis suspicetur meum esse commentum, accepi ex Johanne Coleto, viro spectatæ integritatis, quo præsidente res acta est.’—Annotationes, 3rd ed. 1522, p. 558.

[411] Praise of Folly, 1519, p. 226.

[412] There is an old English translation given by Knight in his Life of Colet (pp. 289-308), printed by ‘Thomas Berthelet, regius impressor,’ and without date. Pynson was the King’s printer in 1512 (Brewer, i. p. 1030), and accordingly he printed the Latin edition of 1511, i.e. 1512.—Knight, p. 271. Knight speaks of the old English version as ‘written probably by the Dean himself,’ but he gives no evidence in support of his conjecture.—See Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 199.

[413] ‘Neque valde miror si clarissimæ scholæ tuæ rumpantur invidia. Vident enim uti ex equo Trojano prodierunt Græci, qui barbaram diruere Trojam, sic è tuâ prodire scholâ qui ipsorum arguunt atque subvertunt inscitiam.’—Stapleton’s Tres Thomæ, p. 166, ed. 1612; p. 23, ed. 1588.

[414] Brewer, vol. ii. No. 3190. The true date, 1512, is clearly fixed by the allusion to the ‘De Copia,’ &c.—Eras. Epist. App. ccccvi.

[415] Dated ‘M.DXII. iii. Kal. Maias: Londini.’

[416] The first edition was printed at Paris by Badius. Another was printed by Schurerius (Argentorat.), January 1513. And, in Oct. 1514, Erasmus sent to Schurerius a revised copy for publication.

[417] Eras. Op. iii. p. 460, D and E.

[418] Ibid. p. 460, E.

[419] 3 Tyndale, p. 168 (Parker Society).

[420] ‘The Seven Peticyons of the Paternoster, by Joan Colet, Deane of Paules,’ inserted in the collection of Prayer entitled ‘Horæ beate Marie Virginis secundum usum Sarum totaliter ad longum.’—Knight’s Life of Colet, App. Miscellanies, No. xii. p. 450.

[421] Eras. Epist. cvii. Brewer, No. 3495, under date 1st Nov. 1512.

[422] Eras. Epist. cxxviii. and cxvi.

[423] ‘Written by Master Thomas More, then one of the undersheriffs of London, about the year 1513.’—More’s English Works, p. 35.

[424] ‘Morus noster melitissimus, cum sua facillima conjuge ... et liberis ac universa familia pulcherrime valet.’—Ammonius to Erasmus: Epist. clxxv. This letter, dated May 19, 1515, evidently belongs to an earlier date. It is apparently in reply to Epist. cx. dated April 27, from Paris, and written by Erasmus during his stay there in 1511.

[425] The date of the death of More’s first wife it is not easy exactly to fix. Cresacre More says, ‘His wife Jane, as long as she lived, which was but some six years, brought unto him almost every year a child.’—Life of Sir T. More, p. 40. This would bring her death to 1511, or 1512.

[426] Philomorus, p. 71.

[427] See Brewer, i. preface p. xl et seq., and authorities there cited.

[428] ‘In Brixium Germanum falsa scribentem de Chordigera.’ ‘In eundem: Versus excerpti e Chordigera Brixii;’ ‘Postea de eadem Chordigera;’ ‘Epigramma Mori alludens ad versus superiores: Aliud de eodem,’ &c.—Mori Epigrammata.

[429] See the several epigrams relating to Brixius in Mori Epigrammata. For the wearisome correspondence which resulted from the publication of these epigrams and the ‘Antimorus’ of Brixius in reply, see Eras. Op. iii., index under the head ‘Brixius (Germanus).’ See also Philomorus, p. 71.

[430] Eras. Op. iii. pp. 460, 461. See also ‘Richardi Pacei ... de Fructu qui ex doctrina percipitur, liber.’ Basle, 1517, Oct. And Cresacre More’s Life of More, App.

[431] Brewer, i. 3723.

[432] Ibid. 3752, 3821.

[433] Ibid. 3809.

[434] Brewer, i. xlvii, and No. 3820. Edward Lord Howard to Henry VIII.

[435] Eras. Op. iii. p. 461. Compare Enchiridion, ‘Canon VI.’

[436] Colet, and Erasmus, and More, notwithstanding their very severe condemnation of the wars of the period, and wars in general, never went so far as to lay down the doctrine, that ‘All War is unlawful to the Christian.’

[437] Eras. Op. iii. p. 461, A, E.

[438] Knight’s Life of Colet, p. 207, note quoted from Antiq. Britann., Sub. Wil. Warham, ed. Han. p. 306.

[439] Brewer, Nic. West to Henry VIII. 3838.

[440] Brewer, i. 3780.

[441] Ibid. 3857. Sir E. Howard to Wolsey.

[442] Henry VIII. to Cardinal Bainbridge. Brewer, i. 3876.

[443] Brewer, i. 3876.

[444] Ibid. 3903, Sir E. Howard to Henry VIII.

[445] Ibid. 4005, Echyngham to Wolsey.

[446] Brewer, i. 4019, Thomas Lord Howard to Wolsey; 4020, Thomas Lord Howard to Henry VIII.

[447] Ibid. 4055, Henry VIII. to his ambassadors in Arragon.

[448] Ibid. 4075, Fox to Wolsey.

[449] Ibid. 3977, 5761.

[450] Eras. Epist. cxix. Brewer, i. 4427, Erasmus to Ammonius.

[451] Erasmi Epigrammata: Basle, 1518, p. 353; and Eras. Op. i. p. 1224, F.

[452] De Deditione Nerviæ, Mori Epigrammata: Basle, 1518, p. 263, and ed. 1522, p. 98.

[453] For the particulars mentioned in this section, it will be seen how much I am indebted to Mr. Brewer. See vol. i. of his Calendar, preface pp. l-lv, in addition to the particular authorities cited.

[454] Eras. Epist. cxiv. Brewer, i. 1652.

[455] See mention of Aldridge in Eras. Epist. dcclxxxii.

[456] Compendium Vitæ Erasmi: Eras. Op. i. preface.

[457] Eras. Epist. cxvii. Brewer, i. 1847.

[458] Eras. Epist. cxv. Brewer, i. 4336. The allusion to the ‘De Copia’ (printed in May 1512) fixes the date.

[459] Eras. Epist. cxxix. Brewer, i. 4576. See also Brewer, i. 2013, which belongs to the same autumn. Epist. cxli.

[460] From the letters referred to by Brewer, i. p. 963, Nos. 5731 (Eras. Epist. clxv.), 5732, 5733, and 5734, it would seem that he had undertaken the education of a boy to whom he had been ‘more than a father.’ This does not prove that he was in the habit at Cambridge of taking private pupils, as possibly this boy was placed under his care somewhat in the same way as More had been placed with Cardinal Morton.

[461] See Eras. Epist. cl. Brewer, i. 4528.

[462] Eras. Epist. cxix. Brewer, i. 4427.

