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The Ohio River Trade, 1788-1830

Chapter IV · EMIGRATION. GROWTH OF THE RIVER TOWNS.

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During the War of 1812, the tide of immigration westward was almost completely arrested, and many of the settlements already established were broken up by the savages.[487] The war being over, and the Indians being deprived of their distinguished British ally,[488] profound peace was soon restored to all our borders, from the northeast to the southwest.[489] Immigration now set more strongly toward the West, for having been so long kept back, and the country was peopled with a rapidity unparalleled in the annals of any other nation.[490] "Shoals of immigrants were seen on all the great roads leading in that direction. Oleanne, Pittsburg, Brownsville, Nashville, Cincinnati, and St. Louis overflowed with them. Ohio and Indiana beheld thousands of new cabins spring up in their forests. The settlements which had been broken up during the war, were repeopled, and many immigrants returned again to the very cabins which they had occupied before the war. Boon's Lick, and Salt River, in Missouri, were the grand points of immigration, as were the Sangama and the upper courses of the Kaskaskia's in Illinois. In the south, Alabama filled with new habitations, and the current, not arrested by the Mississippi, set over its banks, to White River, Arkansas, and Louisiana, west of that river. The wandering propensity of the American people carried hundreds even beyond our territorial limits into the Spanish country."[491]

"This flood of immigrants of course increased the amount of transport, and gave new impulse to building,—in short, every species of speculation was carried to a ruinous excess. Mercantile importations filled the country with foreign goods. In three years from the close of the War, things had received a new face along the great water courses, and in all the favorable points of the interior. The tide began to ebb, and things to settle to their natural level. Between the general failure of the western banks, and the operation of this system, (branches of Bank of the United States, and Post-Office System—medium of sure and prompt remittance of a circulation everywhere uniform), western dealers were driven to the extremely burdensome and precarious resource of specie in their foreign transactions. Business and trade were brought to a dead pause. The evils were spread along a course of two thousand miles, and were experienced in the remote cabins, as well as the towns, and villages on the rivers. The result of a sound and uniform currency was seen in the restoration of business and credit; and commerce sprung up, like a Phoenix, from its ashes. Shapeless and meanlooking villages became towns, and the towns in neatness and beauty began to compare with those in the Atlantic country. The best evidence of the change, wrought by this order of things is, that produce and every species of vendible property rose to double and triple its value, during the season of general embarrassment."[492]

As early as 1813, the roads over the Alleghanies were in a very rough condition, though the Cumberland Road was partly made, and in the spring of this year there were considerable stretches of it used by the wagoners. For emigrants and the transportation of freight, there was no mode of conveyance but the large "road wagons", as they were called, usually drawn by five or six horses, and carrying sixty to seventy hundred weight. There were several routes by which these wagons approached the mountains, but after passing Cumberland they followed the one road, known as Braddock's Trail, which struck the Monongahela River at Brownsville, or Red Stone Fort, passing down the Laurel Hill, near Uniontown, then called Beesonstown.[493] The wagoners usually traveled in groups for company and to assist one another by doubling teams, on the steep hills, and to help in case of accidents. Howells says that it is his impression that his father paid between $3 and $4 a hundred weight (112 pounds) for the carriage of his goods to Brownsville.[494]

A mighty population was pouring into Ohio in 1813, a great number of the people coming from Lower Canada.[495] A "New England Emigration Society" was established in Boston, in 1815, for the purpose of promoting emigration to the western country. The association was composed of a considerable number of persons of all parties, who were determined to establish a colony of their own.[496] The Buffalo Gazette says, that during the spring of this year scarcely a day passed without the editor's noticing the passage of several families from New England through that village for the State of Ohio.[497] The monthly returns from the several land offices in Ohio and Indiana Territory exhibited an unparalleled sale of public land, and in some districts the sales had been doubled in the six months prior to February, 1815. The emigration to the State in the summer of 1814 was very great, the main road through the State being literally covered with wagons moving out families.[498]