[463] Brewer, i. 4428.

[464] Eras. Epist. cxxxi. Brewer, i. 2001, under the date 1511. The allusion to the King of Scots, as well as the passage quoted, fix the date 1513. See also Eras. Epist. cxxix. Brewer, i. 4576.

[465] Eras. Epist. cxxxi. Brewer, i. 2001.

[466] 5 Henry VIII. c. i.

[467] Brewer, i. 4819. Notes of a speech in this parliament.

[468] Eras. Epist. cxliv.

[469] Compare More’s Epigrams, headed: ‘Populus consentiens Regnum dat et aufert,’ and ‘Bonum Principem esse patrem non dominum.’

[470] Eras. Epist. cxliv. and published among ‘Auctarium Selectarum aliquot Epistolarum Erasmi,’ &c. Basil, 1518, p. 62. The above extracts are abridged in the translation.

[471] Eras. Epist. cxliii.

[472] Eras. Germano Brixio: Eras. Epist. mccxxxix.

[473] Brewer, i. 4845, 5173, and 4727.

[474] Eras. Epist. cxv. Eras. Op. iii. p. 107, D. Brewer, i. 4336.

[475] Eras. Epist. cxv. Eras. Op. iii. p. 106, E and F.

[476] Eras. Epist. cxv.

[477] Eras. Op. iii. p. 785, A.

[478] Eras. Op. iii. p. 785, A, C.

[479] Ibid. p. 457, A. See also Eras. Epist. viii. App.

[480] The companion of Erasmus was, according to the ‘Colloquy,’ ‘Gratianus Pullus, an Englishman, learned and pious, but with less liking for this part of religion than I could wish.’ ‘A Wickliffite, I fancy!’ suggested the other spokesman in the ‘Colloquy.’ ‘I do not think so’ (was the reply), ‘although he had read his books, somewhere or other.’—Colloquia: Basle, 1526, p. 597. In his letter to Justus Jonas, Erasmus mentions that Colet was in the habit of reading heretical books.—Eras. Op. iii. p. 460, A. It has been suggested also (Pilgrimages to Walsingham, &c. by J. G. Nichols, F.S.A. Westminster, 1849, p. 127), that as in the same letter he describes Colet as wearing black vestments (pullis vestibus), instead of the usual purple (Eras. Op. iii. p. 457, B.), hence the name ‘Pullus’ may in itself point to Colet. There is also an allusion by Erasmus in his treatise, ‘Modus Orandi,’ to his visit to the shrine of St. Thomas-à-Becket, in which he says, ‘Vidi ipse quum ostentarent linteola lacera quibus ille dicitur abstersisse muccum narium, abbatem ac cæteros, qui adstabant, aperto scriniolo venerabundos procidere ad genua, ac manibus etiam sublatis adorationem gestu repræsentare. Ista Joanni Coleto, nam is mecum aderat, videbantur indigna, mihi ferenda videbantur donec se daret opportunitas ea citra tumultum corrigendi.’—Eras. Op. v. p. 1119, F, and p. 1120, A. This allusion to Colet so accurately comports with what is said in the Colloquy of ‘Gratianus Pullus,’ that the one seems most probably suggested only as a nom de plume for the other. I am further indebted to Mr. Lupton for the suggestion that when Ammonius, writing to Erasmus (Epist. clxxv.), says ‘tuus Leucophæus salvere te jubet,’ he alludes to Colet: ‘Leucophæus’ being a Greek form of the same nickname as ‘Pullus’ might be in a Latin form. Mr. Lupton has also shown that ‘Gratian’ is a rendering of ‘John.’ See his introduction to his edition of Colet on the Sacraments of the Church, pp. 6, 7. So that the identification of Colet with the Gratianus Pullus of the Colloquy is now complete.

[481] The lazar-house of Harbledown. See Dean Stanley’s Historical Memorials of Canterbury, ed. 1868, p. 243.

[482] The colloquy from which the particulars given in this section have been obtained is entitled Peregrinatio Religionis ergo. It was not contained in the edition of 1522 (Argent.), but it was inserted probably in that of 1524 (which, however, I have not seen). It was contained in the Basle edition of 1526, which is probably a reprint of that of 1524, the prefatory letter at the beginning being dated Calen. Aug. 1524.

[483] Eras. Ammonio: Eras. Epist. clix.

[484] Eras. Epist. App. viii. There is a reference in the letter to Wolsey as ‘Episcopus Lincolniensis,’ and this confirms the correctness of the date, as Wolsey was translated to the Archbishopric of York Aug. 1514.—Fasti Eccl. Anglicanæ, p. 310.

[485] Eras. Op. iii. p. 160, A.

[486] Eras. Epist. clxxxii. Partly written at Antwerp, but finished at Basle, Aug. 29, 1514.

[487] The letter is dated ‘Lovanii, A.D. mdxiiii. Kal. Aug.’

[488] ‘Quo viro non alium habet mea quidem sententia Anglorum Imperium vel magis pium, vel qui Christum verius sapiat.’

[489] Cato Erasmi. Opuscula aliquot Erasmo Roterodamo Castigatore et Interprete, &c. ‘Colonie in edibus Quentell. A.D. mcccccxv;’ and Ibid. ‘Colonie in edibus Martini Werdenensis xii. Kal. Dec. (1514?)’

[490] Coletus Erasmo: Epist. lxxxv. App.

[491] Ranke’s History of the Reformation, bk. ii. c. 1. See Erasmus’s mention of Reuchlin in the letter written this autumn to Wimphelingus, appended to the 2nd edition of De Copiâ. Schelestadt, 1514; and Eras. Epist. clxvii. and clxviii. As to his friendship with the Archbishop of Maintz, vide Epist. cccxxxiv.

[492] See letter to Wimphelingus, Basle, xi. Kal. Oct. 1514, ubi supra, for these and the following particulars.

[493] Eras. Op. iii. p. 1249; and see Epist. clxxiv. Erasmus to Leo X. p. 154, C and D.

[494] Epist. dccccxxii. Eras. Op. iii. pp. 1054, 1055.

[495] See the Life of Beatus Rhenanus, by John Sturmius, ‘Vita clarissimorum Historicorum.’ Buderi, 1740, pp. 53-62; and Eras. Op. iii. pp. 154, C, &c. (see Index under his name); and especially the prefatory letter from Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus, prefixed to ‘Enarratio in Primum Psalmum, Beatus vir,’ &c. Louvain, 1515. There is also a mention of him worth consulting in Du Pin’s Ecclesiastical Writers, iii. p. 399.

[496] Eras. Op. iii. p. 222, E; and the letter to Wimphelingus.

[497] Erasmus to Mountjoy, Epist. clxxxii., and the letter above mentioned to Wimphelingus.

[498] Epist. clxxxii.

[499] Epist. Erasmi clix. and Epist. lxxxv. App.

[500] Epist. lxxxv. App.

[501] Epist. ad Wimphelingum.