The Register, of November 30, 1816, says, "Missouri and Illinois exhibit an interesting spectacle at this time. A stranger to witness the scene would imagine that Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and the Carolinas had made an agreement to introduce them soon as possible to the bosom of the American family. Every ferry on the river is daily occupied in passing families, carriages, wagons, negroes, carts, etc."[499] Much of the surplus produce of the State of Ohio was consumed by the numerous emigrants, who came from New York, and the eastern States, but more especially from Pennsylvania.[500] Many of these travelers followed the route through New York and down the Allegheny River, "260 wagons have passed a certain house on this route in nine days, besides many persons on horseback and on foot. The editor of the Gennessee Farmer observes, that he himself met on the road to Hamilton, a cavalcade of upwards of 20 wagons, containing one company of 116 persons on their way to Indiana, and all from one town in the district of Maine. So great is the emigration to Illinois and Missouri, also, that it is apprehended that they must suffer for want of provisions the ensuing winter."[501] Alabama was also receiving vast numbers of emigrants, one traveler having met about 3800 persons in nine days.[502]

Birkbeck, writing in 1818, says, "Old America seems to be breaking up, and moving westward. We are seldom out of sight, as we travel on this grand track; towards the Ohio, of family groups, behind and before us, some with a view to a particular spot. A small wagon with two small horses; sometime a cow or two, compromises their all; excepting a little store of hard earned cash for the land office of the district; where they may obtain a title for as many acres, as they possess half dollars, being one fourth of the purchase money. The wagon has a tilt, or cover, made of a sheet, or perhaps a blanket. The family are seen before, behind, or within the vehicle according to the road or the weather, or the spirits of the party."[503] "Such is the influx of strangers into this State (Indiana), that the industry of the Settlers is severely taxed to provide food for themselves, and a superfluity for newcomers."[504] Birkbeck advised the emigrants coming from England to the West, to land at an eastern part, proceed from thence to Pittsburg,[505] and then down the Ohio, disembarking at Shawneetown if bound to Illinois. Emigrants are advised to bring with them, clothing, bedding, household linen, simple medicines of the best quality, and sundry small articles of cuttlery, and light tools.[506] The expense of the journey from an eastern part to Birkbeck's settlement was estimated at £5 sterling per head.[507] Travelers coming overland, on horseback, were advised to go by way of Wheeling Chilicothe, and Cincinnati, from thence through Indiana to Vincennes.[508] Traveling, across the mountains to Pittsburg, was entirely disproportionate to the price of provisions, and very expensive considering the accommodations afforded; storekeepers laying on a profit of at least 50 per cent.[509] Fordham says that the passage by stage and the expense of a journey from Philadelphia to Pittsburg was $50; the journey down the Ohio 900 miles from $10 to $15; to St. Louis by steamboat $20, on horseback $8.[510]

The route to the western country, by way of New Orleans, was attended with many disadvantages, being much longer and more dangerous, in consequence of a good deal of coasting, and the difficulties of the Gulf of Florida. The voyage from the Balize to New Orleans, a distance of 100 miles, was always tedious and vessels sometimes consumed three weeks in covering this distance. The steamboats, from New Orleans,[511] did not proceed at stated periods, and travelers were sometimes obliged to take up a long and expensive residence in that city. To attempt to engage a passage in a keel boat up the stream was an almost endless undertaking. For these reasons, emigrants were advised to cone overland to Pittsburg, and to float from there down the Ohio River to their destination.[512]

Fearon during his journey from Chambersburg to Pittsburg passed 63 wagons, with families from the several places following: 20 from Massachusetts, 10 from the district of Maine, 14 from Jersey, 13 from Connecticut, 2 from Maryland, 1 from Pennsylvania, 1 from England, one from Holland, 1 from Ireland; and about 200 persons on horseback and 20 on foot.[513] Fearon says that every emigrant whom he met on the Alleghanies, told hi m that he intended to settle in Ohio.[514] The population in Illinois, at this period, was to be found chiefly on the Wabash, below Vincennes, and on the banks of the Kaskaskia, Ohio, and Mississippi Rivers.[515]

In the latter part of the year 1818 Flint writes as follows: "... the current of emigration, being here (Chambersburg) united, strangers from the eastern country, and from Europe, are passing in an unceasing train. An intelligent gentleman at this place informed me, that this stream of emigration has flowed more copiously this year, than at any former period, and that the people now moving westward are ten times more numerous than they were ten years ago. His computation is founded on the comparative amount of the stage coach business and on careful observation."[516] Flint advises emigrants to go from Baltimore to Wheeling as that route is cheaper than the one from Philadelphia to Pittsburg.[517] In 1819 travelers were not so numerous as in 1818, owing to the decline in trade, and depression in the price of land. Flint says, "travelers however are still so numerous that a stranger not fully aware of the rapidity with which new settlements are forming, and of the great populace of the eastern States, might be apt to imagine that the Americans are a singularly volatile people."[518] Nuttall remarks that "A stranger who descends the Ohio at this season of emigration cannot but be struck with the jarring vortex of heterogenous population amidst which he is embarked, all searching for some better country, which ever lies to the west."[519]