[502] Epist. clxvii. clxviii. and clxxiv.

[503] Eras. Op. iii. p. 141, C and D.

[504] Brewer, i. lxix, and ii. i, et seq.

[505] Ibid. ii. xxxviii.

[506] Brewer, ii. liv.

[507] See Eras. Epist. App. xxvii. xxi. and xxiii. These letters are dated 1515; and, from the mention of the New Testament as not yet placed in Froben’s hand, this date would seem to be correct.

[508] Eras. Op. ii. pp. 870-2; and in part translated in Hallam’s Literature of the Middle Ages, part I, c. iv. These passages are quoted from the explanation given in the Adagia of the proverb, ‘Scarabeus Aquilam quærit.’ They occur in the edition separately printed by Froben in large type and in an octavo form, entitled ‘Scarabeus:’ Basle, mense Maio, 1517, ff. 21-23.

[509] Eras. Op. ii. p. 775. From the Adagia, ‘Sileni Alcibiadis.’

[510] Eras. Epist. App. xxi. That this edition was printed in 1515, see mention of it in Erasmus’s letter to Dorpius, dated Antwerp, 1515, and published at Louvain, Oct. 1515.

[511] Martinus Dorpius Erasmo: D. Erasmi, &c. Enarratio in Primum Psalmum, &c. &c. Louvain, Oct. 1515.

[512] See the commencement of the reply of Erasmus.

[513] ‘Martinus Dorpius instigantibus quibusdam primus omnium cœpit in me velitari.... Scirem illum non odio mei huc venisse, sed juvenem tum, ac natura facilem, aliorum impulsu protrudi.’—Erasmus Botzemo, Catalogus, &c. Basle, 1523; leaf b, 5.

[514] Erasmus to Dorpius: D. Erasmi, &c. Enarratio in Primum Psalmum, &c. &c. Louvain, Oct. 1515.

[515] Erasmus to Wolsey: Eras. Op. iii. p. 1565; App. Epist. lxxiv. wrongly dated 1516 instead of 1515.

[516] In a letter prefixed to the Erasmi Epigrammata, Basle, 1518, Froben pays a just tribute to the good humour and high courtesy of Erasmus while at work in his printing-office, interrupted as he often was, in the midst of his laborious duties, by frequent requests from all kinds of people for an epigram or a letter from the great scholar.—Pp. 275, 276.

[517] Erasmus Urbano Regio: Eras. Op. iii. p. 1554, App. Epist. liii.

[518] In one place he even supplied a portion of the Greek text which was missing by translating the Latin back into Greek!

[519] Epist. ad Car. Grymanum, prefixed to the Paraphrase on the Epistle to the Romans. Edition Louvain, 1517.

[520] Erasmus Gwolfgango Fabricio Capitoni: Epist. ccvii. Op. iii. p. 189, 89, A, C, Feb. 22, 1516, from Antwerp, but probably the year should be 1518. See also his reference to the same pagan tendencies of Italian philosophy in his treatise entitled ‘Ciceronianus,’ and the letter prefixed to it.

[521] Ranke’s History of the Popes, i. ch. ii. sec. 3.

[522] Ubi supra.

[523] See the authorities mentioned by Ranke, and also Hallam’s Literature of Europe, chap. iv. ed. 1837, p. 435.

[524] Hallam, p. 436.

[525] Moria, ed. 1511, Argent. fol. G. iii.

[526] Hallam’s Literature of the Middle Ages, ed. 1837, p. 555, et seq.

[527] Compare the satire on Monks in ‘Scarabeus,’ and the colloquy called ‘Charon,’ with the following passage, in which Erasmus alludes to the continental wars of Henry VIII.: ‘Id enim temporis adornabatur bellum in Gallos, et hujus fabulæ non minimam partem Minoritæ duo agebant, quorum alter, fax belli, mitram meruit, alter bonis lateribus vociferabatur in concionibus in Poetas. Sic enim designabat Coletum,’ &c. Eras. Op. iii. p. 460, F.

[528] Compare the similar views expressed in the Enchiridion (Canon V.) fifteen years before.

[529] Both the above passages are slightly abridged in the translation.—Novum Instrumentum, leaf aaa, 3 to bbb.

[530] Id. leaf bbb to bbb 5. The quotations in this case also are abridged.

[531] Novum Instrumentum: Annotationes in loco Acts vii. p. 382:—‘Et hunc locum annotavit Hieronymus in Libro ad Pammachium de Optimo Genere Interpretandi, qui secus habeatur in Genesi, ubi legitur quod Abraham emerit ab Ephron Etheo filio Saor juxta Hebron quadringentis drachmis speluncam duplicem, et agrum circa eam, sepelieritque in ea Saram uxorem suam; atque in eodem legimus libro postea revertentem de Mesopotamia Jacob cum uxoribus et filiis suis posuisse tabernaculum ante Salem, urbem Sichymorum, quæ est in terra Chanaan, et habitasse ibi et emisse partem agri, in quo habebat tentoria, ab Emor patre Sychem, centum agnis, et statuisse ibi altare et invocasse deum Israhel. Proinde Abraham non emit specum ab Emor patre Sychem, sed ab Ephron filio Saor, nec sepultus est in Sychem sed in Hebron, quæ corrupte dicitur Arboch. Porro duodecim patriarchæ non sunt sepulti in Arboch sed in Sychem, qui ager non est emptus ab Abraham sed a Jacob. Hunc nodum illic nectit Hieronymus nec eum dissolvit.’

[532] In loco Mark ii. p. 299, where Erasmus writes:—‘Divus Hieronymus in libello de Optimo Genere Interpretandi indicat nomen Abiathar pro Achimelech esse positum, propterea quod libro Regum primo, capite 22, ubi refertur hujusce rei historia, nulla mentio hat Abiathar sed duntaxat Achimelech. Sive id acciderit lapsu memoriæ, sive vitio scriptorum, sive quod ejusdem hominis vocabulum sit Abiathar et Abimelech; nam Lyra putat, Abiathar fuisse filium Achimelech qui sub patre functus sit officio paterno, et eo cæso jussu Saulis comes fuerit fugæ Davidicæ.’

[533] In loco Matt. xxvii. p. 290:—‘Annotavit hunc quoque locum divus Hieronymus in libro cui titulus de Optimo Genere Interpretandi, negans quod his citat ex Hieremia Matthæus, prorsus exstare apud Hieremiam, verum apud Zachariam prophetam, sed ita ut quæ retulit evangelista, parum respondeant ad Hebraicam veritatem, ac multo minus ad vulgatam editionem Septuaginta. Etenim ut idem sit sensus tamen inversa esse verba, imo pene diversa. Cæterum locus est apud Zachariam, cap. ii., si quis velit excutere. Nam res perplexior est quam ut his paucis explicari possit, et prope πάρεργον est. Refert Hieronymus Hieremaiam apocryphum sibi exhibitum a quodam Judæo factionis Nazarenæ in quo hæc ad verbum ut ab evangelista citantur haberentur. Verum non probat ut apostolus ex apocryphis adduxerit testimonium, præsertim cum his mos sit evangelistis et apostolis ut, neglectis verbis, sensum utcumque reddant in citandis testimoniis.’