The prohibition of slavery contributed greatly to the population of Ohio, and turned the current of European emigration from Kentucky and Tennessee, and spread it widely not only over this State, but also over Indiana and Illinois.[520] The fertility of the soil, the low price of lands, the security of titles, and the high price of labor also served to attract emigrants to this State.[521]

The 'Register' of May 14, 1825 says, "Emigration is powerful to the West."[522] Kentucky was at this time losing her citizens by hundreds and thousands, by removal to the west faster than she had acquired them from the east for some years.[523] The progress of population in Illinois had been greatly retarded by the violent and illegal efforts that were made to cause the introduction of slavery, year after year, and while the question was agitated, persons hesitated about locating themselves in Illinois, preferring to stop in Ohio or Indiana, or even to proceed to Missouri. When the matter was finally put at rest, the emigration to the State rapidly increased.[524] The annual increase of the population of Illinois from 1825-1829 was estimated at 12,000 persons.[525] Of Ohio, the 'Register' says, "the rapid and powerful population of this State would remind us of the days of Cadmus, except that men do not spring up armed to destroy one another."[526]

Travelers coming from the Atlantic States, with the intention of descending the Ohio and going into the western states, preferred the National Road to the one which came from Philadelphia to Pittsburg, and was made by the State of Pennsylvania. The traffic of the Pennsylvania "turnpike" was therefore much diminished, and the people of that State, as well as many of the other states, who derived no immediate benefit from this road, were opposed to any grants being made by Congress for keeping it in order.[527]

The conveyance of goods from the eastern ports to Pittsburg, to be sent from that place to the western country, created much business and contributed to the rapid growth of the city. In the year 1813, no less than 4055 wagons engaged in this trade, were calculated to have reached Pittsburg.[528] During the eight months from April to December, 1815, no less than $356,000 were paid at Pittsburg alone for the carriage of goods brought to and unladen at that town, by wagons, from the seaports of the Atlantic. The value of the goods so brought was supposed to be three and a half to four million dollars.[529] During the year 1817, about 12,000 wagons passed between Baltimore and Philadelphia, carrying from 35 to 40 cwt. The cost of carriage was about $7 from Philadelphia to Pittsburg, and the money paid for the conveyance of goods on this road, exceeded 300,000 pounds sterling.[530] Fearon says, "The articles sent from Philadelphia are hardware, and what are denominated "dry goods" This term includes all articles of woolen, linen, cotton, and silk. Those returned from Pittsburg are farming produce, chiefly flour."[531]

For the next few years the trade of Pittsburg failed to increase so rapidly as formerly. The tradesmen, though living well and saving money, complained of hard times, saying that peace had thrown the ocean trade into New Orleans, which they in time of war monopolized.[532] Pittsburg also suffered on account of the enormous influx of British goods, which were imported for the purpose ob breaking down the new manufacturing establishments.[533] Wheeling, being better situated for ready communication with the western country, at all seasons began to draw away some of the trade of Pittsburg.[534]

About the year 1818 the States of New York and Virginia began to show themselves as the rivals of Pennsylvania, which till that time, with the exception of New Orleans had enjoyed the most considerable portion of the commerce of the west.[535]

Pittsburg in 1821, was carrying on a considerable trade with Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New Orleans, and likewise some little with New York, by way of the Hudson and Mohawk Rivers, and the lakes.[536] The price of carriage from Philadelphia and Baltimore had now been reduced to $4 to $6 for one hundred weight.[537] Flint writing a few years later, says, "But the wealth, business, and glory of this place are fast passing away, transferred to Cincinnati, to Louisville, and other places on the Ohio. Various causes have concurred to this result, but especially the multiplication of steamboats, and the consequent facility of communication with the Atlantic ports by the Mississippi. There is little prospect of the reverse of this order of things. The National Road, terminating at Wheeling, contributes to this decay of Pittsburg. Her decline is not much regretted, for she used to fatten on the spoils of the poor emigrants that swarmed to this place."[538] The trade of Pittsburg may have been on the decline, but scarcely so bad as Flint paints it. One traveler, on the road between Baltimore and Frederick, on March 3, 1827, passed 235 wagons in a distance of 35 miles.[539]