[534] See especially Novum Instrumentum, pp. 295, 290, 377, 382, 270.

[535] Roper, 9.

[536]

1512 £286,269

1513 699,714

1514 155,757

£1,141,740

1515 £74,007

1516 130,779

1517 78,887

£283,673

See Brewer, ii. preface, cxciv.

[537] 6 Henry VIII. c. 24.

[538] Ibid. c. 26.

[539] 6 Henry VIII. c. 1. The draft of this Act in the final form in which it was adopted when Parliament met again in the autumn, is in Wolsey’s handwriting.—Brewer.

[540] Grafton, p. 104. Holinshed, ii. 835, under date 6 Henry VIII.

[541] 4 Henry VIII. c. 5, and 6 Henry VIII. c. 3.

[542] 6 Henry VIII. c. 5.

[543] Lord Herbert’s History, under date 1521, ed. 1649, p. 108; and Grafton, pp. 1016-1018.

[544] Brewer, i. Nos. 4019 and 4020.

[545] 4 Henry VIII. c. 2, and 6 Henry VIII. c. 6.

[546] 6 Henry VIII. c. 12.

[547] Brewer, ii. 422 (7 May), 480, and 534; also Roper, 10.

[548] Brewer, ii. 672, 679, 733, 782, 807.

[549] Ibid. 672 and 733.

[550] Ibid. 904 and 922.

[551] Ibid. 1067.

[552] ‘First after the Trinity come the Seraphic spirits, all flaming and on fire.... They are loving beings of the highest order, &c.’ Colet’s abstract of the Celestial Hierarchy of Dionysius. Mr. Lupton’s translation, p. 20.

[553] Fiddes’ Life of Wolsey. Collections, p. 252, quoted from MS. in Herald’s office. Cerem. vol. iii. p. 219, &c. Brewer, ii. 1153.

[554] Brewer, ii. 1335.

[555] Eras. Epist. ccli. and App. lxxxvii.

[556] Erasmus to Hutten, Epist. ccccxlvii. Eras. Op. iii. p. 476, F.

[557] Utopia, 1st ed. T. Martins. Louvain [1516], chap. ‘De Fœderibus.’ Leaf k, ii.

[558] Utopia, 1st ed. ‘De Re Militari.’ Leaf k, iii.

[559] Utopia, 1st ed. Leaves m, iv. v.

[560] More’s English Works: The Apology, p. 850.

[561] Utopia, 1st ed. Leaf h, i.

[562] Utopia, 1st ed. Leaf f, iii.

[563] Ibid. chap. ‘De Urbibus,’ Leaf f, i.

[564] I may be allowed to refer the reader to the valuable mention of ‘Utopia’ in the preface to Mr. Brewer’s Calendar of the Letters, &c. of Henry VIII. vol. ii. cclxvii et seq., where its connection with the political and social condition of Europe at the time is well pointed out.

[565] In support of the abstract here given of the moral philosophy of the Utopians, see Utopia, 1st ed. Leaf h, ii. et seq.

For the following careful translation of the most material part of it, I am indebted to the Rev. W. G. Rouse, M.A.

‘The same points of moral philosophy are discussed by the Utopians as by us. They inquire what is “good” in respect as well of the mind as of the body, as also of external things; also, whether the title “good” be applicable to all these, or to the mental qualities alone. They discuss “virtue” and “pleasure.” But their first and principal topic of debate is concerning human “happiness”—on what thing or things they consider it to depend.

‘But here they seem more inclined than they should be to that party which advocates “pleasure,” as being that which they define as either the whole, or the most important part of human happiness. And, what is more surprising, they even draw arguments in support of so nice an opinion from the principles of religion, which is usually sombre and severe, and of a stern and melancholy character. For they never dispute about happiness without joining some principles drawn from religion to those derived from rational philosophy; without which, reason is, in their opinion, defective and feeble in the search for true happiness. Their religious principles are as follow. The soul is immortal, and, by the goodness of God, born to happiness. He has appointed rewards after this life for man’s virtues and good deeds—punishment for his sins. Now, though these principles appertain to religion, yet they think that they are led by reason to believe and assent to them. Apart from these principles, they unhesitatingly declare that no man can be so foolish as not to see that pleasure is to be pursued for its own sake through thick and thin; so long as he takes care only not to let a less pleasure stand in the way of a greater, and not to pursue any pleasure which is followed in its turn by pain.

‘For they consider “virtue” austere and hard to strive after; and they deem it the greatest madness for a man not only to exclude all “pleasure” from life, but even voluntarily to suffer pain without prospect of future profit (for what profit can there be, if you gain nothing after death, after having spent the whole of your life without pleasure, that is, in misery?).

‘But now they do not place happiness in the enjoyment of every kind of pleasure, but in that only which is honest and good. For they think that our nature is attracted to happiness, as to its supreme good, by that very “virtue” to which alone the opposite party ascribes happiness. For they define “virtue,” the living in accordance with nature; inasmuch as, to this end, we are created by God. They believe that he follows the guidance of nature who obeys the dictates of reason in the pursuit or avoidance of anything; and they say that reason first of all inflames men with a love and reverence for the Divine Majesty, to whom we owe it both that we exist, and that we are capable of happiness; and secondly, that reason impresses upon us and urges us to pass our lives with the least amount of care and the greatest amount of pleasure ourselves; and, as we are bound to do by the natural ties of society, to give our assistance to the rest of mankind towards attaining the same ends. For never was there a man so stern a follower of “virtue,” or hater of pleasure, who, whilst thus enjoining upon you labours, watchings, and discomfort, would not tell you likewise to relieve the want and misfortunes of others to the utmost of your ability, and would not think it commendable for men to be of mutual help and comfort to one another in the name of humanity. If, then, it be in human nature (and no virtue is more peculiar to man) to relieve the misery of others, and, by removing their troubles, to restore them to the enjoyment of life, that is, to pleasure—does not nature, which prompts men to do this for others, urge them also to do it for themselves? For a joyful life—that is, a life of pleasure—is either an evil—in which case, not only should you not help others to lead such a life, but, as far as you can, prevent them from leading it, as being hurtful and deadly; or, if it be a good thing, and if it be not only lawful, but a matter of duty to enable others to lead such a life—why should it not be good for yourself first of all, who ought not to be less careful of yourself than of others? For when nature teaches you to be kind to others, she does not bid you to be hard and severe to yourself in return. Nature herself then, in their belief, enjoins a happy life—that is, “pleasure”—as the end of all our efforts; and to live by this rule, they call “virtue.”

‘But, since nature urges men to strive together to make life more cheerful (which, indeed, she rightly does; for no man is so much raised above the condition of his fellows as to be the only favourite of nature, which cherishes alike all whom she binds together by the tie of a common shape), she surely bids you urgently to beware of attending so much to your own interest as to prejudice the interest of others. They think, therefore, that not only all contracts between private citizens should be kept, but also public laws, which either a good prince has legally enacted, or a people neither oppressed by tyranny, nor circumvented by fraud, has sanctioned by common consent for the apportionment of the conveniences of life; that is, the material of pleasure. Within the limits of these laws, it is common prudence to look after your own interests; it is a matter of duty to have regard for the public weal also. But to attempt to deprive another of pleasure in favouring your own, is to do a real injury. On the other hand, to deprive yourself of something in order that you may give it to another, that is indeed an act of humanity and kindness which in itself never costs so much as it brings back. For it is not only repaid by the interchange of kindnesses; but also the very consciousness of a good action done and the recollection of the love and gratitude of those whom you have benefited, afford more pleasure to the mind, than the thing from which you have abstained would have afforded to the body. And, lastly, God repays the loss of these small and fleeting pleasures with vast and endless joy; a doctrine of the truth of which religion easily convinces a believing mind.

‘Thus, on these grounds, they determine that, all things being carefully weighed and considered, all our actions, and our very virtues among them, regard pleasure and happiness after all as their object.’—Utopia, 1st ed. Leaf h, ii. et seq.

[566] J. S. Mill’s Essay on Utilitarianism, p. 24.

[567] Utopia 1st ed. Leaf i, i.

[568] Leaf i, ii.

[569] Leaf i, iii.

[570] Leaf h, ii.

[571] Leaves h, i. and ii.

[572] Leaf l, iv.

[573] Ibid.

[574] Leaf m, ii.

[575] Leaf m, i.

[576] Leaf l, iii.

[577] Leaf m, iii.

[578] It is impossible not to see in this a ritualism rather of the Dionysian than of the modern sacerdotal type.

[579] Utopia, 1st ed. ‘De Religionibus Vtopiensium.’

[580] Epist. clxvii. Eras. Op. iii. p. 144, A.

[581] Erasmus to Savage: Epist. clxxvi. June 1, 1516. Brewer, 1976.

[582] ‘There is certainly a steadiness of moral principle and Christian endurance, which tells us that it is better not to exist at all than to exist at the price of virtue; but few indeed of the countrymen and contemporaries of Machiavel had any claim to the practice, whatever they might have to the profession, of such integrity. His crime in the eyes of the world, and it was truly a crime, was to have cast away the veil of hypocrisy, the profession of a religious adherence to maxims which at the same moment were violated.’—Hallam’s Literature of the Middle Ages, chap. vii. s. 31.

[583] ‘Whatever may be thought of the long-disputed question as to Machiavelli’s motives in writing, his work certainly presents to us a gloomy picture of the state of public law and European society in the beginning of the sixteenth century: one mass of dissimulation, crime, and corruption, which called loudly for a great teacher and reformer to arise, who should speak the unambiguous language of truth and justice to princes and people, and stay the ravages of this moral pestilence.

‘Such a teacher and reformer was Hugo Grotius, who was born in the latter part of the same century and flourished in the beginning of the seventeenth.... He was one of those powerful minds which have paid the tribute of their assent to the truth of Christianity.’—Wheaton’s Elements of International Law: London, 1836, pp. 18, 19.

[584] 1st ed. leaf c, i.

[585] 1st ed. leaf d, ii. Eras. Op. iv. p. 567.

[586] 1st ed. leaf d, iii. Eras. Op. iv. p. 567.

[587] Leaf d, iii.

[588] 1st ed. leaf f, ii. Eras. Op. iv. p. 574.

[589] ‘Monarchia temperata,’ in the marginal reading.

[590] Abridged quotation, 1st ed. leaf f, iv. Eras. Op. iv. p. 576.

[591] Ibid.

[592] 1st ed. leaf g, iii. Eras. Op. iv. p. 579.

[593] Leaf l, i.

[594] 1st. ed. leaf l, i. Eras. Op. iv. pp. 593, 594.

[595] Ibid. Charles the Bold was the prince alluded to.

[596] Eras. Op. iv. p. 595, et seq.

[597] 1st ed. leaf l, iv.

[598] Leaf m, i.

[599] Eras. Op. iv. 603.

[600] 1st ed. leaf o, i. Eras. Op. iv. pp. 607 et seq.

[601] 1st ed. leaf o, iii.

[602] On August 5 he seems to have been in London, and to have written a letter from thence to Leo X. Eras. Epist. clxxxi. Brewer, ii. 2257.

On August 17 he writes from Rochester to Ammonius, that he is spending ten days there. Eras. Epist. cxlvi. Brewer, ii. 2283. And again on August 22. Eras. Epist. cxlvii. Brewer, ii. 2290. On the 31st he writes to Boville from the same place. Eras. Epist. cxlviii. Brewer, ii. 2321.

[603] Erasmus to Ammonius: Epist. cxxxiii. Brewer, ii. 2323, without date.

[604] Eras. Epist. lxxxvii. App. and ccxviii. Brewer, ii. 2409.

[605] Erasmus Ægidio: Epist. cccxlv. November 18, 1518. The mention of St. Jerome as not yet finished (see Epist. ccxviii.; Brewer, 2409), fixes the date 1516. Brewer, ii. 2558.

[606] Letter from More to Peter Giles, prefixed to ‘Utopia.’

[607] Roper, pp. 9, 10. Eras. Op. iii. pp. 474, 476.

[608] More to Erasmus: Eras. Epist. ccxxvii.

[609] Roper, 10.

[610] Erasmus to Hutten: Epist. ccccxlvii. Eras. Op. iii. p. 476, B.

[611] Leaf b, 4.

[612] Leaves b, iv to c, ii. These extracts are somewhat abridged and condensed.

[613] Leaves d, ii. et seq. These extracts are somewhat abridged and condensed.

[614] Eras. Epist. App. xliv. (Brewer, ii. 2748), in which Lord Mountjoy acknowledges the receipt of a copy sent by Erasmus, dated Jan. 4, 1516; i.e. 1517 in modern reckoning.

[615] The extracts from the Utopia, translations of which are given in this chapter, have in all cases been taken from the first edition (Louvain, 1516), but very few alterations were made in subsequent editions. The first edition was published in Dec. 1516. I am indebted to Mr. Lupton for the suggestion that the publication of some letters of Vespucci at Florence, in 1516, may have suggested More’s use of that voyager’s name in his introductory book.

Erasmus, writing from Antwerp to More, March 1 [1517], says: ‘Utopiam tuam recognitam, huc quam primum mittito, et nos exemplar, aut Basilium mittemus aut Lutetiam.’—Epist. ccviii.

Erasmus sent it to Froben of Basle, by whom a corrected edition was published in March, 1518, and another in November of the same year. See Appendix F.

[616] Eras. Epist. cclvi. Brewer, ii. 2000; from St. Omer; and see ccxxv. Brewer, ii. 1976.