Another element contributing largely to the growth and prosperity of Pittsburg was her manufacturing establishments. In 1810 the manufactures of this city amounted to $1,000,000, and in 1814 it was estimated that their value would be doubled.[540] The 'Register' of April 9, 1825 says that Pittsburg is "the greatest manufacturing town in the United States."[541] The articles manufactured at Pittsburg were sent to the western country, New Orleans, and the West Indies.* During this period the population of Pittsburg increased from 4740 inhabitants in 1810[542] to 22,433 in the city and its suburbs in 1830.[543]

Cincinnati, but a small and unimportant village before 1811, suddenly sprang into prominence during this period and even threatened to become the serious rival of Pittsburg. The manufacturing industry contributed largely to the growth of this town. In 1814 the 'Register' speaks of Cincinnati as being "the busiest town in Ohio, and except Pittsburg, and Lexington, the greatest place of manufacturing in the western country."[544] In 1826 the manufacturing industry of this city amounted to $1,800,000, not more than fifteen steam engines being employed in manufactures.[545] In 1830 the 'Register' speaks of this city as follows: "Cincinnati, 'the queen of the West' goes on rapidly to increase in population and wealth. Her happy location is made the most of by industrious and enterprising freemen. Manufactures abound, and a spirit of improvement prevails. Labor is honored, and profits are constantly added to capital. This city seems long since to have recovered from the effects of certain spe culations which, for a considerable time, checked its advancement."[546] Iron articles and cabinet furniture were the chief articles of manufacture exported from the city.[547] The making of sugar mills for Louisiana and the West Indies formed a large business at Cincinnati, and also at Pittsburg and Wheeling.[548]

The trade, especially the exports, formed a very large element of the business of Cincinnati. Birkbeck, writing in 1818, says, "Cincinnati is, however, a most thriving place, and backed as it is already by a great population and a most fruitful country, bids fair to be one of the first cities of the West. We are told, and we cannot doubt the fact, that the chief of what we see is the work of four years. The hundreds of commodious, well furnished brick houses; the spacious and busy markets; the substantial public buildings; the thousands of prosperous well dressed, industrious inhabitants; the numerous wagons and drays; the gay carriages; the shoals of craft; the busy stir prevailing everywhere, ..."[549] all testify to the prosperity of the city. Pork formed the chief article of export.[550] The 'Register' in 1827, says, "The pork business of this city is equal if not of greater magnitude, than that of Baltimore, and is, perhaps, not exceeded by that of any place in the world.[551] The exports of Cincinnati in 1820 were worth about $1,000,000, including both manufactures and other articles.[552] The opening of the Miami Canal increased the trade of Cincinnati, by making it the place of deposit for the produce exported from the surrounding country.[553] In 1812 the sale of imported articles amounted to $250,000 per year;[554] about 1830 the imports, of which dry goods formed the principal item, were estimated to be worth five million dollars.[555]

The population of Cincinnati in 1815 was 6,498;[556] in 1826, 16,230;[557] and in 1830, 25,279.[558]

Louisville derived her greatest advantage from the river trade. Before the building of the canal, goods brought down the river, had to be unloaded here and carried around the Falls.[559] The steam boat commerce of this city amounted in 1820 to 29,014 tons.[560] The wealth of Louisville was employed chiefly in the importation of merchandise from New Orleans, and the eastern cities, and the shipment of western produce to the Southern and Atlantic markets.[561] Manufactures were developed to some extent.[562] The population increased from 1350 in 1810, to 10, 336 in 1830.[563]

Marietta had, in the early period, engaged quite extensively in the ship building industry, which declined from about 1807 to 1816, when it was revived again.[564] In 1814 this town was engaged in manufacturing and carried on quite a brisk trade,[565] but Ogden, in 1821, says that it was rapidly declining.[566]

Wheeling derived much advantage from her location, being situated at a point where the Ohio was navigable at all seasons. It was the principal depot for the supply and commerce of that part of Virginia in 1819,[567] and in 1823 enjoyed considerable importance on account of the great quantity of merchandise brought to and from the Ohio along the National Road.[568] Boat building was carried on to some extent in Wheeling. By 1829 this town had engaged quite extensively in manufactures.[569]

Steubenville, Ohio, was the market for the produce of the surrounding country, which it supplied with English and West India goods.[570] As early as 1815 this town began to establish manufactories,[571] and in 1825 was exporting many thousand dollars worth of cloth to the Atlantic States.[572] In 1817 the city contained 2032 inhabitants,[573] and in 1830, 3153.[574]