[617] Epist. clviii. Erasmus to Ammonius: June 5, 1514; in error for 1516.

[618] More to Erasmus: Eras. Epist. lii. App. London, Feb. 25, 1516.

[619] Eras. Epist. lxxxiv. App. Brewer, ii. 2941, dated ‘in die sancti Edwardi, in festo suæ [? secundæ] translationis, sive 13 Octobris, 1516.’ Probably ‘second translation of St. Edward,’ on June 20, 1516. The words ‘sive 13 Oct.’ are not found in the copy of this letter in Aliquot Epistolæ, &c. (Basle, 1518, pp. 249, 252), nor in the ed. of 1640. The earlier date seems to harmonise more with the contents of the letter than the later date.

[620] Eras. Epist. lxxxvii. App. Brewer, ii. 2492.

[621] Eras. Epist. Waramus Erasmo, cclxi. Aliquot Epistolæ, &c. Basle, 1518, p. 231.

[622] Eras. Epist. ccxxi. App.

[623] Thomæ Mori ad Monachum Epistola: Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum Virorum. Basle, 1520, p. 122.

[624] Erasmus to Boville, from the Bishop’s palace at Rochester, pridie calendas Septembris. Aliquot Epistolæ, &c. Basle, 1518, pp. 234-246. Eras. Epist. cxlviii. Brewer, ii. 2321. The above is only an abstract of this letter, and some of the quotations are abridged.

[625] More to Erasmus: Epist. lxxxvii. App. dated Oct. 31, 1516.

[626] Erasmus to Ammonius, from Brussels, December 29, 1516. Brewer, ii. 2709.

[627] Epist. cclvi. June 1517; should be 1516. Brewer, ii. 2000.

[628] Bearing date, Tubingen, Aug. 21, 1516. Eras. Op. iii. p. 1595. It was first printed probably at the back of the titlepage of ‘Epigrammata Des. Erasmi Roterodami.’ Basle, March 1518.

[629] Œcolampadius Erasmo: Eras. Epist. ccxxxviii.; also cxix. App. and ccccxi.

[630] Spalatinus Erasmo: Eras. Epist. xciv. App.

[631] Luther’s Briefe. De Wette, i. 40, No. xxii.

[632] Philippi Melanchthonis Vita Martini Lutheri, chap. v. ‘Vita ejus monastica.’

[633] Philippi Melanchthonis Vita Martini Lutheri, chap. vi. vii.

[634] Ranke refers to the period before 1516. See Hist. of Reformation, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. i.

[635] Novum Instrumentum, folio, 433.

[636] Luther to Spalatin: Luther’s Briefe. De Wette, No. xxii.

[637] Luther an Joh. Lange: De Wette, No. xxix. p. 52.

[638] More to Erasmus: Epist. lxxxvii. App. Eras. Op. iii. p. 1575, A and B.

[639] Vol. i. Epist. 2.

[640] Vol. i. App. 1.

[641] Vol. ii. Ep. 9.

[642] Vol. ii. Ep. 49.

[643] Ibid. Ep. 68.

[644] One of the best and most valuable essays on the Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum will be found in No. cv. of the Edinburgh Review, March 1831.

[645] Ranke’s History of the Reformation, bk. ii. chap. 1.

[646] Epist. cxxxiii. App.

[647] Ibid. ccccxxviii. App.

[648] Ibid. ccxlvi. App.

[649] ‘Sed, meo judicio, nulla via assequemur, quam ardenti amore et imitatione Jesu. Quare relictis ambagibus, ad brevitatem brevi compendio eamus: ego pro viribus volo.’ These sentences remind one of the conversation between Tauler and Nicholas of Basle, in the beautiful story of the Master and the Man, where the master says, ‘Verum est, charissime fili, quod ais. Adhuc enim durior mihi videtur esse hic sermo tuus.’ And the layman replies, ‘Et tamen ipse me rogasti, Domine Magister, ut compendiosissimum ad supremam hujus vitæ perfectionem iter tibi demonstrarem. Et certe securiorem ego, quàm sit ista, viam ad imitandum exemplar sacratissimæ humanitatis Christi nullam novi.’ Thauleri Opera, p. 16. Paris. 1623.

[650] Foxe, ed. 1597, p. 887.

[651] Thomæ Mori ad Monachum Epistola. Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum Virorum: Basle, 1520, pp. 128, 129. The letter does not state exactly the date of this singular occurrence.

[652] On the Romans: Louvain, 1517, at the press of Martins.

[653] Erasmus to Cope, ccv. Brewer, ii. p. 2962. See also cciii. and cciv. and Erasmus to Henry VIII. cclxviii.

[654] Erasmus to Cardinal Grymanus, prefixed to the Paraphrases on the Romans. Dated, Id. Nov. 1517.

[655] Mountjoy to Wolsey: Brewer, ii. p. 1259; and Bishop of Worcester to Wolsey: ibid. No. 4179. Ranke’s Hist. of the Reformation, bk. ii. chap. 1.

[656] One early edition, without date, has in the margin, ‘Fictæ pontificum condonationes vel indulgentiæ;’ and Lystrius, in his note on this passage, says, ‘Has vulgo vocant indulgentias.’ The marginal note in the Argent. edition of 1511 reads, ‘indulgentias taxat.’

[657] Basle, ed. 1519, p. 141.

[658] Eras. Epist. cclxiv. Aug. 29, 1517.

[659] Bishop of Worcester to Wolsey: Brewer, ii. p. 4179.

[660] Papers relating to the Convocation: Brewer, ii. p. 1312.

[661] Ranke’s History of the Reformation, London, 1845, i. p. 333. Brewer, ii. p. 3160 and 3688.

[662] Brewer, ii. p. 3818, and preface, ccv.

[663] Ranke, p. 332.

[664] Ibid. p. 333.

[665] Ibid. p. 350.

[666] Ibid. p. 356.

[667] Erasmus to Beatus Rhenanus: Epist. clxiv. App. Brewer, ii. p. 3614. Ranke, p. 378.

[668] Ranke, pp. 239 and 379.

[669] Ibid. p. 359.

[670] Ranke, p. 239.

[671] Ibid. p. 241.

[672] Erasmus to Fisher: cccvi. App. Brewer, ii. p. 3989.

[673] Eras. Epist. App. cccv. Brewer, ii. p. 3992.

[674] Eras. Epist. App. cclxix.

[675] Epist. App. cclxv. Brewer, ii. p. 3991.

[676] Ægidius to Erasmus: Epist. ccccxxxvi. Brewer, ii. p. 4238.

[677] See Brewer’s preface to vol. ii. pp. cxlvii-clvii.

[678] See Brewer, ii. cxlii-clxi (preface).

[679] Roper, p. 11.

[680] Roper, p. 48.

[681] Epist. cclxviii.

[682] Epist. App. cccxi. and cclxxxii. Brewer, ii. p. 4111.

[683] Erasmus to Henry VIII.: Brewer, iii. No. 226.

[684] March 13, 1518. Eras. Epist. App. cclxxiv. Brewer, ii. p. 4005.

[685] Epist. ccxlvii. Brewer, ii. p. 4138. Eras. Epist. Basle, 1521, p. 217.

[686] Eras. Epist. App. cclxxxiv.-v.

[687] Ibid. App. cccv.

[688] Eras. Op. iii. 401 E.

[689] Eras. Epist. ccciii. first printed in Auctarium selectarum Epistolarum Erasmi, &c. Basle, 1518, p. 39.

[690] Luther’s Briefe. De Wette. Epist. No. xxxvii.

[691] Eras. Epist. ccciii.

[692] Epist. ccclxxvi. dated May 15, 1518, and first printed at p. 45 of the Auctarium selectarum Epistolarum, &c. Basle, 1518.

[693] Erasmus to More, App. cclxxxv. Brewer, ii. p. 4204; and in App. cclxxxiv. Ibid. ii. p. 4203.

[694] Brewer, ii. p. 3991. Eras. Epist. App. cclxv.

[695] Lucubrationum Erasmi Index: Frobenius, Basle, 1519.

[696] Epist. cclxv. App. Brewer, ii. p. 3991. Dated March 5, 1518.

[697] Eras. Epist. App. cccxi. Brewer, ii. p. 4110.

[698] Adagia: Basle, 1520-21, p. 494. I have not seen the edition of 1517, but it is mentioned in Lucubrationum Erasmi Index; Basle, 1519.

[699] Auctarium selectarum aliquot Epistolarum Erasmi, &c.: Basle, with preface by Beatus Rhenanus, dated xi. Calendas Septembris, 1518, and ‘Aliquot Epistolæ sane quam elegantes Erasmi Roterodami, et ad hunc aliorum eruditissimorum hominum.’ Basle, Jan. 1518. The latter includes Colet’s letter to Erasmus on the Novum Instrumentum. An edition, containing some of the letters of Erasmus and others, had also been printed by Martins at Louvain in April, 1517.

[700] English translation. London: Jno. Byddell, 1522.

[701] ‘Cur sic arctamus Christi professionem quam ille latissime voluit patere?’

[702] These passages are condensed in the translation.

[703] Erasmus to Laurinus: Epist. ccclvi. See Jortin, i. 140.

[704] The Epistle at the beginning from Leo X. to Erasmus, bears date Sept. 1518. March 1519 is the date printed at the end.

[705] Novum Testamentum, 2nd ed. p. 266.

[706] Novum Testamentum, pp. 209, 93, 82, 83.

[707] Novum Testamentum, 2nd ed. pp. 19, 20.

[708] Novum Testamentum, 2nd ed. pp. 28, 29.

[709] Novum Testamentum, 2nd ed. pp. 34, 35.

[710] Ibid. p. 32.

[711] Novum Testamentum, 2nd ed. p. 32. These passages are abridged in the translation.

[712] Novum Testamentum, 2nd ed. pp. 35, 36.

[713] Novum Testamentum, 2nd ed. p. 42.

[714] Ibid. p. 61.

[715] When, after the 3rd edition had been published and a 4th was in preparation, in 1526, a Doctor of the Sorbonne attacked the New Testament of Erasmus, he was able triumphantly to ask him, ‘what he wanted?’ His New Testament had already been ‘scattered abroad by the printers in thousands of copies over and over again.’ His critic ‘should have written in time!’—Erasmus to the Faculty of Paris. Jortin, ii. App. No. xlix. p. 492.

[716] Eras. Op. iii. pp. 374, 375.

[717] Eras. Op. iii. p. 432, D and E.

[718] Eras. Epist. ccclvii.

[719] Eras. Op. iii. 1490, D. Brewer, ii. Nos. 3670, 3671, dated Sept. 1517.

[720] Brewer, preface, ccxi.

[721] Jortin’s Life of Erasmus, App. p. 662-667.

[722] Eras. Op. iii. p. 408, b.

[723] Eras. Op. iii. p. 408.

[724] Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII. ii. p. 127.

[725] Eras. Op. iii. p. 457, E. See also Mr. Lupton’s Introduction to his edition of Dean Colet on the Sacraments of the Church, pp. 19 and 26.

[726] Eras. Op. iii. p. 457, E.

[727] Ibid. p. 459, A and B.

[728] William Lilly was married and had several children. The sur-master, John Rightwyse, married his daughter. Mr. Lupton informs me, that in vol. iv. of Stow’s Historical Collections (Harleian, No. 450), fol. 58 b, is a Latin epitaph, in ten lines, by Lilly on his wife. Her name is spelt ‘Hagnes,’ and (if the reading be correct) they appear to have had fifteen children.

[729] Knight’s Life of Colet. Miscellanies, No. v.

[730] The original of this book with Colet’s signature is still preserved at the Mercers’ Hall.

[731] Knight, p. 227. He drew up a body of statutes, which, however, were never accepted by the chapter.—Milman’s Annals of St. Paul’s, p. 124.

[732] Eras. Op. iii. p. 460, A.

[733] Ibid. p. 445, B.

[734] Ibid. p. 751, E.

[735] Strausz. Leipzig, 1858, vol. i. p. 123.

[736] Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum, &c. Appended to Apologia Erasmi, &c. Basil 1520, pp. 139, 140.

[737] This letter possibly may not have reached England before Colet’s death; but it is most likely that the date is wrong, as so often is the case with these letters—the year not being often added by the writer himself at the time, but by some copyist subsequently.

[738] ‘Epistola clarissimi viri Thomæ Mori, qua refellit rabiosam maledicentiam monachi cujusdam juxta indocti atque arrogantis.’—Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum Virorum, &c. Basileæ, M.DXX. pp. 92-138. Also Jortin’s Life of Erasmus, Appendix.

[739] ‘Nisi quod Lutherus fertur Augustini doctrinam mordicus tenens antiquatam sententiam rursus instaurare.’—p. 99.

[740] For the above particulars see Ranke’s History of the Reformation, bk. ii. c. iii.

[741] Melanchthonis Epistolæ: Bretschneider, i. p. 63, and p. 66.

[742] March 1519, Bretschneider, i. p. 75.

[743] Erasmus to Œcolampadius, 1518, Epist. cccliv.

[744] Dated January 5, from Wittemberg. Bretschneider, i. p. 59.

[745] Epist. ccccxi.

[746] Luther’s Briefe. De Wette, vol. i. Epist. cxxx. p. 249.

[747] Louvain, May 30, 1519. Eras. Epist. ccccxxvii.

[748] Eras. Op. iii. p. 444, E and F.

[749] Epist. cccxvii. May 8, 1519.

[750] Epist. ccccxiii. Ap. 23, 1519.

[751] Eras. Epist. Laurentio: Louvain, Feb. 1519, prefixed to the Basle edition of the Five Epistles, 1520.