Maysville, Kentucky, was the principal river port for the northeastern part of the State.[575] The greater part of the goods from Philadelphia and the eastern cities were landed here, and distributed over the state.[576]

Vincennes, Indiana, served as a place of extensive supply of merchandise to the interior of that state.[577] Vevay, Indiana, was also quite a commercial town.[578] Zanesville, Ohio, became a thriving town, engaged in manufactures[579] and trade.[580]

Shawneetown, Illinois, enjoyed a share in the trade on the river.[581]

These river towns developed and increased in importance as the river trade became an ever increasing object of importance. Pittsburg and Cincinnati were by far the two greatest commercial and manufacturing centers of this western country during the years 1811-1830. As this great stream of emigrants poured into the West, the soil was brought into cultivation, and its surplus produce exchanged for articles of home and foreign manufacture.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 387.Note 2 · Ibid., I., 178. Peck, J. M., Annals, 651-652.Note 3 · Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 178.Note 4 · Ibid., I., 172.Note 5 · Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 178.Note 6 · Ibid., 180-182.Note 7 · Howells, W. C., Recollections, 9.Note 8 · Ibid., 10.Note 9 · Niles, Weekly Register, V., 263.Note 10 · Ibid., 39. VIII.Note 11 · Ibid., VIII., 420.Note 12 · Niles, Weekly Register, VII., 350.Note 13 · Ibid., XI., 223. Ibid., XI., 127. "We observe the current of emigration directed strongly toward the Territory of Missouri." Ibid., XI., 208Note 14 · Brown, S. R., Gazetteer, 316.Note 15 · Niles, Weekly Register, XIII., 224. November 29, 1817.Note 16 · Niles, Weekly Register, XI., 336. June 11, 1817.Note 17 · Birkbeck, M., Notes, 25-26.Note 18 · Ibid., 79.Note 19 · Birkbeck, M., Letters, 33. "Horseback is the most pleasant and expeditious; on foot the cheapest; a light wagon is eligible in some cases; iNote 20 · Birkbeck M., Letters, 33.Note 21 · Birkbeck, M., Letters, 97.Note 22 · Ibid., 110-111.Note 23 · Ibid., Notes, 36. Fearon, H. B., Journey, 192. "All the emigrants with whom I conversed complained of the enormous charges at taverns." WelbNote 24 · Fordham, E. P., Travels, 118.Note 25 · Ibid., A journey from New Orleans up the Mississippi cost $90. Fearon, H. B., Journey, 337-338. Quoted from M. Birkbeck's letter of NovemberNote 26 · Flint, J., Letters, Early W. Travels, IX., 98, 74, 68, 101. Discusses the expense of traveling. Faux, W., Memorable Days, Early W. Travels, Note 27 · Fearon, H. B., Journey, 196. Ibid., 188. He speaks of meeting 20 wagons containing families from Massachusetts, Jersey, and Connecticut.Note 28 · Fearon, H. B., Journey, 213-214.Note 29 · Ibid., 255. Reynolds, J., My Own Times, 176.Note 30 · Flint, J., Letters, Early W. Travels, IX., 67-68. Ibid., Ix., 65, 72, 77, 87. For reference to the vast numbers of emigrantsNote 31 · Flint, J., Letters, Early W. Travels, IX., 105-115.Note 32 · Ibid., IX., 288.Note 33 · Nuttall, T., Travels, Early W. Travels, XIII., 65. James, E., Account, Early W. Travels, XIV., 59. For reference to emigrants on the Ohio. NNote 34 · Ogden, G. W., Letters, Early W. Travels, XIX., 80.Note 35 · Ibid., Ibid., XIX., 82. Mentions other inducements to emigration Reynolds, J:, My Own Times, In 1820 the price of land was reduced from $2 tNote 36 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXVIII., 161-162.Note 37 · Ibid., XXIX., 147. Ibid., XXXVII., 165.Note 38 · Ibid., XXIX., 422. February 25, 1826.Note 39 · Ibid., XXXVI., 271. Ibid., XXXVI., 304. "Owing to the great influx of emigration, provisions of all kinds are very scarce." Latrobe, C. J., Note 40 · Niles, Weekly Register, XL., 141. Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 130.Note 41 · Franchepain, Travels, 90-91.Note 42 · Flint, J., Letters, Early W. Travels, IX., 86. Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 207. Says that 4,000 wagon loads of dry goods, groceries, etc., Note 43 · Niles, Weekly Register, X., 371. Ibid., X., 231. Wagons with upwards of 3,500 pounds have reached Pittsburg in 13 days from Philadelphia.Note 44 · Birkbeck, M., Notes, 29. Ibid., 128. The land carriage from Philadelphia to Pittsburg is from $7 to $10 per cwt. Fearon, H. B., Journey, 186Note 45 · Fearon, H. B., Journey, 186. Niles, Weekly Register, XIII., 116-117. "A merchant from Marietta, Ohio, has just left this city (New York) witNote 46 · Fearon, H. B., Journey, 205. "The state of trade is at present dull, but that there is a great deal of business done must be evident from thNote 47 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXVIII., 82. Birkbeck, M., Notes, 34. Nuttall, T., Travels, Early W. Travels, XIII., 41. "To judge of the inland comNote 48 · Welby, A., Visit, Early W. Travels, XII., 197. Niles, Weekly Register, XV., 267. "It has been estimated that three millions of dollars worthNote 49 · Nuttall, T., Travels, Early W. Travels, XIII., 38.Note 50 · Ogden, G. W., Letters, Early W. Travels, XIX., 25.Note 51 · Ibid., XIX., 27. Niles, Weekly Register, XXVII., 149. "The number of wagons loaded for Pittsburg, by a single house last year was upwards ofNote 52 · Flint, T., Recollections, 17. Hall, J., Letters, 34. Agrees with Flint's statement of the causes of the decline.Note 53 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXXII., 34. Ibid., XXXI., 165. "The river remains low. But the number of heavily laden keels which arrive and departNote 54 · Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 208.Note 55 · Ibid., XXVIII., 82.Note 56 · Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 208.Note 57 · Ibid., XXXIX., 219 For references to manufactures see Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 208. Ibid., XVII., 341. Ibid., VIII., 141. Thomas, D., TrNote 58 · Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 209.Note 59 · Hall, J., The West, 264. Hall, J., Notes, 270.Note 60 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXXVIII., 86. Hall, J., Notes, 174. A period of distress in the western country which reached its height about 1819.Note 61 · Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 410. Niles, Weekly Register, XXXVIII., 86. Speaks of the exportation of chair and cabinet wares.Note 62 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXXVIII., 293.Note 63 · Birkbeck, M., Notes, 70.Note 64 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXIV., 176.Note 65 · Ibid., XXXII., 35. In three months, 40,000 hogs were packed in Cincinnati. See also, Niles, Weekly Register, XL., 142.Note 66 · Hall, J., Notes, 270. Flint, T., History and Geography, Appendix, 211. From Cincinnati in 1831 the exports were over $1,000,000.Note 67 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXXVIII., 86-87. Ibid., XL., 52.Note 68 · Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 209.Note 69 · Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 410. Fearon, H. B., Journey, 231. Flint, J., Letters, Early W. Travels. Ix., 238. The Town suffered a Note 70 · Niles, Weekly Register, X., 16.Note 71 · Ibid., XXXII., 35.Note 72 · Ibid., XXXIX., 5.Note 73 · Tranchepain, Travels, 116.Note 74 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXXII., 89.Note 75 · Hall, J., Notes, 267.Note 76 · Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 250. Brown, S. R. Gazetteer, 104-105. Niles, Weekly Register, XXXVII., 181.Note 77 · Flint, History and Geography, I., 355.Note 78 · Ogden, G. W., Letters, Early W. Travels, XIX., 34.Note 79 · Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 209.Note 80 · Ogden, G. W., Letters, Early W. Travels, XIX., 34.Note 81 · Nuttall, T., Travels, Early W. Travels, XIII., 51.Note 82 · Tranchepain, Travels, 91.Note 83 · Niles, Weekly Register, XXXVI., 298. Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 431-432.Note 84 · Ogden, G. W., Letters, Early W. Travels, XIX., 34.Note 85 · Niles, Weekly Register, VIII., 452.Note 86 · Ibid., XXVIII., 82.Note 87 · Ibid., XII., 144.Note 88 · Ibid., XXXVIII., 339.Note 89 · Brown, S. R. Gazetteer, 90.Note 90 · Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 356-357.Note 91 · Ibid., I., 378.Note 92 · Ogden, G. W., Letters, Early W. Travels, XIX., 42.Note 93 · Flint, T., History and Geography, I., 414.Note 94 · Niles, Weekly Register, VI., 209.Note 95 · Ibid., XXXVI., 302.
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