[752] Apologia pro Declamatione de Laude Matrimonii: Basil. 1519.

[753] Colet seems even to have retired from the office of preacher before the King on Good Friday, which he had filled in 1510, 1511, 1512, 1513, 1515, 1516, and 1517. Brewer, ii. pp. 1445-1474. In 1518 the sermon was preached by the Dean of Sarum, p. 1477.

[754] Epist. cccclxxiv. Erasmus to Fisher: Louvain, Oct. 17, 1519.

[755] Ranke, bk. ii. c. iii. De Wette, i. No. ccviii. p. 425. That Luther had found a point of unison between himself and the Hussites, not only in their common opposition to Papal authority, but also in their common adoption of the severest views of St. Augustine, see ‘Assertio omnium articulorum M. Lutheri per Bullam Leonis X. novissimam damnatorum.’ Mense Martio M.DXXI. Leaves Kk, ii. and iii. ‘Habes, miserande Papa, quid hic oggannias. Unde et hunc articulum necesse est revocare, male enim dixi quod liberum arbitrium ante gratiam sit res de solo titulo, sed simpliciter debui dicere, lib. arb. est figmentum in rebus, seu titulus sine re. Quia nulli est in manu sua quippiam cogitare mali aut boni, sed omnia (ut Viglephi articulus Constantiæ damnatus recte docet) de necessitate absoluta eveniunt.’ These articles were condemned as a part of the heresy of John Huss, of whom Luther in the same treatise had said:—‘Et in faciem tuam sanctissime Vicarie Dei, tibi libere dico, omnia damnata Joannis Huss esse evangelica et Christiana,’ &c. (Ibid. leaf Hh, iii.)

[756] See Epist. ccccxii. Louvain, April 23, 1519.

[757] History of the Protestant Church of the United Brethren. By the Rev. John Holmes. London, 1825, vol. i. chaps. i. and ii.

[758] This middle party were called ‘Calixtines.’ See introduction to Holmes’s History, vol. i. p. 21, where the facts mentioned in this letter are detailed, very much in accordance with Schlechta’s account.

[759] John Zisca was a Hussite. He died in 1424, nine years after the death of Huss, and on his monument was inscribed, ‘Here lies John Zisca, who having defended his country against the encroachments of Papal tyranny, rests in this hallowed place in spite of the Pope.’—Ibid. p. 20.

[760] Epist. cccclxiii. Dated Oct. 10, 1519.

[761] Epist. cccclxxviii. Dated Nov. 1, 1519. The letter is a long one, and these quotations are somewhat abridged in translation.

[762] Luther replied:—‘Absint a nobis Christianis Sceptici.... Nihil apud Christianos notius et celebratius, quam assertio. Tolle assertiones et Christianissimum tulisti.... Spiritus Sanctus non est scepticus, nec dubia aut opiniones in cordibus nostris scripsit, sed assertiones, ipsa vita, et omni experientia, certiores et firmiores.’—De Servo Arbitrio Mar. Lutheri. Wittembergæ, 1526, pp. 7-12.

[763] ‘Ideo alteram est judicium externum, quo non modo pro nobis ipsis, sed et pro aliis et propter aliorum salutem, certissime judicamus spiritus et dogmata omnium. Hoc judicium est publici ministerii in verbo et officii externi, et maxime pertinet ad duces et præcones verbi &c.’—De Servo Arbitrio Mar. Lutheri. Wittembergæ, 1526, p. 82.

[764] See Mozley’s Augustinian Doctrine of Predestination. Chap. x. Scholastic Doctrine of Predestination. And see the particular instance there given on the subject of infants dying in original sin, p. 307. ‘Being by nature reprobate, and not being included within the remedial decree of predestination, they were ... [according to the pure Augustinian doctrine] ... subject to the sentence of eternal punishment.... The Augustinian schoolman [Aquinas] could not expressly contradict this position, but what he could not contradict he could explain. Augustine had laid down that the punishment of such children was the mildest of all punishment in hell.’... Aquinas ‘laid down the further hypothesis, that this punishment was not pain of body or mind, but want of the Divine vision.’

[765] Epist. ccccxlvii.

[766] See note on the date, More’s birth, Appendix C.

[767] Eras. Op. iii. p. 475, E.

[768] Ibid. C and D. One is tempted to think that More intended to describe his first wife in the epigram, ‘Ad Candidum qualis uxor deligenda,’ very freely translated into English verse by Archdeacon Wrangham as follows:—

Quoted from Philomorus, p. 42.

[769] More’s English Works, p. 1420.

[770] Eras. Op. iii. p. 475, D and E.

[771] Eras. Op. iii. p. 476, D, &c.

[772] Ibid. p. 474, B.

[773] Ibid. p. 474, E.

[774] Ibid. p. 477, B.

[775] Ibid. p. 474, E and F.

[776] Colloquy entitled Amicitia.

[777] Stapleton’s Tres Thomæ, p. 257.

[778] Eras. Op. i. p. 511, E.

[779] Mori Epigrammata: Basle, 1520, p. 110. The first edition was printed at Basle along with the Utopia in 1518, and does not contain these verses.

[780] Mackintosh’s Life of Sir Thomas More, p. 73, quoting ‘City Records.’

[781] Roper, p. 12.

[782] Ellis, Original Letters, 3rd series, letter lxxx.

[783] Epist. cccclxvii.

[784] Ibid. cccclxx.

[785] Epist. cccclxxi.

[786] Ibid. cccclxxiv.

[787] Eras. Op. iii. Epist. cccclxxxi., and Epistolæ aliquot Eruditorum Virorum: Basil. 1520, p. 46.

[788] Ibid. p. 122. ‘Coletum nomino, quo uno viro neque doctior neque sanctior apud nos aliquot retro seculis quisque fuit.’

[789] Ashmolean MSS. Oxford 77-141 a. I have to thank Mr. Coxe for the following copy of the inscription: ‘Joannes Coletus, Henrici Coleti iterum prætoris Londini filius, et hujus templi decanus, magno totius populi mœrore, cui, ob vitæ integritatem et divinum concionandi munus, omnium sui temporis fuit chariss., decessit anno a Christo nato 1519 et inclyti regis Henrici Octavi 11, mensis Septembris 16. Is in cœmeterio Scholam condidit ac magistris perpetua stipendia contulit.’

[790] Luther in his famous speech at the Diet, after alluding to his doctrinal and devotional works, and offering to retract whatever in them was contrary to Scripture, emphatically refused to retract what he had written against the Papacy, on the ground that were he to do so, it would be ‘like throwing both doors and windows right open’ to Rome to the injury of the German nation. And in his German speech he added an exclamation, most characteristic, at the very idea of the absurdity of its being thought possible, that he could retract anything on this point:—‘Good God, what a great cloak of wickedness and tyranny should I be!’ See Förstermann’s Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen-Reformation, vol. i. p. 70: Hamburg, 1842.

[791] I am mainly indebted to Mr. Lupton for this list.